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      • KCI등재

        여성적 관점에서 본 욥기

        강철구 한국구약학회 2018 구약논단 Vol.24 No.4

        There are not many books in the Old Testament that reveal a feminine perspective. Therefore, it is very valuable to study the book of Job. However, the book of Job which reflects the patriarchal era, is misunderstood as the book against the women. Unfortunately, there were not many attempts to find the dignity and rights of women in the book of Job because of these misunderstandings. In this paper, I will research how to understand women in the book of Job. Rather than focusing on the formation of the book of Job or the historical-critical method for this purpose, I seek to find meaning in the text based on the masoretic text(MT), which we can easily approach, with reference to the contents related to women in the book of Job. At the same time, I use the method of feminist hermeneutics. First of all, women in the prologue or in the conversations of Job with his friends is presented as a negative figure or ignored. Even Job's wife, whose voice was the only women’s voice in the book of Job, is negatively depicted because of her words (Job 2:9 “Are you still holding on to your integrity? Curse God and die!”). But the voices of women in the conversation of God with Job and in the epilogue are quite different from those before. In particular, through the description of Job's daughters at the end of the book of Job, women in the book of Job have finally been acknowledged as human beings of the same personality as men, having the image of God (Gen. 1:27). In this paper, I could meet the author of the book of Job, who had break the traditional female image in the ancient Near East and presented new female image as being equivalent to male through his critical view. Through this paper, I hope that understanding of women in the book of Job, which had been misunderstood, will be corrected and at the same time, it will be a chance for us to understand men and women each other as equal beings. 구약성경에서 여성적인 관점이 잘 반영된 성경이 그리 많지 않다. 그러기에 욥기가 더욱 빛을 발한다. 그러나 욥기는 욥기의 시대적 배경이 될 수 있는 족장 시대를 반영하고 있기에 얼핏 보기에는 가부장적인 특징이 짙게 배어있는 책으로 보인다. 이러한 오해로 인해서 아쉽게도 욥기에서 여성의 존엄과 권리를 찾으려는 시도가 많지 않았다. 필자는 이러한 한국적 상황 속에서 욥기에서 여성에 대한 이해가 어떻게 변해가는지, 그리고 욥기에서 말하고자 하는 여성에 대한 이해가 무엇인지를 발견하기 위해서 논문을 준비했다. 이러한 목적을 위해서 욥기의 형성사나, 기타 통시적 방법론에 집중하기 보다는 우리가 쉽게 접근할 수 있는 마소라 텍스트(MT)를 기반으로 여성신학적 방법론을 통해서 욥기에서의 여성의 의미를 찾아갈 것이다. 먼저 프롤로그나, 친구와의 대화에 등장하는 여성에 대한 이해는 부정적이거나, 별로 관심이 없어 보이다. 그나마 유일하게 목소리를 냈던 욥의 이름 없는 아내조차도 부정적으로 묘사된다(욥 2:9 “당신이 그래도 자기의 온전함을 굳게 지키느냐 하나님을 욕하고 죽으라”). 그러나 하나님과의 대화와 그 이후에 묘사되는 에필로그에서는 그 이전과 전혀 다른 여성의 목소리들이 간접적으로 울려 퍼진다. 특히 욥의 딸들에 대한 묘사를 통해서 욥기에서의 여성들은 남성과 동등한 인격체로서 하나님의 형상을 지닌 존재가 된다(창 1:27). 본 논문에서 필자는 욥기 저자의 비판적인 시각을 통해서 그동안 차별받아왔던 전통적인 여성상을 깨드리고, 남성과 동등한 존재로 표현해 내기 위한 욥기의 저자와 마주할 수 있었다. 이 논문을 통해서 그동안 오해되어왔던 욥기에서의 여성에 대한 이해가 바로 교정되고, 동시에 남성과 여성이 동등한 존재로서 서로를 이해하는 계기가 되었으면 한다.

      • KCI등재

        중견기업 육성을 위한 한국의 World Class 300과 일본의 GNT 정책

        강철구 한일경상학회 2018 韓日經商論集 Vol.80 No.-

        The purpose of this study is to analyze Korea and Japan’s policies for developing midsize-businesses through specific projects. Korean Government selected the ‘World Class 300’ companies from 2011 to 2018 to build a Korean style Hidden champion midsize-business model with global competitiveness and expertise, and supports various development policies for these companies. In 2014, Japan selected ‘GNT 100’ companies that expected rapid growth by securing high global market share and implementing sound management. While Korea and Japan support selected small and midsize-businesses through various policies and systems, the two countries’ development policy on midsize-businesses differ in substance. First, Korea selected 300 companies at random over eight years, while Japan selected 100 companies at once after setting a sufficient period in advance. Second, Korea has chosen companies in various fields, while Japan is showing its willingness to select specific areas and develop them into global companies. Third, Korea was mostly selected over the Gyeongbu line, while Japan was mostly focused on the Pacific coast belt considering economic aspects. As such, the two countries can see similar and different points in terms of development policies systems for fostering midsize-businesses. In other words, Japan emphasizes the importance of the process, background, and practice will on the development policy for midsize-businesses. It is expected that this will have implications for the development policies of Korea’s midsize-businesses in the future. 본 논문은 한일 양국의 중견기업 육성정책과 관련하여 특정 프로젝트형 사업을 통해 비교・분석한 논문이다. 우리나라에서는 산업의 허리에 해당하는 세계적인 경쟁력과 전문성을 갖춘 한국형 히든 챔피언 중견기업 모델을 구축하기 위해 2011년부터 2018년에 이르는 동안 World Class 300 기업을 선정하여 각종 육성정책을 지원하고 있다. 비슷한 시기인 2014년, 일본에서도 GNT 100 정책을 통해 글로벌 시장 점유율을 확보하고 건전한 경영을 실천하면서 향후 비약적인 성장이 기대되는 기업 100사를 선정하였다. 한일 양국은이렇게 선정된 중소・중견기업에게 각종 정책과 제도를 통해 육성 지원하고 있지만, 내용면에서는 한일 양국의 중견기업 육성정책이 질적인 차이점을 보이고 있다. 첫째, 한국은 8년여에 걸쳐 불규칙하게 300개 기업을 선정한 반면, 일본은 사전에 충분한 기간을 설정하여 준비한 후 단번에 100개 기업을 선정하였다. 이는 정책의 일관성측면에서 향후 변경될 가능성을 최소화한 것이라고 해석할 수 있다. 둘째, 선정기업의 분야를 살펴보면, 한국은 다양한 분야에 걸쳐 선정된 반면 일본은 특정 분야를 집중 선택하여 세계적인 기업으로 성장시키겠다는 의지를 보여 주고 있다. 셋째, 선정기업의 지역분포도에서 한국은 경부선 라인에 걸쳐 대부분 선정된 반면 일본은 경제적 측면을 고려하여 주로 태평양 연안 벨트에 집중되어 있는 것을 알 수 있다. 이렇듯 한일 양국은 중견기업 육성 관련 정책과 제도상에서 유사하면서도 상이한 점을 확인할 수 있는데, 이는 정책을 실시한다는 점에 의의를 두기보다는 정책을 결정하는 과정과 배경, 그리고 실천의지 등이 중요하다는 점에서 향후 우리나라 중견기업 육성정책에 시사점을 줄 것으로 기대한다.

      • KCI등재후보

        유럽의 중세도시와 자유

        강철구 이화사학연구소 2003 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.30

        It has traditionally been told that medieval cities or Europe were free. it has two-fold meaning. One is the citizens who lived there had citizenship which granted them free status different from the subordinate status of serf living in the manor. The other is the citizens of medieval cities governed themselves. That is to say they enjoyed autocepally. Many europeans think that this freedom is the most peculiar characteristic of european cities and maintain civic and political liberties of modem europe came from this tradition. This type of interpretation was firstly formed in the 19th century and systemitized by the famous historians like H. Pirenne, M. Weber and others in the early decades of the 20th century. And It has been sustained since then without much alterations. As a result until now many western historians believe it to be true. However, this is typically eurocentric interpretation. It overestimates the degree of civic and political freedom in the medieval european cities and sharply differentiate the western cities from oriental ones which believed didn't know any freedom. In medieval european cities self-governing communes could be established when they received charters from their kings or lords. But this is not the authentic autocepally because in any cities man could find lots of legal jurisdictions of feudal lords limiting the cities' autonomy. Besides this, feudal lords usually possessed large sums of land and buildings within the city and also could impose various kinds of takes on the townspeople. So the scope of activity communes could enjoy was very narrow and it also be changed according to the political situations or by the caprices of lords. On the other hand, civic freedom was also limited to the small portion of townspeople who held citizenship. It constituted only 2~3% or more of the population of any city. For example, in medieval London the figure of citizens was approximately 2,000 compared to the total 4-50,000 population. Medieval city wasn't liberal and equal political entity any more but was ruled by oligarchy dominated by these town's patriciate. Western hisrorians claim oriental cities weren't economic, but political cities. Owing to these chracteristic, they say, oriental cities could not develop the civic liberty, bourgeois class and capitalism. It is one of the major causes which made oriental societies fall behind of western ones. Recently as thorough research on the western and oriental cities proceeds, the credibility of these old propositions are all the more dwindling. It has been revealed that the freedom of western cities were exaggerated and the character of oriental cities seriously distorted. So when we approcah the medieval cities in europe it would be better to take into consideration of the new trends of these studies. Cities were always cities wherever it were.

      • KCI등재

        연구논문 : 동아시아 경제통합에 대한 일본의 시각과 남겨진 과제

        강철구 국민대학교 일본학연구소 2011 일본공간 Vol.10 No.-

        본 연구는 동아시아 지역의 경제통합을 구축하는 데 있어서 한·중·일 3국의 중요성을 언급한 후, 동아시아 경제통합의 주도권을 잡고자 하는 일본의 전략이 과연 실현 가능한 것인지, 만일 그렇지 않다면 어떤 문제점을 가지고 있는지에 대해 비판적 시각을 가지고 이를 검토하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 일본의 동아시아 경제공동체 추진의 핵심은 EPA 전략이지만, 동아시아 경제통합의 주요국인 ASEAN과 한·중·일 3국의 공감대를 형성하지 못하고 있어 일본의 리더십에 의구심을 갖고 있다. 따라서 일본의 명확한 설명과 추진력 그리고 리더십이 필요로 하는 때가 바로 지금이라고 할 수 있다. 이를 위해서는 무엇보다도 동아시아 국가들과 상호신뢰를 구축하고 중국 및 한국과 협력관계를 수립해야만 지역통합의 성립이 가능할 수 있다. 왜냐하면 동아시아에는 경제공동체를 성립시킬 만한 경제적 가능성이 충분히 있기 때문에 결국은 동아시아 주요국인 한·중·일 간에 상호신뢰 관계의 형성이 우선적으로 요구되는 것이다. 특히 한국을 비롯한 동아시아 국가들이 우려하고 있는 역사인식 문제 및 지역패권 경쟁 등에 대한 우려를 불식시키고, 실익이 없는 불필요한 갈등을 최소화하는 데 있어 일본의 역할을 찾아낸다면 그 가능성은 충분하다고 전망된다. This study is on the construction of Economic Integration in the East Asian regions, to see if the Japanese strategy on taking control of hegemonic power in the economic integration of East Asia is possible. If not, the objective is to review the point at issues with a critical eye. The core reason of Japan`s East Asia economic community is the EPA, however, it is not developing a bond of sympathy with ASEAN, Korea, China, and Japan. Now is the time Japan is in absolute need of precise momentum and leadership. Constructing a mutual trust with East Asian countries and maintaining a cooperative relationship between China and Korea will lead to a chance of establishing the regional integration. This is due to the high capability of East Asia to bring about the economic community. Therefore a mutual trust relationship between Korea, China, and Japan is preferentially in demand. If Japan eradicates the concerns on the recognition of past history and hegemonic power in East Asia, and endeavors to reduce the nonessential conflicts, the possibility will turn out to be quite high.

      • 수원시와 인접 지자체간의 광역환경정책 발전방안 연구

        강철구,강은하,송미영,이정임,전소영,정복선,김은영,오미현,정경민,이창호 경기연구원 2019 정책연구 Vol.- No.-

        The Suwon city and nearby four municipalities including Hwaseong, Ansan, Uiwang and Siheung have a population of 3.45 million people, and the necessity of solving environmental problems through joint cooperation is increasing due to the increase in development and environmental demand. Currently, five cities have large and small inter-regional environmental conflicts, and the need for inter-regional environmental administration is emerging to solve these problems. In particular, air pollution, PM10 management conflicts, odor problems, management conflicts between upstream and downstream regions, cooperative problems due to deterioration of the ecological belt, and living environment complaints in neighboring areas due to various developments need to be resolved through cooperation among local governments. Most residents of the Suwon city and nearby four municipalities agree on the need for inter-regional environmental administration to improve their quality of life and enhance their urban competitiveness. This study suggests findings and cooperation of inter-regional environmental problems centering on air, water, waste, and natural ecology. In the case of the atmospheric sector, the cases and issues of inter-regional environmental administration related to environmental damage due to the development of industrial complexes and housing sites, selection of the location of the environmental infrastructure, and management of the air emission plant were highlighted. As a cooperative alternative, the PM10 NGO network and the road pollution source solution was proposed. In the area of water and water ecology, the issues related to water source protection zone conflict, river water quality management upstream and downstream conflict such as Hwanggu stream, lake management conflict such as Wangsong Lake, and location of public sewage treatment facility appeared. As a result, it proposed concrete measures for mutual improvement of the lake and streams, and suggested joint management plans for watershed units. In the case of waste, issues of conflict over the location of environmental infrastructure such as food resource recycling facilities and resource recycling complexes and waste treatment methods were analyzed as inter-regional environmental problems. To this end, we proposed a joint cooperation plan for the operation of consultation structure, conservation of environmental damage and economic support. In the case of the management of natural ecosystem, we analyzed the cooperative measures related to prevention of damage to Gwanggyosan and Chilbosan. Major cooperation measures were proposed, including the formation of a consultative body, coordination of guidelines on ecological belt, joint biodiversity survey, expansion of protected areas at the Gyeonggi-do level, and the preparation of urban biotop maps. It is important to play a role of coordinator as a superior organization through financial support, such as contribution of regional environmental administration activation fund, and various laws and institutions of central and Gyeonggi-do as a role plan of Gyeonggi-do, a higher local government. The strategies to develop inter-regional environmental administration in the Suwon city and nearby four municipalities are as follows: 1) promoting joint investigation and data sharing, 2) revitalizing inter-regional environmental administration council with five cities, 3) organizing and co-operating with private sectors including NGOs, 4) enacting win-win development ordinances with five cities, 5) establishing a joint fund to revitalize inter-regional environmental administration, 6) activating the inter-regional administration method such as ‘entrustment’ to expand of joint installation and use of environmental infrastructure, 7) systematic promotion of discovery and selection of target projects for five cities, 8) promoting information sharing and performance PR through joint seminar, and 9) promo

      • KCI등재

        한일 간 기업집단의 경제력집중 배경과 논쟁

        강철구,윤일현 한국일본근대학회 2013 일본근대학연구 Vol.0 No.41

        대기업에 의한 경제력집중 문제가 한국사회에서 이슈가 되고 있다. 그런데 이러한 이슈는 각국의 정치적 상황이나 국민의식, 그리고 대기업을 어떻게 바라보느냐에 따라 다르게 해석할 수 있는 문제이다. 그런 점에서 우리나라보다 60여년 앞서 경제민주화를 실천했던 일본을 뒤돌아보는 것은 상당한 의미가 있다고 하겠다. 일본은 1945년 패전 이후 GHQ가 경제민주화를 실현하기 위해 재벌을 해체하는 과정이 있었지만, 결국 ‘기업집단’ 혹은 ‘계열’로 이름만 바뀌었을 뿐 그 명맥을 그대로 유지해 왔다. 본 연구에서는 한일 간 재벌의 형성과정에서 기업지배구조를 통해 경제성장에 끼친 영향력을 비교해 봄으로써 시사점을 얻고자 하는 목적을 갖고 있다. 나아가 한일 간에 경제력집중과 관련된 문제를 바라보는 시각이 다른 이유는 무엇이며 과연 최적의 기업지배구조가 존재하는지에 대해서도 검토하였다. 본 연구는 일본이 패전 후 주식상 호보유를 통해 주식의 법인화현상이 실현되는 독특한 일본형 기업지배구조를 형성해 나갔듯이, 우리나라 기업집단의 소유구조 및 기업지배구조 역시 개선의 필요성은 있다고 하더라도 궁극적으로는 우리의 현실에 맞는 한국 특유의 기업지배 구조로 정착할 필요성이 있다고 보고 있다. Concentration of economic power by big business groups has become an issue in Korea. It results from the difference in views and interpretations from the politicians, the public, and the conglomerates. The difference is due to the sensitive response to the stream of societies without objective facts. Japan has the history of planning to achieve economic democracy through the process of the GHQ breaking up businesses and dismantling the Zaibatsu Headquarters after the 1945 defeat in the Second World War. However, it must be recognized that after its dismantlement, the Zaibatsu Headquarters has ultimately contributed to Japan`s economic growth with changed names such as ‘Japan`s Business Group’ or ‘Keiretsu’. Therefore, by comparing the business groups between Korea and Japan, this research examines what influence the business groups have on the country`s economy in the rapid economic growth period through corporate governance. Furthermore, it tries to identify how the difference of viewpoints between Korea and Japan concerning concentration of economic power were formed and if optimal corporate governance exists. This reaches the conclusion that the ownership structure and corporate governance in Korea`s big business groups must be developed as the Korean model of corporate governance fit for Korea`s situation, as Japan developed a unique Japanese model of corporate governance which made corporate capitalism after the defeat in the Second World War.

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