일본의 동아시아 공동체 구상과 지역 인식 ─아시아에 대한 인식의 변화─

최운도 한국외국어대학교 일본연구소 2012 일본연구 Vol.- No.51

This paper is to figure out the changes and continuities in the Japanese perception on East Asia from the period after the Meiji Restoration to the East Asian Community initiative of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). During the prewar era, excepting for a few civilian thoughts, the major decision-making community of Japan perceived East Asia as an object for encroachment, dominance, and even alignment, depending on Japan's own situation in the imperial competition with the Western countries. In the post-war era also, East Asia was identified as Southeast Asia and it was the main object of Japanese national strategy for economic recovery and prosperity. East Asian Community initiative of DPJ may not be much different from the previous perceptions in the sense that the initiative was a response to the rise of China, the relative decline of the United State and the long-term depression of Japan. However, it is reflecting the Japanese effort to identify itself as a member of East Asia. Only when we place the DPJ's polities on East Asian regionalism in the broader canvas of history, we can have a better understanding on Japanese foreign policy initiative.

Color-Filter 및 Microlens를 포함한 CMOS Image Sensor의 Optical Stack 구조 별 Pixel FPN 특성 및 원인 분류

최운일,이희덕,Choi, Woonil,Lee, Hi-Deok 한국전기전자재료학회 2012 전기전자재료학회논문지 Vol.25 No.11

FPN (fixed-pattern-noise) mainly comes from the device or pattern mismatches in pixel and color filter, pixel photodiode leakage in CMOS image sensor. In this paper, optical stack module related pixel FPN was investigated and the classification of pixel FPN contribution with the individual optical module process was presented. The methodology and procedure would be helpful in reducing the greater pixel FPN and distinguishing the complex FPN sources with respect to various noise factors.

아시아 경제통합에 있어서 일중 협력과 경쟁

최운도 한양대학교 아태지역연구센터 2004 중소연구 Vol.28 No.1

동아시아에서는 구조적 제약 속에서도 최근 지역통합의 논의가 심각하게 진행되고 있다. 본 연구는 바로 동아시아에서의 지역통합을 둘러싼 역내의 노력과 그 성공에 결정적인 열쇠를 가진 일본과 중국의 협력과 갈등을 분석하는데 있다. 일본에서 중국위협론은 실증적 근거를 제시하지 못하고 있으며, 오히려 일본과 중국의 경제는 보완관계에 있으며, 변화하는 중국에 어떻게 대응할 것인가를 생각할 필요가 있음을 주장한다. 반면 중국은 안정과 발전을 최대의 국가목표로 하고 있는 만큼, 경제분야에서의 협력을 제1의 정책과제로 삼고 있으면서도 안보분야에서 일본위협론을 제기하고 있다.지역통합에 일·중의 협력은 많은 부분 일본의 선택에 달려있다. 일본내의 혐중파와 차이나 스쿨, 두 진영의 존재는 결국 일본의 대중 외교정책에 있어서 정치분야와 경제분야에 있어서의 정책의 차별성을 설명해 준다. 다시 말해, 정치적인 분야에서는 도전적이며 갈등적인 대중정책이 힘을 얻고 있는 반면, 경제분야에서는 중국과의 협력을 지지하는 세력이 지배적임을 의미한다. 일본에서는 정치분야에서의 보수화의 진행 하에서 이 모순적 구조가 얼마나 계속될지가 동아시아 경제통합의 향방을 결정할 것이다.

일본의 남쿠릴열도 정책 : 중앙집권적 영토정책과 일본의 다면게임

최운도 ( Choi Woondo ) 현대일본학회 2019 일본연구논총 Vol.50 No.-

The Japanese government's policy on the South Kuril Islands did not take a four-island restoration from the outset. Nor did it give up a four-island restoration in Abe's cabinet and switch to a two-island restoration. This study tracks changes in Japan's strategy in the Russo-Japanese negotiations on the South Kuril Islands and examines the causes. The last 70 years are divided into three periods. In the first period of generation, It was unclear whether the government was pursuing a two-island restoration or a four-island restoration in the first period. In the second period of establishment, the Japanese government established the principle of four-island restoration principle and a new identity of 'Northern Territories,' During the third period of hybrid, the Japanese government wanted to exercise some flexibility to proceed with the negotiations. However, while the government was unable to deviate from the four-island restoration principle, the time of Russian rule was prolonged and various demands and solutions from local governments and local people erupted. The situation in which the Japanese government is still unable to deviate from the principle (in a single or phased manner) reveals the problems of its territorial policy, which has been led by the state. Built on the basis of post-war patriotism, the argument of indigenous territory on the Southern Kuril Islands became a firm national policy, blending with the hostility toward the Soviet Union in the Cold War era. In response to this Japanese claim, Russia urges Japan to acknowledge the status quo as a result of the war. While Abe is showing his willingness to negotiate, he cannot accept Russia's claim as a precondition for negotiations. The precondition is inconsistent with Japan’s sovereignty claims to Dokdo and the Senkaku Islands. The coherent logical structure that the Japanese government has been taking on three facets of territorial game militate against flexible response.

일본의 집단적 자위권 개념, 해석 그리고 헌법개정

최운도 ( Woon Do Choi ) 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 2013 국방연구 Vol.56 No.4

This research focuses on the three aspects concerned with collective self-defense of Japan: concept, pros and cons, legal process in the permission. What is at stake in Japan`s adoption of the collective self-defense, what are the major issues in the pros and conds of the debate, and what is the probability in realizing the change? Abe`s government believes that the current interpretation of the Constitution is one part of the institutionalization of Yoshida doctrine, which has been leading what so called Post-war System. After experiencing the several revolutions in military affairs and the changes in balance of power, the revisionists argue, the existing interpretation is too restrictive and does not meet the demands of the current situation. This paper argues that even though Abe`s policy is taking the posture following the U.S. demand for expansion in its security role, Abe`s eventual goal is beyond just the cooperation with the U.S. and it will bring about the nullification of the pacifism which had been argued to be planted on Japanese soil since the end of the War.

Saya guru sejarah dali korea (저는 한국에서 온 역사 교사입니다.)

최운 역사교육연구소 2023 역사와교육 Vol.- No.23

전후 일본 경제대국화의 원점― 점령의 개혁정치 vs. 역코스 정책 ―

최운도 한국일본학회 2020 日本學報 Vol.0 No.124

What is the impact of the seven years of U.S. occupation on Japan's economic development? The initial occupation policy aimed at ensuring that Japan does not pose another military threat to the international community. Accordingly, the GHQ promoted some reform-oriented economic policies, such as war reparation, the dissolution of chaebol, and anti-trust policies. However, after the reverse course, U.S.'s top priority was on the stabilization and recovery of Japan’s economy, and the government adopted policies such as cancellation of reparation schemes, protection of chaebol, cancellation of economic purge, and Dodge Plan. The following conclusions can be reached on the starting point of post-war Japan's economic situation. First, controversy continued over the impact of the U.S. occupation policy on Japan's economic recovery and rapid growth. In particular, the economic achievements of the GHQ's reform policies and the reverse course policy of Dodge Line cannot be determined. Second, there is no doubt that the Korean War acted as a catalyst in Japan's economic recovery. Third, there was an agreement among historians that the conservative alliance and the government-led industrial policy were the top contributors to Japan's rapid growth after the conclusion of peace treaty. The effects of the reverse course policy can be said to be more pronounced in political areas, such as formation of class cartels that enabled industrial policy after the end of occupation rather than the end of economic policies like Dodge line. 미국의 대일점령 7년이 일본 경제대국화에 미친 영향은 무엇일까? 점령 초기의 정책들은 일본이 국제사회에 군사적 위협이 되지 않도록 하는 것을 최대 목표로 하였다. 그에 따라 GHQ는 전후배상, 재벌해체, 반독점정책 등의 개혁적인 경제정책들을 추진하였다. 그런데 역코스로 전환 이후 일본의 안정과 경제회복을 최우선 목표로 하면서 배상취소, 재벌보호, 공직추방의 취소, 닷지 플랜 등 채택되었다. 전후 일본의 경제회복과 고도성장의 출발점에 대해 다음과 같은 결론을 내릴 수 있다. 첫째, 미국 대일점령 정책이 일본의 경제회복과 고도성장에 미친 영향에 대해서는 지금도 논란이 계속되고 있다. 특히 GHQ의 개혁정책들과 역코스 정책인 닷지 라인의 경제적 성과도 단정할 수 없다. 둘째, 한국전쟁이 일본 경제회복의 기폭제였다는 점에는 의심의 여지가 없다. 셋째, 미일강화 이후 일본의 고도성장에는 보수연대와 정부주도의 산업정책이 일등공신이었음은 역사학자들 사이에 합의가 형성되어 있다. 역코스 정책의 효과는 닷지 라인과 같은 경제정책 보다 점령의 종료 이후 산업정책을 가능하게 한 계급적 카르텔의 형성과 같은 정치 분야에서 더 두드러진다고 할 수 있다.

일본의 위기관리와 미·일 위기관리체제 -신가이드라인과 유사법제를 중심으로-

최운도(Woon-do Choi) 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2005 동서연구 Vol.17 No.1

기계적 합금화법에 의한 V-Al 합금의 미세조직 변화에 관한 연구

최운,김하영,남승의 ( Woon Choi,Ha Young Kim,Seoung Eui Nam ) 한국주조공학회 1991 한국주조공학회지 Vol.11 No.6

The formation of brittle intermetallic compound such as VAl₃tends tp lower the toughness of V-Al alloys. Also, due to the high melting point of vanadium, it is difficult to make that alloy by previous ingot metallurgy method. To depress the technique has been adopted. The effect of particle size and milling time on the phase has been thoroughly studied. For mechanical alloying, SPEX mixed /mill has been used. The milling time and the composition of V and Al are varied to find the optimum condition of forming amorphous phase. The X-Ray Diffrection pattern, microstructure detection, microhandess test, experiments are carried out to analyze MA product. When the final step is reached, no lamellar-structure is detected. The steady state condition is observed after 8 hours and 10 hours milling for 15wt.%Al and 30wt.%Al alloy, respectively. The microhardness continuously increases up to 10hours after then it remains constant.

공정조건에 따른 DLC 막의 잔류응력 및 미세구조변화에 관한 연구

최운,최원규,김형준,남승의 대한금속재료학회 1995 대한금속재료학회 학술대회 개요집 Vol.1995 No.1