파라볼라 안테나 부엽 왜곡 억제를 위한 부속 장치 위치 지정 방법

김승호,Kim, Seungho 한국인터넷방송통신학회 2018 한국인터넷방송통신학회 논문지 Vol.18 No.4

파라볼라 오프셋 안테나는 여러 통신 신호 송수신을 위하여 사용된다. 파라볼라 오프셋 안테나의 기본적인 구조는 급전혼을 지지하기 위한 지지대 및 RF 장치들이 파라볼라 안테나 하단에 위치한다. 하지만 지지대 및 RF 장치들로 인하여 안테나 이득 패턴 상에서 부엽이 증가하게 된다. 지지대 및 RF 장치와 같은 부속 장치의 위치에 따라서 부엽 왜곡이 일어나는 각도가 달라진다. 본 논문에서는 이를 광선 추적 기법을 이용하여, 이득 패턴 부엽 왜곡 증가하지 않는 회피 구역을 지정하는 방법을 소개한다. 광선 추적 기법을 이용해 회피구역에 대한 벡터를 생성하며, 생성한 벡터를 이용하여 3D로 이루어진 구역을 지정한다. 또한 회피 구역 내에 부속 장치가 존재할 때와 아니할 때를 시뮬레이션을 통하여 비교한다. 이러한 비교를 통하여 부엽에 대한 목표 각도를 설정한 뒤 목표 각도 이내의 부엽을 조절할 수 있는 방법을 소개한다. Parabolic offset antenna is widely used for wireless communication system. The general structure of parabolic offset antenna system is composed of supporting stand and RF devices under parabolic reflector. However sidelobe distortion in gain pattern is occurred by supporting stand and RF devices. Depending on position of subsidiary devices, angle of sidelobe distortion can be changed. In this paper we describe method for sidelobe distortion suppression using raytracing. We calculate 3D vector for sidelobe distortion suppression zone by raytracing method and compare when subsidiary device is in sidelobe distortion suppression zone or not. By comparison, we show method for parabolic antenna sidelobe distortion suppression.

아동기 학대 경험이 인지적 정서조절 능력 및 관련 뇌영역 기능에 미치는 영향

김승호,이상원,장용민,이승재,Kim, Seungho,Lee, Sang Won,Chang, Yongmin,Lee, Seung Jae 대한생물정신의학회 2022 생물정신의학 Vol.29 No.1

Objectives Maltreatment experiences can alter brain function related to emotion regulation, such as cognitive reappraisal. While dysregulation of emotion is an important risk factor to mental health problems in maltreated people, studies reported alterations in brain networks related to cognitive reappraisal are still lacking. Methods Twenty-seven healthy subjects were recruited in this study. The maltreatment experiences and positive reappraisal abilities were measured using the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire-Short Form and the Cognitive Emotion Regulation Questionnaire, respectively. Twelve subjects reported one or more moderate maltreatment experiences. Subjects were re-exposed to pictures after the cognitive reappraisal task using the International Affective Picture System during fMRI scan. Results The maltreatment group reported more negative feelings on negative pictures which tried cognitive reappraisal than the no-maltreatment group (p < 0.05). Activities in the right superior marginal gyrus and right middle temporal gyrus were higher in the maltreatment group (uncorrected p < 0.001, cluster size > 20). Conclusions We found that paradoxical activities in semantic networks were shown in the victims of maltreatment. Further study might be needed to clarify these aberrant functions in semantic networks related to maltreatment experiences.

산란체에 의한 오프셋 파라볼라 안테나 부엽 왜곡 분석

김승호,Kim, Seungho 한국인터넷방송통신학회 2018 한국인터넷방송통신학회 논문지 Vol.18 No.3

Offset parabolic antenna have been widely used for satellite communication system. To locate feedhorn on antenna system, it requires arbitrary structure which forces to fix on system. However, arbitrary scatterer increases sidelobe level of elevation axis. To solve this problem, we need to predict which angle level is increased by arbitrary scatterer simply. Because conventional simulation method takes a long time to simulate parabolic antenna system and needs exclusive software. In this paper we can calculate sidelobe angle simply by using raytracing method, check coincidence between calculated and simulated result and show how arbitrary scatterer affects sidelobe lavel of elevation axis of offset parabolic antenna depending on angle and location of arbitrary structure. 파라볼라 오프셋 안테나는 위성 신호 송수신을 위하여 널리 사용된다. 한편, 파라볼라 안테나를 급전하기 위해 혼 안테나를 파라볼라 안테나로부터 이격된 일정 위치에 고정하여야 한다. 하지만 혼 안테나를 고정하기 위한 구조물에 의해 파라볼라 안테나의 방사 패턴에서 부엽 이득이 왜곡되는 문제점이 있다. 따라서 파라볼라 안테나 설계 시 안테나 방사 패턴에서의 부엽 수준을 예측할 수 있어야한다. 기존 시뮬레이션 방법을 이용하면 장시간이 소요되거나 고가의 소프트웨어가 필요하다. 이를 간단하게 해결하기 위해서 광선 추적기법을 이용하여 파라볼라 오프셋 안테나 지오메트리 상에서 계산하여 고각 부엽 각도를 예측한다. 본 논문에서는 광선추적기법을 이용하여 부엽 각도를 계산하고, 계산된 부엽 각도와 시뮬레이션 결과를 비교하여, 예측 방법의 정합성을 보이며 임의의 산란체의 위치 및 각도에 따라 오프셋 파라볼라 안테나의 고각 패턴에 어떠한 영향을 주는지 확인한다.

유성(儒城) 서북부(西北部) 우산봉(雨傘峰) 일대(一帶)에 분포(分布)하는 화강암(花崗巖) 복합체(複合體)의 암석학적(岩石學的) 연구(硏究)

김승호,이대성,Kim, Seungho,Lee, Dai Sung 대한자원환경지질학회 1981 자원환경지질 Vol.14 No.3

Granitic complex in the Woosanbong area is composed of schistose granite, two-mica granite, biotite granite, porphyritic granite and pink feldspar granite in order of intrusion. In their boundary aspects, the gradational change between porphyritic granite and pink feldspar granite is observed in field relations. All the granites of the complex are classified to quartz monzonite by the modal compositions following Bateman's classification (1961) with the exception of pink feldspar granite which belongs to granite according to the petrographical classification. The first three granites are characterized by highly development of vein and/or lens-like pegmatites in their bodies, and two others contain green hornblende uniquely. These leucocratic two-mica granite shows an unusual character in ratio of muscovite to biotite 1: 0.7 to 1:13, and contains dominantly microcline. The content of muscovite varies in places in the field. Under the polarizing microscope it is revealed that the muscovite flakes occur as the products altered from biotite partly or completely, and it usually associates with chlorite flakes nearby. These features, therefore, suggests that biotite probably has been altered to muscovite and chlorite by hydration during deuteric processes. At the same stage, sericitization of plagioclase by the hydrolytic decomposition, and transformation of orthoclase to microcline may be taken place. Accordingly, it is obviously permissible to consider the two-mica granite as a kind of 'apo-granite' by deuteric alterations during the consolidation of magma.

송배전선로의 자동화 공법 기술방향 수립에 관한 연구

김승호(Kim Seungho),김창회(Kim Chang-Hoi),조재완(Cho Jai-Wan),김효진(Kim Hyo-Jin),김대식(Kim Dae-Sik),한상옥(Han Sang-Ok) 대한전기학회 2005 대한전기학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2005 No.7

민주노총의 총선 대응과 정치세력화

김승호(Kim Seungho) 참여연대 참여사회연구소 2012 시민과세계 Vol.- No.21

4-Leg 방식 PCS의 각상 개별제어 알고리즘에 관한 연구

김승호(Seungho Kim),김승종(Seungjong Kim),김찬혁(Chanhyeok Kim),강갑석(Gabsuk Kang),노대석(Daeseok Rho),안종보(Jongbo Ahn) 대한전기학회 2016 대한전기학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2016 No.11

‘일’의 개념에 비추어 본 평가의 한계

김승호 ( Seungho Kim ) 한국통합교육과정학회 2017 통합교육과정연구 Vol.11 No.4

본 연구의 목적은 ‘일’의 개념에 비추어 평가의 한계를 탐색하는 데 있다. 온전한 일에는 일의 성과와 결부된 외현적 측면 이외에도 내재적, 묵시적, 여가적, 교육적 측면이 들어있다. 그러나 평가는 본질상 이러한 일의 여러 측면들과 상충된다. 일의 내재적 측면에서 볼 때, 평가는 일의 외적 결과에 관심을 기울이게 만듦으로써 일의 자아형성의 측면을 방해한다. 일의 묵시적 측면에서 볼 때, 평가는 일에 대한 집중 또는 몰입을 파괴한다. 일의 여가적 측면에서 볼 때, 평가는 일의 과정에서 예상치 못하게 생길 수 있는 통찰의 희열이나 관조의 기쁨을 제대로 측정할 수 없다. 또한 일의 교육적 측면에서 볼 때, 평가는 일이 그 자체의 내재적 논리가 추진력이 되어 ‘전인’이라는 교육목적에 맞게 충실하게 이루어지고 있는지를 제대로 가늠할 수 없다. 특히, 인위적인 평가는 온전한 일의 가장 두드러진 특징인 일의 과정의 ‘자연스러움’을 파괴한다. 평가가 일의 여러 측면들을 저해하는 것은 평가 방법의 문제라기보다는 평가의 본질적인 한계 때문이다. The purpose of this study is to explore the limitations of the assessment in light of the concept of ‘work’. First of all, this study has redefined the concept of work to achieve these objectives. In addition to the overt aspects of the work, the whole thing of work has interior, implicit, leisure, and educational aspects. However, assessment is in conflict with many aspects of work. From the intrinsic aspect of the work, the assessment interferes with formation of the self by making people interest in the outside result of the work. From the implicit aspect of f the work, the assessment destroys the concentration or immersion of work. From the leisure aspect of the work, the assessment can not measure the joy of contemplation or enjoyment of insight that may arise in the course of a work. Also, in the educational aspect of the work, the assessment can not adequately determine whether the intrinsic logic of the work is being faithfully executed for the purpose of ‘the whole man education'. In particular, artificial assessment destroys the ‘natural’ aspect of what is arguably the most outstanding feature of the whole thing of the work. The assessment of various aspects of the work is due to the inherent limitation of assessment rather than the assessment methods.

노동조합과 정당

김승호 ( Kim Seungho ) 한국노동사회연구소 2011 한국노동사회연구소 연구보고서 Vol.2011 No.3

Ch 1. Introduction Based on the theoretical analysis and case reviews in other countries, this study aims to investigate the relationship between union and political parties in Korea. After analyzing the experiences and cases of other countries, this study focuses on the cases of the Korea Confederation of Trade Unions(hereafter the KCTU) and its relationship with political parties. Then, further, the cases of the KCTU will be discussed with the result of the quantitative survey will be presented. Ch 2. Theory on the Union-party relationship Ch 3. Examples of the national union-party relationship Ch 4. union-party relationship in Korea The KCTU initiated the foundation of the Democratic Labor Party in Korea and decided the exclusive supporting policy toward the Democratic Labor Party. The foundation of the Democratic Labor Party was possible since there was coalition among various ideologically and politically divided factions within the KCTU. Therefore, the Democratic Labor Party was seemed not only as class party but as faction coalition party. The Democratic Labor Party succeeded in winning 10 seats at the National Congress in 2004, however, due to the failure of presidential election, the Democratic Labor Party had to undergo inter-conflicts, which led to the split into the Democratic Labor Party and the New Progressive Party. Even though it has been known that the surface reason for the split was due to the different views in evaluating the results of the election, in effects, there was the resistance was rising against a faction in power. The split within the Democratic Labor Party brought about controversial issues on the KCTU policy of exclusive supports toward the Democratic Labor Party. Each different faction followed their own political party in line with their political lines. Although the KCTU maintained the exclusive support policy, each different affiliates supported different parties following their own ideology and political lines, which decreased the influential power of the KCTU and resulted in inconsistent political measures by the KCTU. Ch 5. Survey on the attitude of Rank-and-file to the party Total respondents are 274 from 5 sectors. The largest portion of respondents is service sector which accounts for 35%. Manufacturing sector accounts for 25.5%. Public sector is 19%. Financial sector is 12.4% and transportation sector is 8%. Those who have been union member less than three years are 42.7%, less than 10 years are 33.9% and from 4 to 9 years are 23.4%. The largest portion of the respondent has been union member over than 10 years, which account for 33.9%. Majority of gender is male, 55.5% and female is 44.5%. Age distribution was that those in 40s are 44.5%, which is the largest group. Those in early 30s are 22.6% and in late 30s are 22.3%. Those in 20s are 17.5%. Those holding political party membership are 15%. Those with party identification is 38.3%. Survey results showed that union members support political parties based on their own interests, but those union officials and activists support political parties according to their ideology. Regarding the political activities of the KCTU, similar result has been shown between those answering that the KCTU should maintain its position supporting the Democratic Labor Party and that new political measures should be pursued for building relations with pro-labor party. Majority answered to drop exclusive supporting policy, considering the split within the Democratic Labor Party. 24.5% answered that the New Progressive party should make efforts in extending the bases in regions and civil society to win larger number of seats at the National Congress. 21.2% answered that the New Progressive Party should take realistic possible political measures by overcoming the gap between reality and ideals. 12% answered that factionalism within the party should be subleted and democracy should be strengthened. Political activities should not be limited within the KCTU and labor centered political activities should be valued. Ch 6. Summary and prospect The theories discussing the relationship between union and political parties are mostly focused on either political exchange or solidarity supports in accordance with ideological similarities. Utility maximization model and political exchange model explain the maximization of interest relations between union and political party. On the other hand, solidarity and supporting model focused not on the rational exchange but on the shared ideological results leading to the solidarity and supports toward political parties by unions. Different from utility maximization model and political exchange model, solidarity and supporting model effectively explains the sustaining relationships between labor union and political parties even if there are changes in economic circumstances and utility calculation. Those views that the changes in economic structure and the class formation lead to the relational changes between labor union and political party could be classified in the political exchange model in larger extent. Furthermore, the efforts in divorcing from labor centered political party and transforming to inclusive political parties under the situation of increasing varieties of interest relationship within the party could be viewed as the rational exchange relationship. In this regard, the relationship between labor union, the KCTU and progressive party can be viewed as relationship built based on shared ideologies rather than political exchange relationship. It is due to the fact that there is not enough practical benefits expected from minority parties although maximization of interest relationship in accordance with political exchange based relationship should be reconsidered in the long-term. Expecially, within the ideological spectrum of progressive policies and union movements the tendency gets stronger for the leftists. After the split within the Democratic Labor Party, New Progressive Party took the same path. Further, the similar tendency was observed among those party defectors from New Progressive Party in the course of the integration between the Democratic Labor Party and the Public Participant Party. At the same time, this tendencies appear among few union officials and activists. However, majority of union members have another different features, which is that they tend to support political parties in accordance with their social interests. It supports the arguments that political empowerment activities should not be limited among few union activists. It should enlarge the political opportunity for majority of union members who can be subject to stand at the center of political empowerment. The current status of the Democratic Labor Party was mirrored union members opinion of that different from the political empowerment of the labor, the factional activists indifferent in the interests of union members caused political splits. On 7th Dec. 2010 the representatives from each party gathered together to discuss the building of broad alliance of progressive movements. They finally agreed to establish new progressive party for integrating progressive political forces. Also, they agreed to organize joint convention to attract people who share the common goal to establish new progressive party. On 31st May, the final agreement has been announced at the 6th joint convention to build new progressive party. On the 19th June, the national congress of the Democratic Labor party approved the building of the new progressive party. However, on the 26th June the national congress of the New Progressive party did not make a decision whether it would join the movements to build new progressive party. Yet, the central committee of the Popular Participation party approved to establish committee to participate in building new progressive party. While discussing the consolidation between the Democratic Labor Party and the New Progressive Party, the participation by the Popular Participation Party has been the outstanding issue. The Democratic Labor Party has the position to allow the Popular Participation Party to join the process to build new progressive party. On the other hand, the New Progressive party insisted that the establishment of the new progressive party is the priority issue. After then, the Democratic Labor Party and the New Progressive Party further discussed the issues of the participation by the Popular Participation Party. The final agreement has been reached. Tentatively, they agreed to hold a new party's inauguration ceremony on the 25 Sep. with the participation by individuals and group of people who are interested in join the new party. The national congress of the Democratic Labor Party decided to establish the new progressive party with unanimous approval. However, at the national congress of the New Progressive Party could not adopted the agenda to participate in the building of new progressive party. The quorum was 66.7% but only 54% voted for the agenda. On the 8th Sep. suggesting consolidation alliance for the building of new progress party, the representatives of the New Progressive Party, Rho Heo Chan, Sim Sang Jung, and Cho Seong Soo, broke away from the party. However, the congress of the Democratic Labor Party did not adopted the agenda to allow the Popular Participation Party to join the movement to build the new progressive party. The quorum was 66.8% but only 510(64.8%) voted for the agenda. There is an acute conflicts on the issues of allowing the Popular Participation Party to join the movement to build the new progressive party. Even though it was not an easy decision to make, finally new consolidated progressive party was established with the participation by the Democratic Labor Party, the Popular Participation Party and those breaking away from the New Progressive Party. Further the Korea Confederation of Trade Union started discussing whether they would support the new party. However, the issue is expected to the most contentious issue within the KCTU. The case in Korea can be observed those experiences and cases in Japan, South Africa, and Canada. The characteristics of Japanese labor unions which weight too much on economic business unionism based on enterprise level union structure with low density and union disunity are entirely reflected in the cases in Korean labor movements. Further, recently, Korean labor union lost its major status as a leading force within social movements due to factional based division and increasing business unionism, which caused the selective supports even though the KCTU has exclusive support policy toward the Democratic Labor Party. Also, regional characteristics such as labor density level and capacity affect the decision of coalition and disunity. In the worst cases, they are considered as non-significant political forces. The general political circumstances around the KCTU and progressive parties are resulted by the low representative power of the KCTU with the low density rate, less than 10%, the increasing disparity between regular and non-regular workers, which brings about skepticism on the labor empowerment led by the KCTU.

생체표면 위 액적유동의 가시화 및 역학적 해석

김승호(Seungho Kim) 대한기계학회 2023 대한기계학회 춘추학술대회 Vol.2023 No.5