8·15와 한국사회: 한국 민족주의의 신성화와 그 퇴조

강정인(KANG Jung In)(姜正仁) 신아시아연구소(구 신아세아질서연구회) 2016 신아세아 Vol.23 No.3

이 글은 광복 후 70여 년이 지난 오늘날 한국사회에서 8·15가 지니는 의미를 ‘민족주의의 신성화 및 그 퇴조’라는 관점에서 논한다. 8·15와 함께 남한은 미국의 압도적인 영향력하에 들어가면서 서구문명의 보편성과 우월성을 상정하는 서구중심주의를 급속하게 내면화해 왔고, 그 결과 서구중심적 근대화의 과제를 열광적으로 받아들이고 돌진적으로 추진해 왔다. 그 과정에서 신성화된 민족주의가 서구중심적 근대화를 추진하는 이념적 기제로 일관되게 동원되었다. 하지만 경제발전과 민주화로 상징되는 서구적 근대화를 성취한 1990년대 이후 한국사회는 당혹스러운 현상에 직면하고 있다. 다시 말해 경제발전과 민주화에 뒤이어 민족주의의 최종과제인 통일을 목전에 둔 상황에서 한국사회는 신성화된 민족주의의 퇴조 또는 그것에 대한 반발을 두 가지 차원, 곧 현실과 이론의 차원에서 목격하고 있다. 통일에 대한 민족주의적 열기가 점차 약화되는 것은 물론 통일의 당위성이나 바람직함을 부정하는 다양한 탈민족주의 담론이 부상하고 있기 때문이다. 이러한 문제의식을 염두에 두고 이 글은 먼저 남한의 근대화를 서구중심적 근대화와 민족주의의 신성화라는 관점에서 재조명한다. 이어서 민족주의 신성화의 퇴조를 “다양한 탈민족주의 담론의 부상”이라는 주제를 통해 검토한다. This paper investigates the meaning of August 15 (the day of national liberation/division) in Korea in light of the sanctification of nationalism and its subsequent decline. Under the overwhelming influence of the U.S., South Korea rapidly internalized Western-centrism, positing the universality and superiority of Western civilization since liberation by the Allied Powers at the end of World War II. South Korea enthusiastically embraced and pursued Western-centered modernization. In that process, nationalism was mobilized and strengthened as an ideological mechanism to accomplish Western-centered modernity. However, since the 1990s and just when it was about to undertake the last and most cherished task of nationalism, national reunification, Korean society witnessed the decline of and reaction to sanctified nationalism both in theory and in reality. The national longing for reunification has been weakened and discourses of postnationalism that deny the Sollen (the necessity) and desirability of reunification have emerged during that time. These phenomena pose a serious challenge to sanctified nationalism. This paper highlights the sanctified nationalism accompanying the Western-centered modernization of South Korea, and then it examines the subsequent erosion of such nationalism by analyzing various postnationalist discourses.

Politics and Truth: An Analysis of Richard E. Kim’s Novel, The Martyred

강정인 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2007 Korea Journal Vol.47 No.2

In his novel, The Martyred,Richard E. Kim, a Korean-American novel-ist, raises fascinating questions with regard to politics and truth: (1) Isit possible to uphold Christian truth in the contemporary condition?And, (2) is it desirable to reveal the ugly truth to the masses regardlessof its possible impact upon our political community? While the firstquestion is concerned with religious, transcendental truth, the secondtakes issue with factual truth. These two questions are intertwined insuch a complex and intricate way in the novel that it is difficult tounravel the two in a compelling way. This essay analyzes the relation-ship between politics and truth in terms of these two issues that havebeen addressed throughout the novel.

Academic Dependency: Western-centrism in Korean Political Science

강정인 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2006 Korea Journal Vol.46 No.4

This paper deals with the academic dependency of Korean political science in light of Western-centrism. Contemporary Korean social sciences have been introduced and developed under the overwhelming influence of American political science since the liberation of Korea from Japanese colonial rule in 1945. This is also closely intertwined with Korea’s political, economic, social, and cultural dependency on the United States. Thus, using political science in Korea as an example, the author explores the negative impact of Western-centrism and the dependency of Korean academia on American political science. To do so, he analyzes the impact of American political science on Korean political science in three ways: “Westernization of critical thinking in Korean scholarship,” “assimilationist interpretation of the Korean experience according to Western theory,” and “marginalization of the Korean (non-Western) experience by Western-centrism.”

Seeking Comparative Political Philosophy from an East Asian Perspective: A Transversal Cross-Cultural Dialogue

강정인,이지윤 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2013 Korea Journal Vol.53 No.3

This article speculatively explores comparative political philosophy from an East Asian perspective. First, the article presents the objective conditions that are currently facilitating the shift away from Western-centrism in favor of a more polycentric world, particularly the urgent need to create global common goods through international cooperation and the recent strong economic performance by non-Western regions and nations. Then, methodological ideas are suggested for conducting comparative political theory that traverses and links seemingly contradictory theories. Concepts such as transversality and cross-cultural dialogue are discussed, along with biological concepts such as homology, analogy, and convergent/divergent evolution. Whereas transversality provides the basic foundation for a comparative political theory, cross-cultural dialogue supplies a concrete method to apply the theory. The guiding spirit can come from evolutionary theory, which demonstrates that people and civilizations are never in a state of stasis or immutability, but rather exist as a steadily flowing and ever-changing wave.

스마트시대의 디지털 리터러시 측정을 위한 진단도구의 개발과 적용

강정묵(姜正?),송효진(宋孝眞),김현성(金鉉城) 한국지역정보화학회 2014 한국지역정보화학회지 Vol.17 No.3

스마트사회와 정부 3.0의 등장은 인터넷, SNS, 트위터 등 커뮤니케이션 환경의 다양화와 깊은 관련이 있다. 이렇게 소통과 참여가 더욱 활성화되면서 정보를 올바르게 생산하고 활용할 수 있는 디지털 리터러시에 대한 관심이 높아지게 되었다. 본 연구는 스마트사회의 디지털 리터러시가 담고 있어야 할 요소들을 제시하고 이들을 토대로 진단도구를 개발 제시해보고자 하였다. 그리고 이 도구를 통해 현 대학생들의 디지털 리터러시 수준이 어떠한지 살펴보았다. 신뢰도 및 타당성 검증을 통해 제시된 디지털 리터러시 진단도구는 기술(22), 활용(11), 마인드(9)영역의 총 42개 지표로 구성되었다. 현 대학생들의 디지털 리터러시 수준은 전반적으로 높게 나타났으나, 교제나 소통과 관련한 마인드나 기술적 이용능력에서 다소 낮은 리터러시를 보이고 있었다. 진단도구의 개발과 이를 통해 이용자의 리터러시 수준을 측정한 본 연구는 향후 정보격차를 위한 정보화교육이나 정책지원 사업의 기초적 자료로 활용될 수 있을 것이며, 스마트사회에 적합한 진단도구를 제시하고 이의 개발과정에서 객관적 검증의 중요성을 강조하였다는 점에서 의의를 가진다. Emergence of the smart society and the government 3.0 is closely related to the rapid change of the telecommunication environments such as Internet, SNS and Twitter. In accordance with the change, the significance of digital literacy has increased. This research attempted to find out the core elements which should be contained in the digital literacy in the smart society and to develop a self-diagnostic tool. Through this tool, this study measured the current level of the college students’ digital literacy. The diagnostic tool of digital literacy is composed of Technology(22), Application(11) and Mind(9) areas with a total of 42 indices. The research result shows that the level of the current college students’ digital literacy is generally high, but they show comparatively low literacy level in Mind area, specifically the indicators which are associated with the relationship and communication capability. The developed and revised diagnostic tool is expected to be utilized as the basic data for information technology education or policy study for mitigating digital divide in the future. This research concludes that the diagnostic tool should be suitable for the smart society and the validity and reliability of the developed indicators should continue to be verified scientifically.

해방 이후 이범석의 정치 이념: 민족주의와 반공주의 중심으로

강정인,정승현,문지영,이상익,서희경,전재호,하상복 사회과학연구소 2013 사회과학연구 Vol.37 No.1

박정희시대의 국가주의 — 국가주의의 세 차원 —

강정인 한림대학교 한림과학원 2017 개념과 소통 Vol.0 No.20

이 글은 박정희시대의 국가주의를 박정희 대통령과 정권의 국가주의라는 측면에서 고찰한다. 구체적으로 세 차원, 즉 ‘정치철학으로서의 국가주의’, 박정희정권에서 추진된 국가 주도의 경제발전에서 드러난 ‘정치경제적 국가주의’, 1960년대말부터 유신체제에 걸쳐 박정희 자신이 적극적으로 추진한 자주국방에 투영된‘국제관계에서의 국가주의’를 중심으로 검토한다. 이러한 분류의 적실성을 증명하기 위해 제2장에서는 국가주의의 세 차원을 정치철학, 정치경제학 이론 및 국제정치 이론에 비추어 일반적으로 검토했다. 제3장에서는 세 차원의 국가주의를박정희시대의 국가주의에 적용하여 그 시대의 국가주의를 면밀하게 분석했다. 마지막으로 결론인 제4장에서는 세 차원의 국가주의를 각각 자유주의와 대비하여 정리하고 세 차원 상호 간의 관계를 고찰한 후, 박정희시대의 국가주의를 현재의 관점에서 재조명하였다. The purpose of this essay is to examine Korean statism in the Park Chung-hee era by analyzing it in three dimensions, viz. statism in political philosophy, statism in political economy (as in Park’s state-led economic development), and statism in international relation (as in the Park’s independent national defense policy). In order to demonstrate the relevance of such a classification, the paper discusses political philosophy, political economy and international relations to establish an analytical framework. This framework is then applied to Korean statism in the Park era to provide a more concrete analysis. Finally, the interrelations of these three dimensions of statism are examined, then statism is contrasted with liberalism, thus providing some insights on the current situation.

서구중심주의의 사상사적 연원과 전개과정

강정인 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2003 한국과 국제정치 Vol.19 No.3

The purpose of this essay is to analyze the philosophical origin and development of Eurocentrism. To do this, first of all, the author analyzes Aristotle s Politics, which constitutes the origin of Eurocentrism, under the premise that most Western thinkers share the Orientalist assumptions in describing and evaluating social and political institutions of non-Western civilizations. Then he examines briefly the historical development of Eurocentrism, by analyzing the writings of Locke, Montesquieu, Hegel, Tocqueville, Marx, J.S. Mill, and Max Weber. In conclusion, he identifies the trinity, the inseparable combination of Christianity, capitalism and liberalism which underlines Eurocentrism, and then argues that it has been collapsed by successful capitalist development and democratization of East Asian countries, so that history has shown that it is a fictitious trinity after all.

확대서평 - 차하순 교수 정년퇴임 기념논문집 "서양의 지적운동"

강정인,Gang, Jeong-In 대한출판문화협회 1995 출판저널 Vol.162 No.-

정보화의 한국인의 의식변화: 네티즌의 동호회 활동을 중심으로

강정인,이현우,이원태 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2002 한국과 국제정치 Vol.18 No.4

This paper studies the possibility that going online changes netizens’ social consciousness. There are two opposite arguments about internet users. One is that heavy internet users become more depressed, lead more stressful lives, and have fewer friends. On the contrary, the other sees the Net as the great opportunity to rebuild lost sense of and trust. People come together on the Net e-mail lists, affinity groups, support groups, and chat rooms. According to this argument, internet is the great leveller to the bar- riers disintegrating people by economic or social class. Analysis of the empirical data reveals that respondents who have the strong affiliation to the internet community they belong to are more likely to show the high level of social consciousness after other important factors such as age, education, ideology are controlled. Furthermore, we find that the extent to which respondents participate in the internet communities influences tolerance and political ideology. That is, the more actively they are involved in the internet, through the experience of altruistic behavior, the higher level of tolerance and liberal ideology they have. Although we cannot generalize these findings because of limits of the data, we may conclude that internet usage does not make people remote from the society but increases interaction with others. Thus, it gives netizens chances of improving social trust and civic engagement which is one of the critical factors for participatory democracy.