法王의 동아시아적 변용과 百濟 法王의 성격

최연식 백제학회 2019 백제학보 Vol.0 No.30

Very little was known about King Beop[Dharma King], the 29th King of Baekje Kingdom. His reign was very short – lesser than a year – and only few things were known about him and his reign. Considering the scarcity and little importance of him in the historical records, it is difficult to understand why he was given to the posthumous epithet of “King Beop[Dharma King],” the holy title only given to the Buddhist heroes, Buddha and the Dharma King[Chakravartin], the Buddhist sage King. In this article we examined the historic character of the title of “Dharma King” and the political role of King Beop at the time through the comparisons with the Emperor Wu of Liang and the Prince Shotoku in the 6th Century Japan. Emperor Liang showed himself the Dharma King by leading both the country and the sanga, the community of priests, with Buddhist ideals. He supported the sanga with plentiful materials and reigned the government according to the Buddhist teaching. He also studied Buddhist philosophical theories and precepts to lead the priests to the right way. He seems to have been influenced by the King Wenxuan of Southern Qi whom he served before he took the power. King Wenxuan studied Buddhist philosophy and practices with sincere belief and led the Buddhists with deep scholarship. The original name of Kin Beop was Seon[Ch. Xuan] and it could have been after King Wenxuan. The reason that King Beop was given the title of Dharma King must have been his leading role in the Buddhism. In fact, all the few records about him are related with Buddhism. Considering his short reign, his leadership of the Buddhism must have been performed before his ascendance to the throne. The original name of King Heon, the father of King Beop, was Hye[Ch. Hui] and it could have been after Royal prince Wenhui, the elder brother of King Wenhui who led the confucianism at the time. His posthumous epithet of Heon[Ch. Xuan] means the wise person in Confucianism. In ancient Japan, the famous Dharma King was Prince Shotoku who was neither a king nor a priest. Considering the proximity of period and the identity of the title of Dharma King, Prince Shotoku’s activities as the Buddhist leader are thought to have modelled after those of King Beop’s. Interestingly, the palace and the temple of Prince Shotoku at Ikaruga were very similar to those at Iksan in Baekje period in their location and arrangement. It is very possible the King Beop have founded the palace and the temple at Iksan as a prince and leader of Buddhism. 백제 제29대 국왕인 法王은 재위 기간이 짧을 뿐 아니라 행적도 단편적인 사실 몇 가지만 알려져 있어서 그가 어떠한 인물이었는지, 그의 국왕으로서의 위상과 성격이 어떠한 것이었는지 거의 파악할 수 없다. 이와 같이 자료적으로 불분명한 그의 위상과 성격을 고려할 때, 그가 어떻게 ‘법왕’이라는 위대한 시호를 받게 되었는지 잘 이해되지 않는다. 이 논문에서는 백제 제29대 국왕의 법왕이라는 시호의 성격과 법왕의 역사적 위치 등에 대하여 중국 양 무제 및 일본 쇼오토쿠 태자의 행적과 비교하여 검토하였다. 양 무제는 즉위 후 불교를 후원하고 불교의 정법에 의거하여 통치하는 것에서 나아가 스스로 불교의 교학과 실천을 주도하고 불교 교단의 운영을 관장하는 불교지도자라는 새로운 전륜성왕=법왕으로서의 모습을 보여주었는데, 이는 자신이 젊은 시절에 모시고 공부하였던 齊 文宣王이 왕자의 신분이면서 불교 교학과 수행에 관심을 가지고 불교계를 주도한 것에 영향 받은 것으로 보인다. 위덕왕의 조카인 법왕의 즉위 전 이름 宣은 文宣王을 염두에 둔 것으로 보이며, 재위 기간이 짧아서 별다른 행적을 남기지 못한 宣이 법왕으로 불리게 된 것은 그가 왕자 시절부터 불교에 정통하고 불교계를 지도하는 위치에 있었기 때문으로 생각된다. 그의 부친의 이름 惠는 문선왕의 형으로서 유교를 주관하였던 文惠太子를 염두에 둔 것이며, 시호 獻王은 유교적 현자를 의미한 것으로 보인다. 일본에서는 출가자도 아니고 왕위에 오르지도 못했던 쇼오토쿠 태자가 법왕으로 불리고 있는데, 시기적 근접성이나 법왕이라는 호칭의 공통성을 고려할 때 불교 교학과 신앙을 주도했던 그의 행적은 백제의 법왕을 모델로 한 것으로 보인다. 쇼오토쿠 태자가 조영한 이카루가의 궁과 사찰 역시 백제의 익산 왕궁리 유적과 비슷한데, 이 익산 왕궁의 조영 주체는 쇼오토쿠 태자의 모델이었던 왕자 시절의 백제 법왕으로 추정된다.

朝鮮後期 社會變動과 茶山의 社會改革論

崔然植 동양고전학회 1994 東洋古典硏究 Vol.2 No.-

『金藏要集經』의 性格과 硏究現況

최연식 금강대학교 불교문화연구소 2010 불교학 리뷰 Vol.7 No.-

Jinzang yaojijing (JInzang lun) is an anthology of the tales of derived from several Buddhist Sutras. The subjects of the tales are the conversion into Buddhism, the examples of punitive justice, and paying respect to Buddha and his statues and stupas. The editor of this book, Daoji was an famous scholar majoring in Satyasiddhi-sastra during Bei Qi period, but after an incident which brought him a great disappointment at the atmosphere around the Buddhists who were vainly indulged in studying the Buddhist theories without practicing it in their daily lives he retired from the capital and edited this book. On finishing this book he began to making a round of villages outside the capital and read the tales of the book to the common people. By this he preached the Buddhist teachings to the common people and guided them to live Buddhist’s lives by keeping the Buddhist moral and ethics. There is also an emphasis on the filial piety and it might be one of the earliest example of the integration of Chinese important moral into Buddhist teachings. There remain several versions of this book in Korea, Japan and China. But all of them are incomplete. According to the old bibliographies the Jinzang yaojijing was in 7 volumes. The remains are only 4 volumes, volume 1, 2, 5 and 6. Korean version, 13th century woodblock print kept at Beom’eo-sa temple, contain volume 1 and 2. Japanese versions, 3 handcopy manuscripts kept at Kofukuji temple and University libraries, contain volume 1 and 6. Chinese versions, several fractions from 4 handcopy manuscripts found at Dunhuang cave, contain volume 5 and 6. Among the remained versions the Beom’eo-sa has special importance. At the beginning of it the table of chapters is preserved. This table present the name of every chapter. Ant by this table we can also figure out the total composition of Jinzang yaojijing.

圓光의 생애와 사상 : 《三國遺事》<圓光전>의 분석을 중심으로

崔鉛植 翰林大學校 泰東古典硏究所 1995 泰東古典硏究 Vol.12 No.-

한국·일본 전통가족의 역사와 현재

최연식,류석춘,국민호,최우영 한국학연구원 2013 한국학논집 Vol.50 No.1

Dual Variation of Enlightenment and Emancipation: Pre-History of Chinese Socialism

최연식 한국학술연구원 2007 Korea Observer Vol.38 No.3

After the 1989 Tiananmen incident, China has been deliberately promoting the effort to revive the Confucian traditions and values. The current efforts to reevaluate the Confucian tradition in China stemmed from the awareness on the part of the Chinese that the denial of all things Chinese was not an effective means to overcome China’s crisis. With regard to this point, in order to grasp the sociopolitical implication of the restoration of the Confucian tradition, the pre-history of modern Chinese socialism needs to be examined. This paper proposes that the experiment of the early twentieth century, to overcome the Chinese national deterioration can be described as a dual variation of enlightenment and emancipation. This paper will carry out this examination with regard to three historical periods: the period of the reformation movement in the latter nineteenth century, the period of the New Culture Movement in the 1910s, and the period of Sinicizing socialism by nascent Chinese Marxists in the early twentieth century. For the past one century, China has promoted the project of Sinicizing socialism. Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping respectively conducted the experiment of Sinicizing socialism, using their own methods. As a result, China presented a new model of “socialism with Chinese characteristics.” However, the future of this model is now facing a new challenge. China is currently confronting a period of a new dialectic synthesis between things traditional and modern. In this regard, the future of “composite innovation,” which the current Chinese government espouses, is still obscure.

<佛國寺西石塔重修形止記>의 재구성을 통한 불국사 석탑 중수 관련 내용의 재검토

최연식 한국목간학회 2008 한국목간학회 정기발표회 Vol.- No.1

Characterization and comparison of two S - adenosylmethionine decarboxylases purified from soybean axes

최연식,김우정,조영동 생화학분자생물학회 1992 생화학분자생물학회 추계학술발표논문집 Vol.- No.-

월출산(月出山)의 관음신앙(觀音信仰)에 대한 고찰

최연식 천태불교문화연구원 2007 天台學硏究 Vol.10 No.-

高麗末 性理學的 政治談論의 形成

최연식 東洋古典學會 1996 東洋古典硏究 Vol.6 No.-