한말 지리산권 근대학교 설립운동

김봉곤 순천대학교 남도문화연구소 2012 南道文化硏究 Vol.0 No.23

This study takes a close look at the establishment of modern schools around Jirisan Mountain region during the last days of the Daehan Empire from 1905 to 1910 In 1905 when the Empire was coerced into signing the Eulsa treaty, raising modern schools alongside the resistance movement was seen as a way to reclaim sovereign status. Notably Myeonwu Gwak Jong-Seok, who was well aware of international laws and Dongdoseogiron doctrine which allowed him to look beyond Hwayigwan(Chinese view of the world), saw that to uphold Confucianism and to regain sovereignty learning western science and technology was absolutely indispensable. Maecheon Hwang Hyeon of Gurye pretty much had the same idea that the wealth and power of a nation came from learning modern sciences rather than studying old classics by the influence of HonamHakbo. Modern schools in Jirisan Mountain region were established over Jinju and Namwon districts when primary school ordinance was enacted in 1895. However, due to low level of awareness about modern schools attendance was quite low and the teachers were hard to come by. It was not until Elementary School Act of 1906 that the setting up of modern schools would take full stride. Public schools were established in Gaeksa(accomodations for visiting officials) near government offices while funding came from Hyanggyo, government office, or the public domain. These modern schools were mostly attended by those who were lowly regarded by high society due to the origin of their clan or by those who were even lower in social standings than those who had a scholar's pedigree. Private schools were almost nonexistent inNamwon and Sancheong regions because of their strong belief in Euijeongcheoksa(anti-foreign, anti-invasion doctrine) principles. As for Hadong and Gurye, many schools were raised due to the dominance of Dongdoseogiron sentiment in the region which insists that the new learning should be embraced instead of Euijeongcheoksa. In Hamyang citizen's fervor for learning were such that private schools would take the place of public schools, and many schools were raised voluntarily on its adjoining districts. Nevertheless, deep-rooted Confucian tradition in the region and lack of funding made it difficult for modern learning to spread further out in the Jirisan area. Those under Nohsa Ki Jeong-Jin's tutelage headed by Jeong Jae-Gyu opposed Myeonwu Gwak Jong-Seok's views and argued that accepting western sciences would lead to extermination of ethics turning people into savages, and therefore Confucianism should be further promoted while boycott against western learning should be launched. Apart from Nohsa faction, the likes of Ganjae Jeon Wu, Yeonjae Song Byeong-Seon, and Seongjae Heo-Jeon, who had a huge following in the Jirisan region scholars, were of the same opinion. Hyanggyo and Seowon which adhered to conventional teachings of Confucianism refused to support either public or private schools that taught western science. To make matters worse, raising contributions for funding private schools were banned after 1908 which worsened their financial conditions as to render normal curriculum almost impossible. Needless to say, it lead to deleterious effect on the quality of the education for recruiting qualified teachers was out of the question. Thus, after the Japanese Annexation of Korea most of them were turned into public schools. Moreover, tendency of the new learning of glossing over Japanese colonial policies made former advocates of Dongdoseogiron including Gwak Jong-Seok refrain from sticking to their principles when sovereignty of the country was handed over to Japan. However establishment of modern school and acceptance of so called “new learning” paved the way for many intellectuals and students in the Jirisan region to open their eyes to new trends in the modern world. It also served as a foundation for the rise of nationalist andsocialist movement in this region in the wake of the 1919 independence movement.

嶺南地域에서의 蘆沙學派와 寒洲學派의 成立과 學說交流

김봉곤 한국공자학회 2007 공자학 Vol.14 No.-

Nohsa(蘆沙) Scholars’ faction in Youngnam area was formed through Yeongnam Sarim(士林-gentlemen) increasingly keeping company with Nohron (老論-a political party). in the 19th century. Not only Jung Yeo Chang(鄭汝昌)’s family firmly tied with Kim In Hoo(金麟厚)’s family by marriage but also many scholars all around Jinju, Sancheong and Hapcheon including Jo Sung Ga(趙性家), Choi Sook Min(崔琡民), Jung Jae Gyoo(鄭載圭) and etc. Most of Nohsa Scholars’ families in Youngnam area tried to make scholarly achievement based on their economical success around the 19th century. They made strong connection with Nohron families in that area based on their scholarly power and extended their activity spaces by conducting various activities in that area where Jo Sik and Jung Yeo Chang were respected. Gi Jung Jin’s philosophy of Li-Yil-Li-Bun-Soo(理一理分殊) and idea of Wi-Jung-Cheok-Sa(衛正斥邪) deeply influenced Hanju Scholars’ Faction. For although Hanju(寒洲) Scholars’ Faction in 1870’s period was formed in Youngnam area by the scholars including Heo Yu(許愈), Gwak jong suk(郭鍾錫), Lee Jeong Mo(李正模) etc, facing to Lee Hwang(李愰) scholars’ attact to the theory of mind equal to reason(心卽理), Hanju Scholars’ Faction wanted to firmly establishing the theoretical faundation by suppoting Nohsa(蘆沙)’s theory. Therefore in the theory Hanju(寒洲) Scholars’ Faction was similar to Nohsa(蘆沙) Scholars’ faction and Heo Yu(許愈), Gwak jong suk(郭鍾錫) was deeply tied with Jung Jae Gyoo(鄭載圭) in the many sides including political, social, scientific activites. 본고는 19세기 후반 전반적으로 주리설이 확산되는 배경하에 영남지역에서 기호학파인 노사학파와 심즉리설을 주장한 한주학파가 어떻게 성립되었으며, 두 학파간에 어떠한 학술 교류를 진행하였는가를 검토한 것이다. 먼저 영남지역의 노사학파는 영남 사림들이 기호학통 계통의 인물들과 활발히 교유하면서 형성되었다. 기정진 대에는 함양의 정여창 가문과 장성의 김인후 가문이 혼반관계로 연결되어 있어서 함양의 사림들이 기정진을 자주 찾아오기 시작하였다. 이후 함양의 정여창 가문과 가까운 산청의 여흥민씨 가문을 비롯해서 진주의 趙性家, 崔琡民이 찾아오고, 합천에서 鄭載圭 등이 찾아오면서 노사학파가 형성되기 시작했다. 이들은 대체로 영남의 노론가문 출신으로, 왜란 때 창의하였거나 이괄의 난 등을 토벌하는데 공을 세웠으나, 상당기간 동안 영락한 집안의 후손들이었다. 이들은 당대나 부친 대에 재산 형성에 성공하고 학문을 통해서 영남지역에 다시 두각을 나타내고자 한 인물들이었다. 이들은 학문적인 역량을 바탕으로 이 지역 노론 가문과 연대를 강화해 나갔으며, 조식과 정여창을 숭앙하는 기풍이 강한 이곳에서 그들의 선양 활동을 다양하게 전개해 갔다. 그러한 결과 하동, 진주, 산청, 함양, 합천, 의령 일대에 노사학파가 활동할 수 있는 공간이 마련되어지고, 많은 문인들이 배출되었다. 한편 한주학파는 寒洲 李震相(1818-1886)이 1870년에 이르러서야 허유 등에게 비로소 적극적인 강학활동을 전개하면서 형성되었다. 그러나 영남 서부 지역은 오랫동안 퇴계학설의 영향이 깊은 곳으로 이진상의 심즉리설이 쉽게 받아들여지지 않았다. 이에 이진상은 자신의 심즉리설이 주자와 퇴계설의 근본 취지를 계승한 것으로 설명하였다. 또한 이진상이나 그의 문인들은 정재규와의 논쟁을 통해 호남의 저명한 성리학자였던 기정진으로부터 자신들의 학설을 입증받고자 하였다. 이에 따라 이진상의 호발설이나 명덕, 지각설 등이 기정진에 의해서 검토되었고, 이진상이나 허유, 곽종석 등은 기정진의 학설중에 사단칠정을 리발로, 명덕을 리로, 지각을 리의 작용으로 이해하게 되었다. 이에 따라 영남 지역 노사학파는 지각설이나 심설에 대해서 이진상의 학설과 밀착되게 되어 기정진의 학설이 더욱 주리적인 경향을 띠게 되었다. 이러한 영남지역 노사학파와 한주학파는 이진상 사후에도 지속적인 교류가 이루어져 노사학파의 조성가와 최숙민, 정재규, 그리고 한주학파의 허유, 곽종석간에 밀접한 교분이 있게 되었다. 특히 정재규는 허유와 함께 삼가지역의 학문을 이끌면서 함께 조식을 크게 선양하였으며, 곽종석과도 자주 성리학과 시국에 대해 토론하였다.

蘆沙 奇正鎭의 思想의 形成과 衛正斥邪運動

김봉곤 조선시대사학회 2004 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.30 No.-

立巖 南廷瑀의 交遊關係와 學問世界

김봉곤 경상국립대학교 경남문화연구원 2013 남명학연구 Vol.37 No.-

This study takes a close look at Ipahm Nam Jeong-Wu from Eui- ryeong with an investigation into his social intercourse and his literary world. He firmly adhered to the doctrine of Ju-li(主理) and Wi-jeong-cheok-sa(衛正斥邪), at the tailend of Joseon Dynasty and during Japanese occupation. Since his place in Yeongnam's Nohsa line of scholars is more than secure, along with his forming close ties to the Hanju line, it would contribute greatly to understanding interactions and advances in theories between these two most notable schools representing Confucianism in the late Joseon Dynasty. Ipahm would be influenced by the likes of Nobaekheon Jeong Jae-Gyu and Nongsan Jeong Myeon-Gyu from the Nohsa line, while from the Hanju shool Myeonwu Gwak Jong-Seok and Hongwa Lee Du-Hun's influences would weigh heavily upon him. Consequently, his theory of Xing-li(性理) brings to light both Nohsa and Hanju line of thought. He perceived that theories by Nobaekheon and Nongsan, as did Hanju's theories, were arrived at by way of Xin-ji-li(心卽理) and Li-ti-li-yong(理體理用). It was in no way difficult for Nobaekheon to accept Hanju's theories since Hanju's theory of Xin-ji-li was inherently an extension of Nohsa's position on Li-zhu-zai(理主宰) and Li-yi-fen-shu(理一分殊). Ipahm sought to solve the problem of the workings of Li(理), which had been a controversial issue in Nobaekheon's Xin theory(心說), by apprehending even Xu-ling(虛靈) as Li. Ipahm's Xinxing(心性) doctrine which advocated the Xin-ji-li standpoint would be refuted by the likes of Yicheon Nam Chang-Hui who argued that Xin should be regarded as Qi(氣). However, support by Nongahm along with Songsan and others would cement Xin-ji-li theory as being the orthodox theory of Nobaekheon. Furthermore, since Ipahm perceived Xin in terms of Li, he strived to suppress Renxin(人心) by way of Jing(敬) and sought manifestations of a well-balanced Taoxin(道心). Accordingly, he sought after the absolute good by way of distinguishing virtue from vice in everything. Even in Yeseol(禮說: Theoretic studies on propriety) he adhered to it emphasizing moral obligations by insisting that if justification cannot be provided it was unacceptable to one's sense of duty. Ipahm, by carrying on the academic traditions of Nohsa and Nobaekheon, would lay emphasis on self-discipline by way of Jing(敬) along with Ju-li doctrine based on Li-qi(理氣) and Xinxing(心性). Adhering to the Wi-jeong-cheok-sa doctrine constitutes his ideological background. 이 글은 한말과 일제시대에 주리론과 위정척사사상을 고수하였던 의령의 입암 남정우의 교유관계와 학문세계를 분석한 것이다. 입암은 영남의 盧沙 학파에서 중요한 위치를 차지하는 인물로서 寒洲 학파의 인물과 교유가 깊었기 때문에, 한말 유학계를 대표하는 두 학파의 상호교류나 학설의 발전을 살피는데 크게 도움이 된다. 입암은 노사학맥에서는 노백헌 정재규, 農山 鄭冕圭, 한주 학맥에서는 俛宇 郭鍾錫, 弘窩 李斗勳의 영향을 크게 받았다. 이에 그의 성리설은 노사학설과 한주학설이 종합되어 나타난다. 그는 노백헌과 농산의 학설을 한주의 학설과 동일한 心卽理와 理體理用으로 이해하였다. 한주의 심즉리설은 본래 노사의 리주재와 이일분수의 관점을 보다 발전시킨 것이기 때문에 노백헌이 한주의 설을 수용하는데 큰 무리가 없었다. 입암은 허령도 아예 리로 이해하여 노백헌의 심설에서 논란이 되었던 리의 작용성 문제를 해결하고자 하였다. 이에 입암의 심성론은 곧바로 기의 작용을 중시하였던 夷川 南昌熙 등에 의해 심은 기로 보아야 한다는 반박을 받기도 하였으나, 노백헌의 뒤를 이었던 농산이나 송산 등의 지지를 받아 심즉리설이 노백헌의 정통설로 굳어지게 되었다. 또한 입암은 심을 리의 차원으로 이해하였기 때문에 敬을 통해 인심을 억제하고 도심을 온전히 발현하고자 노력하였다. 그는 매사에 선악을 구분하여 절대선을 지향하고자 하였으며,예설에서도 명분이 바르지 않으면 의리에 부당하다고 하여 명분에 입각한 예설을 따랐다. 이러한 입암의 학문은 주자와 노사, 노백헌의 학풍을 계승하여 이기, 심성에서의 주리설과 경을 통한 수양을 중시하였으며, 사상적으로는 衛正斥邪를 고수하였다고 할 수 있다.

[단편소설] 디스코 멜랑콜리아

김봉곤 실천문학 2016 실천문학 Vol.124 No.-

朝鮮後期 寶城士人 朴馨德의 生涯와 鄕村敎化策

김봉곤 전남대학교 호남학연구원 2009 호남학 Vol.0 No.46

본고는 수령권이 강화되고 재지사족들의 향촌지배력이 약화된 조선 후기 특히 정조 연간과 순조 초에 보성출신의 士人 박형덕이 어떻게 사족으로서의 위상을 높이고 향촌사회에 영향력을 행사하였는가를 살펴본 글이다. 박형덕은 선조 때의 보성의 유명한 학자였던 朴光前의 후손으로 태어났으나, 그가 살았던 시기는 사족들의 향촌지배력이 점차 약화되고 있었던 때였다. 이에 그는 향교를 출입하고 수령과 교유하면서 향촌사회에서 사족의 위상을 높이려고 하였고, 同姓村落을 새롭게 마련하여 족적 결속과 문중세의 확산에 노력하였다. 그는 우선 농촌에서의 농업생산력 증대에 주력하였다. 그는 불균등한 토지 소유나 三政의 문란에 대해 비판적이었으며, 각종 농법을 보급하거나 개선하여 농업 생산력의 증대를 꾀하였다. 당시 빈부격차가 극심한 현실에서 사족이나 농민들이 어느 정도 농지를 갖고 생산 활동에 종사하여 부가 축적되어야 부모를 봉양하거나 유교적 예속을 실현할 수 있었기 때문이다. 그는 1796년에 寶城 鳴鳳洞으로 동족들의 거주지를 옮긴 이후에 새로운 정착지에서 유교적인 윤리를 통해 동족들의 결속을 도모하는 한편, 보성지역을 유교적으로 교화하고 유교적인 예속을 보급하기 위해 노력하였다. 그는 수령에게 건의하여 鄕校-面訓長-書堂의 敎育體系를 보성지역에 구축하고자 하였으며, 『小學』 교육을 통해 올바른 심성의 도야를 꾀하였다. 또한 향약을 실시하여 부모나 부자, 친척, 붕우, 이웃 간에 孝悌나 和睦 등 유교적 도덕을 확립하고 관・민간에 기강을 확립하고자 하였으며, 鄕飮酒禮 등의 유교적 예속을 널리 보급하고자 하였다. 그의 이러한 향촌 교화책은 정조 대 이후 정학을 숭상하고 이단을 배척하려고 하였던 국가의 정책에 사족들이 적극적으로 참여하여 사족의 역할을 증대시키려고 하였던 것과도 관계가 있다. 뿐만 아니라 그는 실제 『소학』을 교육하거나 향음주례에도 직접 참여하였으며, 鄕約長이 되어 향약을 지도하기도 하였다. 또한 서원이나 사우에 배향된 인물에 대한 충절과 효행을 찬양하거나, 수령들에게 많은 충절 인물에 대한 표창이나 지원을 부탁하였다. 이러한 그의 활동으로 향촌사회에서의 그의 명망이 크게 높아졌을 뿐만 아니라 그가 옮겨간 마을이나 보성 지역에 유교적 예속과 기풍이 크게 장려되었다. 19세기에 이르면 보성 지역은 다른 어느 지역보다 효자나 열녀가 다수 배출되었으며, 한말에는 일제의 부당한 국권 침탈에 맞서서 의병운동이 크게 일어나게 되었는데, 박형덕과 같은 향촌 지식인의 교화활동과 관계가 있었던 것이다. This paper describes the life of Park Hyeong-Deok, an aristocrat who was from Boseong, and his scheme through which he helped the local nobility raise its status and have an influence on the community in the late Chosun period when county magistrates(守令)'s power was becoming bigger, and on the other hand, the local aristocrats were losing their influence. Park was a descendant of Park Gwang-jeon, who was a renowned scholar in Boseong when the king was Seon-jo. When he lived, the local aristocrats were losing their control over the community. So, he tried to regain their authority by joining Hyangyo(鄕校 County School) and mixing with the county magistrates(守令), and he also made efforts to strengthen family ties and increase the clout of lineages by establishing new communities consisting of same family names. He first paid attention to improving agricultural production. He was critical of the inequality of landownership and the breach of Sam-Jung(three administrative policies) and he attempted to disseminate and refine various agricultural techniques to increase production. At the time, the gap between rich and poor was very huge, and people needed land to make a living by farming so that they could support their family and implement Confucian obligations. He moved the residence of his relatives to Myeongbongdong in Boseong in 1796, and promote the domestic union in the new location. Furthermore, he tried to reclaim the Boseong area through Confucianism. He suggested to the local official an idea to build an educational system in Boseong, and gave efforts to help people to develop their mind by teaching them Sohak. Besides, he practices Hyang-yak to raise Confucian morality such as order and harmony, and tried to spread the Confucian manners. His scheme for the community reclamation was closely related with the aristocrats' efforts to strengthen their influence by participating in the government's policy to pursue the originality of Confucian and exclude heterodoxy. He taught Sohak(小學) and took part in Hyang-eum-ju-lae(鄕飮酒禮), and he was the head of Hyang-yak(鄕約). He also praised the loyalty and filial piety of the figures who were enshrined in Seowon(書院) or Sawoo(祠宇), and suggested to the officials providing support and commendation to them. Thanks to all of his efforts, he earned high reputation in the community, and the Confucian manners were promoted through the areas where he was staying. By the 19th century, there were lots of filial sons and daughters in Boseong, and there were the resistance of the loyal troops against Japanese invasion, which was closely related with the efforts of the local literati like Park.

아미노포스핀류(L)와 β-케톤류를 포함하는 팔라듐(Ⅱ)착물,[Pd(L)(β-kenonate)]의 합성과 성질

都命基,金東曄,金奉坤 嶺南大學校 基礎科學硏究所 1993 基礎科學硏究 Vol.13 No.-

Several new Palladium(Ⅱ) complexes, [Pd(L)(β-kenonate)] {L: L1=(Ph₂PNHCH₂CH(CH₃)NHPPh₂, L2=Ph₂PNHC?H₄NHPPh₂, β-kenonate= acac, etac} were synthesized. The bond character of complexes have been investigated by ir, UV/Visspectroscopy. The trihapto coordination to palladium(Ⅱ) of the β-ketonate in these complexes were deduced mainly by ir and conductometry.

함양 개평마을의 풍천노씨가(豊川盧氏家)와 가풍(家風)

김봉곤 경상국립대학교 경남문화연구원 2016 남명학연구 Vol.52 No.-

This research analyzed correlation between development of Pungcheon No Family who settled down in Hamyang Gaepyeong village in late 15th century and their family tradition(家風). Pungcheon No Family was a family who settled down in Gaepyeong village when No Sukdong, who was appointed as Daesaheon and Yejochampan after having passed literary exam during Sejong’s reign, married Kim Jeom’s daughter, who was a son-in-law of Jeong Bokju. Later, Pungcheon No family developed by being closely connected with Hadong Jeong family through grandchildren of Kim Jeom and his wife Hadong Jeong. Pungcheon No family of Gaepyeong thrived during the great grandchild, No Jin after the son, No Bun and grandchild No Woomyeong. No Jin attained distinction as Ijopanseo, and educated lots of literary men in Yeong, Honam region as a great scholar, after his death, he was enshrined in Dangju Seowon of Hamyang and Goryong Seowon of Namwon respectively. Since No Jin, lots of leaders of righteous armies were produced during the Japanese invasions and the Manchu war, also, since the 17th century, flourished to the point where the greatest number of people are included in the list of the yangban, Hyangan. Particularly, this family produced No Gwangdu, appointed as Hojopanseo and No Gwangri, excellent in Seongrihak and sentences during the 19th century, and during the Japanese colonial period, this family produced lots of persons who worried about the future of the country by participating in Singanhwe. Such prosperity of Pungcheon No family of Gaepyeong village was closely related to the formation of family tradition of Pungcheon No family since Yibhyangjo. Firstly, Yibhyangjo No Sukdong of Gaepyeong village left 8-character will, ‘Seongsinyeomgong geunganhwahe(誠信廉公謹簡和惠)’, based on faithfulness and loyalty through Susin and Chula, while No Bun left ‘Cheongsinyeomgyeol’, which emphasized self cultivation and uprightness of government position, No Woomyeong left moderation(中庸) in daily life, and Lee Jonghyeong Nosang of No Jin left Anbinnakdo(安貧樂道) as his will. Also, No Jin specified No Sukdong’s 8-character will as the regulation to be kept by the family for generations, taking the lead of filial duty(孝悌) and loyalty(忠信), and formed family tradition of Pungcheon No family of Gaepyeong village, emphasizing the way of moderation in everything. Also, No Jin created the genealogy of Pungcheon No Family for the first time. He produced a genealogy for his descendents to know each other and promote friendship, preparing a basis for both Pungcheon No family and Hadong Jeong family prosper henceforth by including the persons of Gyeongju Kim family and Hadong Jeong family in the genealogy, who were connected as relatives in the same village. Later, the two families exchanged influence deeply both in political and academic aspects. Later, these families enshrined Jukdang Jeong bokju of Hadong Jeong family, who greatly influenced formation and development process of Hadong Jeong family and Pungcheon No family of Gaepyeong village, Songjae No Sukdong of Pungcheon No Family, and Singodang No Woomyeong, grandson of No Sukdong, besides Jo Seungsook, a late Goryeo loyal subject from the same village by establishing Dogok Seowon on the upper side of the village in 1701 (Sukdong’s reign 27th year). Later, in 1820, enshrined No Saye, who represented Pungcheon No family since Nojin, and Jeong Sumin, who represented Hadong Jeong family of Gaepyeong village since Jeong Yeochang, in Dogok Seowon in 1820(Sunjo’s reign 20th year). In 2000, Mangangjae Jeong Deokha was enshrined, who passed the state examination during Sunjo’s reign. This was a result of harmony and development between Hadong Jeong family and Pungcheon No family in one village in a deep relationship. 본고는 15세기 초 함양 개평마을에 정착한 풍천노씨 가문이 번창하여발전한 과정과 가풍(家風)과의 상관관계를 분석한 것이다. 풍천노씨가는세종 때 문과에 급제하여 대사헌과 예조참판을 지낸 노숙동이 하동정씨정복주의 사위인 김점의 딸과 혼인하여, 외손봉사를 통해 개평마을에 정착하였다. 개평의 풍천노씨가는 공신이었던 노숙동에 이어 아들 노분과 손자노우명을 거쳐 증손자인 노진에 이르러 가문이 크게 번창하였다. 노진은이조판서로서 현달하였고, 대학자로서 많은 문인을 배출하였기 때문에, 지리산권 일대의 영, 호남 지식인과 후손들에게 커다란 영향을 끼쳤다. 노진 이후로도 개평마을의 풍천노씨가에서는 왜란과 호란 때에는 많은 의병장이 배출되었고, 17세기 이후에는 양반들의 명단인 향안(鄕案) 에 함양에서 가장 많은 인물이 수록될 정도로 번창하였다. 특히 19세기에 이르러서 호조참판을 지낸 노광두나, 성리학과 문장에 뛰어난 노광리를 배출하였고, 일제 시대에는 신간회에 가담하여 민족의 장래를 고민하는 인물을 배출하기도 하였다. 이렇게 개평마을의 풍천노씨가가 번창한 것은 향당에서의 효제(孝 悌)와 조정에서의 충신(忠信), 그리고 매사에 예의염치를 중시하였던가풍의 형성과 밀접한 관련이 있다. 즉 개평마을의 입향조 노숙동은성실과 신의에 바탕을 두고 수신과 출사에 걸쳐 지켜야 할 도리를 밝힌‘성신염공근간화혜(誠信廉公謹簡和惠)’ 8자 유훈을 남겼고, 아들 노분은 수신과 청렴한 관직생활을 강조한 ‘청신염결’, 손자 노우명은 일상행활에서의 중용(中庸), 증손자인 노진의 종형인 노상은 안빈낙도(安 貧樂道)를 가훈으로 남겼다. 이러한 유훈을 이어받은 노진은 노숙동의8자 유훈을 가문의 법도로 확정짓고 효제를 솔선수범하였으며, 중용을강조하였다. 이어 노진의 종제 노주는 나라가 위급할 때에 거의(擧義) 하였고, 노진의 종증손 노형운은 효제충신과 예의염치를 강조하였으며, 노진의 증손 노형필 은 정주의 격언에 따른 실천을 중시하였다. 특히 노형운이나 노형필 등은 가풍 외에도 그들이 사사(私事)하였던한강 정구의 명체적용(明體適用)이나 예학, 여헌 장현광의 지행병진(知行竝進)의 영향을 깊이 받은 것으로 이해된다. 이처럼 효제를 토대로 향당과 출사의 가풍을 수립하였던 풍천노씨가에서는 향촌사회에서 족보를 간행하고 사당과 서원향사에도 더욱 힘을기울이게 되었다. 1701년 이후로는 마을의 경쟁관계에 있던 하동정씨와 연합하여 도곡서원을 설립・운영함으로써 가문의 명성을 높이고두 가문의 화합을 대외적으로 과시하였던 것이다.

과학탐구실험학습의 방법과 실제

김봉곤 경상대학교 과학교육연구소 1996 과학교육 심포지움 Vol.- No.3

1,2 디아미노알칸을 포함하는 코발트(Ⅲ)착물의 합성과 분리에 관한 연구

都命基,金奉坤 嶺南大學校府設 基礎科學硏究所 1983 基礎科學硏究 Vol.3 No.-

[Co(en)(pn)₂]I₃ and [Co(Pn)₃]I₃ containing ethylenediamine (en) in EDTA and 1,2-diaminopropane(pN) was isolated from the reaction of [Co(EDTA)]-with 1,2-diamino-propane in aqueous solution by sp-sephadex c-25, cation exchange resin. The structure and composition of these complexes have been determined by means of elemental analysis, ir, electronic absorption spectroscopy. From these results, We have been suggested the new substitution mechanism of the reactions of [Co(EDTA)]-with 1,2-diaminopropane.