양돈 농가의 안전사고 발생현황 및 안전보건 관리수준

김경란,김인수,김효철,이경숙,채혜선,Kim, Kyung-Ran,Kim, Insoo,Kim, Hyo-Cher,Lee, Kyung-Suk,Chae, Hye-Seon 한국환경보건학회 2014 한국환경보건학회지 Vol.40 No.5

Objectives: The purpose of this study was to seek measures for improvement and management of farm work safety and health by conducting questionnaire surveys and on-site investigations to ascertain the present state of occurrence of safety accidents and safety and health management levels among swine farmers. In particular, the purpose of this study is to provide basic data for the establishment of measures for the management of safety and health suitable to the characteristics of related working environments. Methods: Questionnaire surveys were conducted among 223 farmers engaged in swine farming in 14 regions, and 10 farms were visited in order to implement multilateral methods, including in-depth interviews, along with field surveys. Results: The surveys indicated that 26.2% of all respondents experienced farm-work related safety accidents and body-reaction related accidents showed a high ratio at 31.1% of all respondents. With regard to cause materials of safety accidents, work other than that directly related to swine raising showed high ratios of safety accidents, with pigsty facility related accidents at 26.6%. Although most workers recognized the dangers latent in the working environments, their behavior and responses to the prevention of safety accidents were still insufficient due to a lack of understanding of safety and health management. In the survey on the present state of personal hygiene and wearing of protective equipment, workers were found to have been exposed to dangerous and harmful environments both inside and outside pigsties, but the actual states of their wearing protective safety equipment were very poor. Conclusion: Given the results of this study, swine farmers well recognize problems in their control of safety accidents and management of safety and health, but their knowledge about safety and health education and management guidelines was insufficient. Therefore, safety and health education, public relations, and customized personal protective equipment suitable for swine raising work should be developed in order to address the foregoing problem.

경한 임상 경과를 보인 신생아 시기의 프로피온산혈증 1례

김경란,김진섭,허림,박형두,조성윤,진동규,Kim, Kyung-Ran,Kim, Jinsup,Huh, Rim,Park, Hyung-Doo,Cho, Sung Yoon,Jin, Dong-Kyu 대한유전성대사질환학회 2016 대한유전성대사질환학회지 Vol.16 No.1

프로피온산혈증은 상염색체 열성유전에 의해 발생하는 질환으로, 혈중에 암모니아, 독성 물질 등이 축적되어 경한 증상에서부터 사망에까지 이르는 질환이다. 유병률은 50,000-100,000명당 1명이다. PCCA 또는 PCCB 유전자의 돌연변이로 발생하며, 이것을 규명하는 것이 가장 확실한 진단 방법이다. 두 유형에 따른 임상경과 차이는 뚜렷하게 밝혀져 있지 않다. 발병 시기에 따라 신생아기형과 후기형으로 나눌 수 있다. 증상 발현의 원인은 이화작용을 강화시키는 감염, 스트레스, 변비, 단백질의 과도한 섭취 등이며, 운동실조, 이상행동, 식욕부진, 주기적 구토, 성장장애, 신경발달이상 등의 광범위한 임상 경과를 보인다. 정확한 진단과 조속한 초기 치료가 환자의 생존율 및 신경 발달 장애 여부에 중요한 요소이다. 본 증례는 고암모니아혈증 및 대사산증이 심하지 않았으나 조기에 대사성 질환을 염두에 두고 PCCA와 PCCB 유전자의 돌연변이를 분석하여 프로피온산혈증을 진단하고 적극적인 금식 및 수액 치료와 진단을 통해 신체 발달 및 운동 및 치명적인 신경학적 장애 없이 성장한 고무적인 사례로 이를 보고하는 바이다. Propionic acidemia (PA) is an autosomal recessively inherited disorder of the organic acid metabolism. It is caused by a deficiency of propionyl-CoA carboxylase (PCC). PCC is a heteropolymeric enzyme composed of ${\alpha}$- and ${\beta}$-subunits. The clinical symptoms of PA are heterogeneous and present vomiting, dehydration, hypotonia, and lethargy, and it can result in death. The typical presentations of neonatal onset PA are life-threatening metabolic acidosis and hyperammonemia. Here, we described a case of neonatal onset PA with mild clinical presentations. She was born to a healthy mother without complications. No significant illness was observed until nine days after birth. She started exhibiting poor oral feeding, vomiting, lethargy, and hypotonia at ten days old. Her laboratory results showed mild hyperammonemia and acidosis. The initial diagnosis was neonatal sepsis and she was treated with antibiotics. However, her clinical symptoms didn't improve. So we considered a metabolic disease. She was given nothing by mouth and intravenous hydration and nutrition support was performed. Propionylglycine and 3-hydroxypropionic acid were showed high concentrations in urine by gas chromatograph mass spectrometry (GC-MS). C3 level of acylcarnitine analysis elevated 10.4 uM/L (range, 0.200-5.00) in plasma. We took gene analysis for PA to be based on the symptoms and laboratory results. We detected PCCB gene mutation and diagnosed PA. She survived without severe neurologic defects and complications and was hospitalized only three times with upper respiratory tract infections for 7 years. We report a case of a ten days old neonate with PA presenting without severe metabolic acidosis and hyperammonemia who was effectively treated with early aggressive care and conventional methods.

댄스스포츠 참가에 따른 부부갈등해소와 결혼만족과의 관계

이경일(Kyung Il Lee),정명수(Myung Soo Jung),김경란(Kyung Ran Kim) 한국사회체육학회 2001 한국사회체육학회지 Vol.16 No.-

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between house wife`s participation on dance sports, marital conflict resolution, and marriage satisfaction. Specifically, it aims to examine: The influence of the dance sports involvement on marital conflict resolution, and marriage satisfaction. The subjects of this study was selected by cluster random sampling of involvement(participation 561, non-participation 177) in dance program facility of Seoul, Kyung-ki, Daejun, and Kwang-ju. The questionnaire for the marital conflict resolution had been developed by Hyun(1994). And also the marriage satisfaction had been developed by Kwon & Chei(1998) The statistical methods such as factor analysis and multiple regression analysis. Marital conflict resolution of dance sport participant house wife are partially influence marriage satisfaction. Among marital conflict resolution of sub-factor, higher dissatisfaction, attack behavior, sex trouble, common time conflict is higher of control and evasion lower of adjustment.

댄스스포츠 참여가 의사소통 , 갈등해소 및 결혼만족에 미치는 영향

정명수(Myung Soo Jung),이경일(Kyung Il Lee),김경란(Kyung Ran Kim) 한국사회체육학회 2001 한국사회체육학회지 Vol.16 No.-

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between house wife`s participation on dance sports, marital communication, marital conflict resolution, and marriage satisfaction. Specifically, it aims to examine: The difference of marital communication, marital conflict resolution, and marriage satisfaction by characteristics of dance sports participation-non participation. The subjects of this study was selected by cluster random sampling of involvement(participation 561, non-participation 177) in dance program facility of Seoul, Kyung-ki, Daejun, and Kwang-ju. The survey questionnaires were used to collect the data The questionnaire for the formalization factor marital communication, had been developed by Lee(1991). The questionnaire for the marital conflict resolution had been developed by Hyun(1994). And also the marriage satisfaction had been developed by Kwon & Chei(199h). The statistical methods such as factor analysis, ANCOVA, multiple classification analysis. Path analysis were used to analyze the collected data From the analyses of the data, the study reached the following conclusions: Marital communication, marital conflict Resolution, and marriage satisfaction are partially different by dance sport participation-non participation. That is, dance sports participant is higher reason attitude, conciliatory attitude among sub-factor of marital communication, dance sports participant is higher compromise among sub-factor of marital conflict resolution, but marriage satisfaction is not different.

조선후기 改名의 증가와 그 사회적 의미

김경란(Kim, Kyung-Ran) 역사실학회 2017 역사와실학 Vol.64 No.-

改名은 글자 그대로 이름을 고쳐 바꾸는 것이다. 이름은 개인을 외부에 표현하는 매개이며, 따라서 이름을 바꾸는 것은 지극히 개인적 행위이자 선택일 수 있다. 그런데 개명이 특정 시기의 상황과 관련되어 이루어졌다면 개명을 단순히 개인적인 선택으로만 규정할 수 있을까? 조선후기에 작성된 慶尙道 丹城縣의 戶籍大帳에는 개명기록이 다수 남아있다. 특히 18세기 후반~19세기 중반에 이르는 시기에 개명이 급격하게 증가하였다. 그 내용을 분석해 보면, 계층적으로 상층에 속하는 사람들과 소수의 특정 姓貫을 중심으로 개명이 이루어졌다. 이와 같이 18세기 이후 개명의 증가가 몇 몇 특정 성관에 주도되었다는 점은 개명이 개인적 선택의 결과가 아닌 특정 성관의 집단적 행위였을 가능성을 시사해 준다. 따라서 특정 성관에 의한 집단적 개명이 어떻게 이루어졌으며, 그 이유는 무엇이었는지의 문제를 상주 김, 안동권, 합천 이씨를 대상으로 검토하였다. 그 결과 18세기 이후에 시기별로 가장 많은 개명을 했던 성관은 주로 동성촌락 등의 특정 촌락에 집거한 사람들을 중심으로 이루어졌으며, 개명한 사람들은 혈족관계였음을 알 수 있었다. 따라서 조선후기 개명의 증가는 상당 부분 개인적 선택이 아닌 집단적 행위의 결과물이며, 당시의 개명은 하나의 사회적 현상으로 볼 수 있을 것이다. 그렇다면 이러한 현상의 사회적 의미는 무엇일까. 그 해답은 그들이 개명한 구체적 이름을 확인함으로써 실마리를 얻을 수 있다. 이들이 개명한 이름에서는 일정한 계열을 확인할 수 있었다. 즉, 行列字의 적용을 위한 개명이 이루어진 것이다. 이러한 경우의 개명은 개인의 선택이 아닌 집단적 행위였으며, 개명을 결정하는 것은 門中이었을 것이다. 개명이 증가하기 시작한 18세기는 父系 중심의 친족질서가 성립되어 갔던 시기이다. 부계 중심의 친족질서의 성립은 문중의 결성을 가져왔다. 문중은 부계집단의 族的 결합을 강화하기 위해 다양한 활동을 하였고, 그 중 하나가 항렬자의 통일 및 확대적용이었던 것으로 보인다. 항렬자의 확대는 동족내부의 결속과 질서를 강화하는 주요한 수단이었다. 이를 통해 개별 문중은 친족집단의 족적 결합을 강화할 수 있었던 것이다. 이것이 조선후기에 개명이 증가하였던 주요한 이유 중 하나로 여겨진다. Renaming refers to a literal change of the name. A name is a medium by which an individual identity is expressed to the outside. Therefore, renaming can be an extremely personal act and choice. In the case where renaming occurs in connection with a particular event or time, can it be defined only as a personal choice? There are many records of renaming in the family registers of Danseong County, Gyeongsang province which was created in the Joseon Dynasty. Renaming had increased sharply, particularly during the period from the late 18th to the mid-19th century. According to the result of analyzing the family registers, renaming primarily occurred among higher social class, and a small number of families and clans with specific surnames. The fact that the increase in renaming after the 18th century was led by certain specific family names and clans suggests the possibility that renaming was not a result of personal choice but a collective act of the respective groups. Therefore, this study examined how and why collective renaming by specific family names and clans was performed, with a focus on Sangju Kims, Andong Kwons, and Hapcheon Lees. The study results revealed that the most renamed family names and clans since the 18th century concentrated on people who gathered in villages of the same family name, and the renamed people were related by blood. From the changed names, it can be seen that renaming was performed to apply generation characters. In conclusion, renaming can be seen as a collective act rather than a personal choice, and it may have been determined by the relevant clan. The family order, centered on the paternal line, was established in the 18th century when the frequency of renaming began to increase. Correspondingly, this led to the formation of clans. Clans carried out various activities to strengthen the tribal solidarity of the paternal groups. One undertaking seems to have been the unification and expanded application of generation characters. The expansion of generation characters was a significant measure in strengthening the solidarity and order within the same tribe. This suggests that the major cause of the increase in renaming in the late Joseon Dynasty was attributed to enabling individual clans to strengthen the tribal solidarity of family groups.

조선후기 단성지역의 사회상 ; 조선후기 무성층(無姓層)의 유성화(有姓化) 과정에 대한 분석 -단성지역을 중심으로-

김경란 ( Kyung Ran Kim ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2008 大東文化硏究 Vol.62 No.-

작목별 작업단계별 주관적 노동강도 및 근골격계통증 호소율 비교

김경란(Kim Kyung Ran),이경숙(Lee Kyung Suk),김경수(Kim Kyung Su),김효철(Kim Hyo Cher),강경하(Kang Kyeong Ha) 한국지역사회생활과학회 2006 한국지역사회생활과학회 학술대회 자료집 Vol.2005 No.-

국내 농작업재해 관리에 있어 핀란드 농업안전보건 시스템의 시사점

김경란(Kim, Kyung Ran),이경숙(Lee, Kyung Suk),김효철(Kim Hyo Cher),채혜선(Chae, Hye Seon) 한국지역사회생활과학회 2013 한국지역사회생활과학회 학술대회 자료집 Vol.2013 No.11

19세기 대일(對日) 공무역(公貿易)의 추이와 왜동(倭銅)의 운용

김경란 ( Kyung Ran Kim ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2011 大東文化硏究 Vol.76 No.-

對日 公貿易과 私貿易은 여러 측면에서 그 운영형태가 달랐던 것으로 이해된다. 공무역의 경우 외교관계와의 밀접한 관련하에 전개되었다는 점에서 정치·외교적 측면에서 공무역을 파악하기도 하였고, 경제적 효용성의 측면에서 접근하기도 하였다. 이는 대일 공무역의 성격을 이해하기 위한 기본적인 문제이면서 동시에 대일 공무역의 유지와 운영을 일차적으로 규정하는 논리로 여겨진다. 따라서 대일 공무역의 기본적 전제가 무엇이었으며, 그에 따라 공무역의 운영이 어떻게 이루어졌는지의 문제를 검토한 결과 다음과 같은 결론이 도출되었다. 1. 조선전기 이래 조선후기에 이르기까지 대일 공무역에 대한 주요 사안은 交隣이라는 외교적 명분에 의해 최종적인 결정이 이루어졌다. 즉, 조선 정부의 인식이라는 점에 국한하여 볼 때, 대일 공무역은 일본과의 외교관계에 긴박되어 있었다. 2. 19세기 전반 사무역은 이전 시기에 비해 침체상태였던 것으로 이해되며, 공무역에 비해 그 감소폭이 컸던 것으로 이해된다. 이와 같이 대일 사무역이 크게 침체되었던 것에 비해 공무역은 소폭 감소에 그치고 일정한 무역량을 그대로 유지하고 있었던 이유는 공무역이 기본적으로 일본과의 외교관계를 전제로 성립된 교역이었기 때문이었다. 3. 조선후기 대일 공무역의 가장 주요한 품목이었던 倭銅은 17세기 후반 조선의 鑄錢이 본격화되면서 경제적 효용성이 확대되었고, 주전의 실시 또는 중단 등 국내의 경제적 상황에 따라 그 효용성은 달라질 수밖에 없었다. 그러나 이것이 공무역의 수입량에 미치는 영향은 크지 않았다. 주전과 관련된 조선의 수요와 일본의 정치, 경제적 상황에 직접적인 영향을 받았던 것은 대일 사무역을 통한 銅의 거래였다. 4. 조선후기 대일 공무역을 통해 거래된 왜동에 대한 지급댓가가 일정했던 것은 공무역 물품에 대한 교환비율이 市價, 즉 실제의 교환비율에 따르지 않았던 것을 의미한다. 일정한 가격에 의해 안정적으로 동을 확보할 수 있었던 공무역은 그 경제적 실리가 큰 측면이 있었다. 그러나 조선 정부는 이 때문에 공무역을 통한 동수입을 확대하려는 외교적 노력은 하지 않았던 것으로 보인다. 왜동은 대일무역의 가장 주요한 품목이었고, 조선의 입장에서는 가장 경제적 효용성을 갖고 있는 품목이기도 했다. 그러나 이것이 공무역의 운영형태를 크게 좌우하지는 않았던 것이다. 따라서 조선후기 대일 공무역은 일차적으로 외교관계의 연장선상에 이해할 필요가 있을 것으로 여겨진다. Public trade and private trade with Japan are considered to have different forms of management from each other in many aspects. As a result of reviewing basic premise of public trade with Japan and how its management was done, the results are as it follows. 1. From the early days of the Joseon Dynasty to the late of Joseon Dynasty, the final decisions for main issues on public trade with Japan were made by diplomatic justification. In other words, from the point of consciousness of Joseon government, the public trade with Japan was tied to diplomatic relationship with Japan. 2. The reason that the public trade maintained constant trade amount with small decrease in contrast to stagnant private trade in the 19th century is because the public trade was a trade established with a premise of diplomatic relationship with Japan. 3. Economic utility of Oedong(倭銅), the most important item of the public trade with Japan in the late Joseon Dynasty, changed inevitably depending on time. However, it does not seem it had big influence on amount of import of the public trade. 4. The fact that the return from Oedong(倭銅) through the public trade with Japan in the late Joseon Dynasty was constant means the exchange rate on products of public trade did not follow the market price, which is an actual exchange rate. Oedong(倭銅) was the most important item of the trade with Japan and it also has the best economic utility for Joseon Dynasty. However, it does not seem to affect the form of management of public trade.

임술민란 전후 全羅道의 軍政운영과 殖利문제

김경란(Kim Kyung-ran) 고려사학회 2012 한국사학보 Vol.- No.49

The Imsul-year people’s revolt(1862) which started in the JinJu region in 1862 resulted from the peasants’ complaints about the limping operation of the tax system. The resistance against the tax system was the direct fuse of the peasants’ revolt in Jeolla province like other areas. However, there is an important factor to note related to the background of the peasants’ uprising in Jeolla province that the limping of the military administration, particularly, was the cause of the uprising in this area. The problem of military administration in Jeolla province basically started from “Gun-Da-Min-So(deficiency of military servicemen).” The 19th century military administration issue, “Gun-Da-Min-So”, began from the occurrence of the lacking amount due to Gun-Aek-Heo-Q(absence of soldiers). A variety of ways to solve this problem were sought, and “Gunpogye” was the most common method. The result of the analysis of the operation methods conducted in Gosan-hyeon and Yeongam-gun, Jeolla province shows that the profitmaking activities were carried out with “Myeon-Seol” centered which is organized in the unit of “Myeon” for the payment of “Gunpo.” In addition, the urgency of the local authority to fill the fixed levy of Gunpo located from the central government was the purpose of the profitmaking operation after the mid-18th century. The fixed tax amount without taking the situation of the region into consideration was the most fundamental cause of the problem. The limping operation of the profitmaking activities was made, such as Gunpogye, etc. in the local gun & hyeon units because of this, and this ultimately acted as one of the causes of The Imsul- Year People’s Revolt(1l862).