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간찰을 통해 본 扶安金氏家의 교유관계 : 陶菴 李?가 醉醒堂 金守宗에게 보낸 親筆 簡札을 중심으로
김상환(Kim Sang-hwan) 한국학중앙연구원 2004 장서각 Vol.- No.12
Ganchal (簡札, handwritten letters) was one of the most widely used forms of written communication by which the men of old could exchange information among themselves. The form and substance of ganchal differed according to the relationship between the sender and the recipient. Studies on ganchal are stagnant because ganchal is not only hard to understand but illegible in most cases due to the difficulty in understanding the writing style in cursive (草書) or semi-cursive (行書) script. This paper analyzes the contents and the characteristics on ganchal which was sent by Lee Jae (李縡, 1680~1746, pen name of Doam 陶菴) to Kim Soo-Jong (金守宗, 1671~1736, pen name of Chwiseongdang 醉醒堂) and has been handed down within the Buan Kim family since then. this study shows the aspects of their companionship. Lee Jae is from Woobong Lee clan (牛峯李氏) and Kim Soo-Jong is from Buan Kim clan (扶安金氏). They were closely related to each other because the two families were connected through marriage in that the mother of Kim Soo-Jong was a daughter of Lee Man-Hee (李晩熙) from the Woobong Lee clan. Of the 50 ganchal sent to Kim Soo-Jong by Lee Jae, 19 included in the book entitled Gancheop (間帖, Collection of Ganchal) and 31 in Doam sudok (陶菴手牘, Handwritten Letters by Doam) have been handed down to date. These 50 ganchal were not included in the Doamjip (陶菴集, Collection of Doam's Works) at all, and Kim Soo-Jong's works were not published in the form of a book in his life time, much less posthumously. However, the ganchal with which literary men like Lee Jae and the family of Kim Soo-Jong corresponded are very valuable materials to Buan Kim clan, resulting in the publication of collected works. Gandok (簡牘, Printed Version of Ganchal from Doam and Other Scholars) is one book divided into three chapters with 116 ganchal sent by 44 people. The third chapter includes 28 ganchal sent by Lee Jae sent to Kim Soo-Jong. Lee Jae, a scholar in the late Joseon dynasty period (朝鮮), was an outstanding scholar in calligraphy. The characteristics of the 50 ganchal which he sent to Kim Soo-Jong are as below: First, ganchal written by his own hand with which he corresponded with Kim Soo-Jong for 41 years from 1701 to 1742. Second, Lee Jae lived in Seoul, Injae (麟蹄) in Gangwon Province, and then Hwajeon (花田) in Goyang, etc, and Kim Soo-Jong lived in Wooban-dong in Buan. Third, ganchal was not sent or received from Doam when Kim Soo-Jong was involved in the Musin Rebellion (戊申亂) of 1728 and suffered hardships. This seems to be due to his attempt to avoid any suspicion of being linked to the rebellion. Fourth, the content of the ganchal varied, ranging from asking after the welfare of the recipient as well as the daily activities in purchasing and management of the farm. Due to the fact that the Woobong Lee clan and the Buan Kim clan were related by marriage, not only Lee Jae but four generations from his grandfather, Lee Suk (李?, 1626~1688), and his father's older brother, Lee Man-Sung (李晩成, 1659~1722), to his son, Lee Jae-Won (李濟遠), and a niece of collateral family corresponded with each other. The contents of ganchal are various as follows ① asking after the welfare; ② sending of condolences; ③ sending of gifts or expressing gratitude for gift and warm friendship; ④ introducing his friend who was being exiled and asking for adequate arrangements for him; ⑤ sending of congratulations and admonitions; ⑥ entrusting of household affairs; ⑦ writer's recent state of affairs. The contents of ganchal, however, did not contain scholarly attainments, moral cultivation, opinions on the current state of politics. Through ganchal, the scholars of old kept in touch with each other by exchanging news of neighboring families, relatives, friends, and the government. If we analyze ganchal in conjunction with other documentary records, ganchal can become a valuable foundation for understanding matters that cannot be clearly understood through other material
김상환(Kim, Sang-Hwan) 부산경남사학회 2014 역사와 경계 Vol.91 No.-
본 논문은 3.1운동 이후 통영청년단을 비롯한 청년운동의 발전과정을 살펴보고, 그 과정에서 나타난 ‘김기정 징토운동’이 통영지역에서 항일운동으로까지 전화되어가는 과정을 검토해보았다. 1919년 7월 창립된 통영청년단은 지역사회운동과 항일운동의 중심이었다. 통영청년단의 멤버들은 다수의 다른 청년단체에 복수의 멤버십으로 가담하기도 했으며, 시대의 조류와 중앙의 청년단체들의 변화에 부응하면서 발전해 갔다. 즉 1925년에는 통영지역에도 ‘정의단’, ‘거화동맹’, ‘안우회’, ‘사과실탄티’ 같은 사상단체도 만들어 지고, 청년조직들도 청년동맹으로 변화되어 가기도 했던 것이다. 김기정 사건에서도 이들은 함께 ‘민정회’를 출범시켜 한시적인 임무수행을 위해 ‘특별위원회’의 위상을 부여하였다. 각 청년조직들이 이렇게 별도의 조직을 만들어가면서 개별단체들이 한계를 극복해 나갔다. 김기정 징토운동은 경상남도 도 평의회에서의 김기정의 발언이 단초가 되었고, 통영 사상단체의 효시인 ‘정의단’에서 활동한 김원석의 징토문 살포로 촉발되었다. 게다가 경찰 출신자들의 모임이자 친일 단체인 ‘삼구회’라는 친일조직에 대한 통영민들의 반감으로 항일의식은 더욱 고취되었다. 김원석의 전격구속에 이은 3월 25일의 보고대회가 진행되어 김기정에 대한 징토운동운동이 확산되어가는 시점에 김기정이 관선 도 평의원으로 재임 된다든지, 5월 9일 앞의 보고대회 집행위원 11인을 추가 구속함으로써 사건은 증폭되었다. 3월 15일부터 시작된 이 운동은 동년 5월 15일까지 두 차례에 걸쳐 도합 33인이 구속되고 김기정이 공직에서 사퇴함으로 마무리 되었다. 이 운동을 주도한 것은 ‘통영청년단’을 비롯한 지역의 청년조직이었다. 이 운동이 두 달 동안 지속되어 목적을 달성할 수 있었던 것은 전적으로 통영지역민의 일치단결된 항일의식과 민족반역자에 대한 분노였다. 통영지역의 김기정 징토운동은 지역을 넘어 전국으로, 해외로까지 알려져 일제의 식민지 지배정책 가운데 내선일체에 대한 허구를 공격하고, 부일협력자에 대한 경종을 울려주었다. This thesis examines Tongyeong Youth Union as well as the youth’s movement after the 3·1 Independence Movement. Also, the thesis has identified the process in which the ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ has evolved into an anti-Japanese movement. The Tongyeong Youth Union which was established in July 1919, was the center of the regional society movement and the anti-Japanese movement. The members of Tongyeong Youth Union participated simultaneously in other numerous youth associations and continued developing after adapting to and fulfilling the changes which the central youth organizations underwent with the tides of the times. In other words, an organization advocating a particular system of ideology emerged in Tongyeong 1925, such as ‘Jeongeuidan’, ‘Geohwa-alliance’, ‘Ahnwoohwae’, ‘Sagwasiltanti’ and other organizations. Moreover, youth organizations transformed into youth alliances. Also in the ‘Ki-jeong Kim Incident’, the youths established the ‘Minjeonghwae’ and for carrying out temporary duties, they also appointed the status of special commission. Each and every youth organization established these separate organizations, which supported independent organizations to overcome limits. The ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ was triggered by Won-seok Kim (an individual who had participated in the ‘Jeongeuidan (the first ideology organization in Tongyeong))’s Punish-Movement and also by Ki-jeong Kim’s remark during the Gyeongsangnam-do provincial council. Furthermore, the pro-Japanese organization ‘Samgoohwae’, consisting of personnel with backgrounds as policemen and in pro-Japanese organization, had forced the people of Tongyeong to foster a sense of rebellion towards the Japanese during this organization’s development. Following the imprisonment of Won-seok Kim, a briefing conference had been held on the 25th of March when ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ was expanding. This period marked a point when Ki-jeong Kim was to be repositioned for office by the government as a provincial councillor, and marked the amplification of the incidence when 11 more member of the executive committee (briefing conference) were imprisoned on the 9th of May. This movement, which started on the 15th of March, resulted in 33 total individuals being imprisoned until the 15th of May and ended with Ki-jeong Kim’s resignation from public office. Those who led this movement were nonetheless, the Tongyeong Youth Union and the region’s youth organizations. The reasons as to how this movement continued for two months were down to the unanimity of Tongyeong residents’ anti-Japanese sentiment and the rage felt towards traitors. The ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ of the Tongyeong region spread across the nation to overseas, which attached the fabrication of the ‘Naeseon Ilche (‘Korea and Japan are One’ policy) which was part of Japan’s policy of domination. Lastly, it sounded the alarm for those who acted for the Japanese domination over Korea; traitors.
김상환(Sangwhan Kim) 한국경제연구학회 2013 한국경제연구 Vol.31 No.3
군집행태(herding behavior)는 금융자산의 시장가격을 펀더멘탈한 가치에서 벗어나게 하기 때문에 장기적으로 시장불안정을 유발하는 원인으로 지적되고 있다. 게다가 전통적인 재무이론과 행태재무이론 간의 투자자 행동에 대한 학술적 논쟁에도 군집행태는 중요한 의미를 갖는다. 이러한 중요성에도 불구하고 우리나라 시장에 대한 기존의 실증연구는 펀드매니저의 군집성향에만 초점을 두어 왔다. 본 연구는 Chang, Cheng, and Khorna(2000)의 군집행태식을 이용한 군집행태 검증을 처음으로 시도하였고 분위수회귀모형을 이용하여 분포의 다양한 영역에서의 군집행태 발생 여부를 검토하였다. 검증결과를 요약하면 대형주에서는 군집행태가 유의적으로 나타나지 않았으나 중형주와 소형주에서 매우 강한 군집행태가 나타남을 확인하였다. 시장 상승기와 하락기의 군집행태를 분석한 결과에서는 시장이 상승할 때에는 유의적인 군집행태가 발견되지 않았으나 시장이 하락할 때에는 매우 유의적인 군집행태가 나타났다. 이는 시장이 급락할 때 나타나는 투자자의 공포심이 군집행태를 유발하는 주요 원인임을 시사하며, 투자자 심리를 강조하는 형태재무이론을 지지하는 증거로 볼 수 있다. 분위수회귀모형으로 추정한 결과를 보면, 대형주는 모든 분위수에서 군집행태 계수추정치가 유의적이지 않았던 반면 중형주와 소형주에서는 왼쪽 꼬리부분과 오른쪽 꼬리부분에서 군집행태가 강하게 나타났다. 특히, 중형주시장에서는 10% 이하의 낮은 분위수에서 강한 군집형태가 발견되었고, 소형주에서는 50% 이상의 모든 분위수에서 군집형태가 강하게 나타났다. Herding behavior is known to cause the instability of stock markets by deviating the market prices far from the fundamental prices corresponding to the rational asset price models. So the existence of herding behavior is the important policy issue for the financial market stability. The herding behavior is also an academic issue since it can provide the evidence on the investors. Trading behavior which is at the center of controversial debates between the traditional finance advocating investors. rationality and the behavioral finance. Despite the policy implications and the academic significance of the herding behavior, the in-depth empirical examination on its existence in the Korean market has not been sufficient. This paper applied the testing procedure of Chang, Cheng and Khorna(2000) on the Korean market from 2000 to 2010. In addition, it tested the existence of herding behavior in the various quantiles of return dispersion distribution by quantile regression. Based on testing the herding behavior by finn size, herding behavior is not significant in the large-cap stocks, but we found the strong evidence of its existence in the middle-cap and small-cap stocks. Testing results during different market conditions indicate that herding is present in down markets. However, we are unable to find significant evidence of herding when the market is up. This result implies that the panic psychology during the market crash is the major reason of herding behavior. By applying quantile regression analysis to estimate the herding equation, we find strong evidence of herding behavior conditional on the dispersions of returns in the lower and upper quantile region.
김상환(Kim, Sang-Hwan) 서울대학교 철학사상연구소 2010 철학사상 Vol.36 No.-
헤겔의 『정신현상학』에서 ?자기의식?장(4장)에 등장하는 노예와 불행한 의식은 이후에 태어나는 모든 형태의 자기의식에 대하여 발생적 원형이자 역사적 뿌리에 해당한다. 특히 정신적 실재(공동체 정신)를 예감하는 자기의식이라는 점에서 불행한 의식은 ?이성?장(5장)에 등장하는 성실한 의식뿐만 아니라 ?정신?장(6장)에 등장하는 아름다운 영혼과도 어떤 반복관계에 있다. 이 세 주체가 서로 다른 시대를 사는 동일한 영혼이라는 전제에서 출발하여 불행한 의식의 변증법을 현대적인 감각에서 다시 읽는 것이 이 논문의 목표이다. 성실한 의식과 아름다운 영혼은 근대 인문주의자(낭만주의시대의 지식인)를 구현하는 위치에 있으므로, 불행한 의식을 인문적 주체의 원시 형태로 간주할 수 있는 가능성을 찾고, 그런 가능성 안에서 인문적 주체의 본질적인 역설을 설명하는 데 이런 재해석의 주안점이 놓일 것이다. 인문적 주체의 역설은 철저히 개인주의적이고 비-사회적인 가운데 이상적인 사회의 이념을 잉태하고, 최고 선을 의지하면서 최고 악을 범하며, 도착적 공격성의 주체이면서 건강한 공동체 정신의 수호자라는 데 있다. Reading Hegel’s Phenomenology of the Spirit, repetition or the existence of a parallelism can be found between three figures of the subject: Unhappy Consciousness who appears in Chapter IV; Honest Consciousness who is described in Chapter V; and Beautiful Soul who is exposed in Chapter VI. Parallel with one another in their common role of calling Spirit into existence, they are the same subject but live in three different ages. Under this presupposition, I will reread the dialectic of Unhappy Consciousness in a retrospective manner starting from the dialectics of Honest Consciousness and Beautiful Soul, dialectics which reflect the world of the intellectuals before and after German Romanticism. In this reading of Hegelian text, I will try to justify the possibility of regarding Unhappy Consciousness as a primitive type of modern humanistic subject, and to explain in this possibility certain paradoxes that are proper to humanistic thinking: as an extremely egoistic and non-social being, this arrives at inventing the idea of perfect society; intending the highest good, it falls into evil ways; suffering a symptom of perverse aggression, it becomes a guardian of a healthy communal spirit.
김상환(Sang Whan Kim) 한국증권학회 2009 한국증권학회지 Vol.38 No.3
Fama-French 3요인 모형이 대부분의 주식시장에서 예상수익률의 횡단면변화를 적절하게 설명할 수 있는 것으로 밝혀지자 시장위험과 HML, SML 등 위험요인에 대한 베타값들이 주식수익률을 결정하는 것으로 해석되었다. 그러나 Daniel and Titman(1997)은 Fama-French 모형의 우수한 설명력은 단순히 기업들의 공통적인 특성이 주식수익률에 반영된 결과라며 위험요인에 근거한 기존의 해석을 반박하며, Fama and French(1993)의 요인모형에 대립되는 자산가격결정모형으로 특성모형(characteristics model)을 제안하였다. 본 연구는 우리나라 주식수익률이 위험요인에 의해 결정되는지 아니면 특성에 의해 결정되는가를 검증하였다. 기업규모와 장부가-시가비율 등 기업특성을 기준으로 분류한 포트폴리오를 다시 위험요인에 대한 민감도(loading)를 기준으로 세분하는 방법으로 검증포트폴리오를 구성한 다음 검증포트폴리오의 평균수익률을 비교한 결과에 의하면 기업특성을 통제한 이후에는 위험요인에 대한 민감도가 평균수익률에 유의적인 영향을 미치지 못하는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 기업특성을 통제하고 위험요인에 민감하도록 구성된 특성제거포트폴리오(characteristic-based portfolio)를 이용한 검증결과에서도 주식수익률이 체계적 위험에 대한 보상으로 결정되는 전통적인 균형가격결정모형은 기각되고 기업의 특성이 직접적으로 주식수익률을 결정하는 특성모형은 기각하지 못하는 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 검증결과는 투자자들이 항상 합리적으로 행동한다는 기존의 투자이론을 부정하고 행태재무이론(behavioral finance)을 실증적으로 뒷받침하고 있다. Fama and French (1992) found the fact that size and book-to-market equity combine to capture the cross-sectional variation in average stock returns. Fama and French (1993) view the world as rational, and that the existence of size and book-to-market (or value) premiums is due to some distress factors. In other words, the return premia associated with firm characteristics are compensation for risk. Contrarily, Daniel and Titman (1997) argue in favor of a characteristics-based model in which the premium to value stocks and small stocks is due to something captured by firm characteristics not the loadings to risk factors. They suggest that Fama-French model appears to explain average returns only because the factor loadings are correlated with firms` characteristics (size and B/M). The objective of this paper is to provide further evidence on the risk vs. characteristics debate by examining Korean stock returns in the 1988 to 2007 period. In the first test, we formed zero cost portfolios that are characteristic-balanced but are sensitive to the risk factor. The first formal test cannot reject the characteristic model. Another testing procedure using intercept estimates from the Fama-French regression of characteristic-balanced portfolios, however, rejects the factor model. The main implications of this paper are as follows. First, researchers should be cautious in applying the Fama-French model as a risk benchmark. Second, when evaluating portfolio performance, controlling for risk by matching sample firms with control firms of similar book-to-market and size is likely to be more appropriate than using abnormal return measured from the Fama-French model.
박상환(Sanghwan Park),편종권(Jongkweon Pyun),김형준(Hyeongjun Kim),황수환(Suhwan Hwang),이미현(Mihyun Lee),김동기(Donggi Kim),김정찬(Jeongchan Kim) 한국자동차공학회 2010 한국자동차공학회 학술대회 및 전시회 Vol.2010 No.11
Integration of functions currently being applied to develop and integrate the controller is analyzed by the synergy. And the process of developing integrated control over the results obtained from the designers of future vehicle to suggest approaches to controller design is aimed.
金尙煥(Sangwhan Kim) 한국경제연구학회 2009 한국경제연구 Vol.26 No.-
본 연구는 Frankel and Wei(1994)의 환율회귀모형에 구조변화(structural change) 검증방법을 적용하여 사실상의(de facto) 환율제도가 시간에 따라 어떠한 변화를 보이는가를 분석하였다. 한국과 태국 등 동아시아 5개국의 환율제도를 분석한 결과, 경직적인 환율제도가 운용되던 아시아 금융위기 이전기간이나 변동환율제도로 전환한 위기 이후기간 모두 각국 정부는 공식적인(de jure) 환율제도에 구애받지 않고 대내외 경제여건에 따라 신축적으로 사실상의 환율제도를 운용하여 왔던 것으로 분석되었다. 특히, 위기 이후의 구조변화패턴을 보면, 분석대상 국가 모두에서 엔화의 비중이 뚜렷하게 높아지는 모습을 보였으나 2006년 이후 국제 금융시장이 불안해지면서 다시 달러화에 대한 고정화 정도가 강해지는 양상을 보이고 있다. 따라서 위기 이후 동아시아 지역에서 엔화의 영향력이 강화되었던 것은 사실이지만 국제금융시장이 안정된 상황에 국한된 현상으로 이해하여야 할 것이다. Since Frankel and Wei(1994) first applied the exchange rate regression model to test de facto exchange rate regime vs. de jure regime, many economists followed them to test whether the de jure exchange rate regime is actually operational in the diverse currency markets. However, most empirical works implicitly assumed no structural breaks in the exchange rate regimes. This paper analysed exchange rate regime changes over time in East Asian countries by applying testing procedures for structural changes. Empirical results confirmed the suspicion that most East Asian governments intervened in their currency market in response to external and domestic shocks regardless of their proclaimed exchange rate regime. After the Asian financial crisis in 1997, Japanese Yen exerted stronger effects on Asian currency values. But as the international financial market became turbulent, US dollar once again emerged as the anchor currency.