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캠프데이비드 ‘美·日·韓’ 정상회담 관련 환구시보 사설 비판적 담화분석: 미국 “新冷戰” 프레이밍과 아시아 나토 재맥락화
최태훈 한국중국언어학회 2024 중국언어연구 Vol.- No.111
본 논문은 캠프데이비드 美·日·韓 정상회담과 관련된 네 편의 환구시보의 사설 텍스트에서 나타난 ‘담화적 실천’ 과정을 비판적 담화 분석(CDA, Critical Discourse Analysis, Fairclough, 1995/이원표, 2004) 연구 방법론으로 해석하는데 그 목적이 있다. 분석 대상인 사설들을 통해 이 정상회담에 맞선 중국의 대항 이데올로기 형성 과정에 대해 구체적인 담화 전략을 CDA 2차원 분석인 상호텍스트성 차원에서 살펴본다. 연구 문제는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 캠프데이비드 정상회의 국면에서 관련 환구시보 사설들은 어떤 담화 전략을 사용하는가? 둘째, 그와 같은 담화 전략이 사용된 숨은 의도는 무엇인가? 이 연구 문제들을 통해 사설에서 사용된 담화 전략이 이 국면에서 중국 정부의 어떤 대항 이데올로기를 생산·확대재생산하는지 파악하였다. 그 결과 첫째, 관련 환구시보 사설은 캠프데이비드 ‘美·日·韓’ 정상회담을 미국의 인도·태평양 지역 新冷戰 전략으로 프레이밍하고, 미국에게 新冷戰의 책임을 전가하는데 그 의도가 있음을 밝혔다. 둘째, 캠프데이비드 정상회의 국면에서 환구시보 사설이 아시아 나토 담화 전략을 통해, 미국과 日·韓을 어떻게 공개적으로 비난하는지 기술하고 해석하였다. 셋째, 개념적 은유 표현을 통해 “新冷戰” 프레임과 아시아 나토 담화 전략이 어떻게 구체화 되었는지 고찰하였다. This study applied critical discourse analysis (CDA) methodology to scrutinize how Global Times editorials interpreted the announcement of “trilateral military cooperation” between the United States, Japan, and South Korea at the Camp David summit. The editorials described the cooperation as a “trilateral military alliance” and framed it in the context of the “New Cold War.” This analysis focuses on four key editorials that waged a public relations battle over the Camp David summit. The study aims to answer three main questions. First, it analyzes the ways in which the editorials framed the Camp David “US-Japan-South Korea” summit as part of the US New Cold War strategy in the Indo-Pacific region, and assigned the responsibility for the New Cold War to the US. Second, it describes and interprets how the editorials publicly criticized the United States, Japan, and South Korea through NATO discourse strategies in Asia during the Camp David summit. Third, it examines how the “New Cold War” frame and the Asian NATO discourse strategy are materialized through conceptual metaphors. The analysis shows that the editorials frame the Camp David summit as a “new cold war” and blame the U.S. as the main perpetrator of the new cold war. The editorials publicly name and shame the specific aspect of the “new cold war” as the Asian version of NATO. Conceptual metaphors are used in the August 7th editorial to show the problems with the U.S.-Japan military alliance, on the 17th to separate S. Korea from the U.S., on the 19th to do Japan-South Korea from the U.S., and on the 21st to do ASEAN-the Pacific and island states from the U.S.-Japan-S.Korea.
환구시보 사설에 드러난 한국 ‘態度’ 비판적 담화분석: ‘당당한 외교’ 對 ‘不卑不亢的外交’
최태훈 경희대학교(국제캠퍼스) 비교문화연구소 2023 비교문화연구 Vol.70 No.-
This study conducted a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the contextual indications of the lexeme, ‘attitude’ in Korea-related Global Times editorials published from 2022 to the first half of 2023. A total of 10 editorials were collected as the core data for the analysis, including four editorials mentioning Korea’s ‘attitude’ in 2022, three editorials mentioning US-China’s ‘attitude’ towards Korea in 2023, and three editorials mentioning Korea’s ‘attitude.’ The research question was to explore the hidden meaning constructions of the editorials through the linguistic device of ‘attitude,’ by describing the first dimensional textual practices and interpreting the second dimensional discourse practices based upon the critical discourse analysis method. The research findings include first that, the referent of ‘attitude’ in the four editorials of 2022 was the same: pragmatic and rational attitude. The intention of this ‘attitude’ is that Korea should stay close to China, see economic benefits, and distance itself from the United States. Second, the editorial referring to the ‘attitude’ of the United States in 2023 is intended to divide South Korea and the United States into ‘us’ and ‘them’ and to make South Korea listen to China by criticizing its attitude. The editorials referring to China's ‘attitude’ in 2023 are ostensibly positive in terms of cold and rationality, but in reality, the cold and rationality they refer to means giving back to South Korea what it has received. Third, South Korea’s ‘attitude’ in the 2023 editorial is framed as ‘the current government’s favorable discharge of polluted water’ versus ‘the previous government's resolute opposition to the discharge of polluted water,’ ‘confident diplomacy’ versus ‘neither submissive nor arrogant diplomacy,’ and ‘Korean-Chinese friendliness’ versus ‘friendly gesture.’ It divides Korea and the U.S. and Japan, divides ‘us’ and ‘them,’ and demands that Korea changes its attitude to return to China.
崔泰勳 대한중국학회 2010 중국학 Vol.37 No.-
This study aims at finding out about some errors of example sentences shown in the Great Chinese-Korean dictionary. This study can be meaningful because the importance of the example sentences in the dictionary cannot be overemphasized. Example sentences in the dictionary include all of the following parts: meanings, interpretations, and subsequent examples sentences. They hold an importance place in compiling a dictionary. If examples sentences are not accurate, the influences of the dictionary will be reduced by half. Contrary to the intentions of the dictionary editors, the Great Chinese-Korean dictionary has significant problems in terms of sources and example sentences. For example, some of the errors include mistaken sources, incorrect volumes or volume numbers with correct sources, confusion about authors' dynasties, inaccurate authors' names, erroneous periods of historical research, and so on. Therefore, the researcher of this study attempts to provide readers with the first step toward the solutions of these problems by analyzing basic types of errors and to play a role in revising the Great Chinese-Korean dictionary in the near future. As a result, it is hoped that the influences of these errors presented in the dictionary should not be transmitted in the various academic fields and to the following generations.
펠로시 대만 방문 관련 환구시보 사설의 대항이데올로기 구축 비판적 담화분석
최태훈 한국중국언어학회 2023 중국언어연구 Vol.- No.105
This research aims to analyze the process of discursive performance through the editorial texts of Huanqiu Shibao on Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan using critical discourse analysis methodology. The study focuses on the phase shifts through discursive order formation and intertextuality to explore counter-ideology. First, the analysis of the editorials is categorized into three phases: 1) editorials published before Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan, 2) editorials published after Pelosi's arrival in Taiwan, and 3) editorials reinterpreting Taiwan’s current international status from a historical perspective. The study reveals that Huanqiu Shibao constructed a war frame before Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan, with intimidation, blame-shifting, and war legitimization as key features. After Pelosi’s visit, the newspaper framed the visit as an “unauthorized visit to Taiwan” and condemned Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party while formalizing the “one China principle.” In the final three editorials, the newspaper reinterprets Taiwan’s current international status from a historical perspective and aggressively engages in media confrontation with the United States. Second, the paper’s analysis of intertextuality cases shows that “those who play with fire will perish by it, Wanhuozifen” is a trigger word used in blackmail and warfare framing, which is a concept that threatens the US for interfering in the Taiwan issue and represents the stage before Pelosi's visit. The One-China Principle represents China’s view that Taiwan is a domestic issue while and One-China Policy characterizes the US’ view that it is an international issue. The US has conducted economic, diplomatic, and arms sales with Taiwan under the Taiwan Relations Act since 1979, using a strategy of “strategic ambiguity.” Chinese authorities accuse the US of disrupting the stability of the Taiwan Strait with Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan, but US media respond by stating they have done nothing illegal according to the US-China joint statement. The editorials on August 3, 5, 8, 11, and 16 discuss the violation of the One-China Principle, the importance of the “one-China” symbol, peaceful reunification, and the appropriating of the word “peace” to sway international and Taiwanese public opinion. The August 11 editorial discusses the Chinese government’s white paper on Taiwan reunification and emphasizes the importance of peaceful reunification, while also stating that force could be used if necessary. 본 연구는 비판적 담론 분석 방법론을 사용하여 펠로시의 대만 방문에 대한 환구시보 사설 텍스트를 통한 담론 수행 과정을 분석하는 것을 목표로 한다. 이 연구는 대항이데올로기를 탐색하기 위해 담론적 질서 형성과 상호텍스트성을 통한 위상의 변화에 주목한다. 첫째, 사설 분석은 1) 펠로시 의장의 대만 방문 이전에 발표된 사설, 2) 펠로시 의장의 대만 도착 이후에 발표된 사설, 3) 현재 대만의 국제적 위상을 역사적 관점에서 재해석한 사설로 분류한다. 펠로시의 대만 방문 이전 세 개 사설은 협박, 책임 전가, 전쟁 명분쌓기를 주요 특징으로 하는 전쟁 프레임을 구성했음을 보여준다. 펠로시 의장의 방한 이후 사설은 이번 방문을 ‘대만 무단 방문(竄臺)’으로 규정하고 ‘一個中國原则’을 공식화하면서 대만의 민주진보당을 비난했다. 마지막 세 개의 사설에서 신문은 대만의 현재 국제적 위상을 역사적 관점에서 재해석하고 미국과의 언론 대결에 적극적으로 나선다. 둘째, 상호텍스트성 사례에 대한 본 논문의 분석은 다음과 같다. ‘玩火自焚’은 협박과 전쟁 프레이밍에서 사용되는 방아쇠 단어이며, 시기별로 그 쓰임의 변화가 있었다. ‘一個中國原则’은 대만을 국내 문제로 보는 중국의 입장을 나타내고, ‘One-China Policy’은 대만을 국제 문제로 보는 미국의 입장을 특징짓는다. 미국은 1979년부터 '전략적 모호성' 전략을 구사해 ‘대만관계법’에 따라 대만과 경제·외교·무기 판매를 해왔다. 중국 당국은 미국이 펠로시의 대만 방문으로 대만해협의 안정을 방해했다고 비난하지만, 미국 언론은 미·중 공동성명에 따라 불법적인 행위를 한 것이 없다고 반박하고 있다. 8월 3일, 4일, 5일, 8일, 11일, 16일의 사설은 하나의 중국 원칙 위반, 하나의 중국 상징의 중요성, 평화적 통일, ‘평화’라는 단어의 전유에 대해 논의한다. 그리고 8월 11일자 사설은 대만 통일에 관한 중국 정부의 백서를 논하고 평화통일의 중요성을 강조하는 동시에 필요하다면 무력을 사용할 수도 있다고 언급한다.
테니스 그랜드슬램대회의 선수특성요인과 경기요인에 대한 분석연구 -정준상관 행렬도와 프로크러스티즈 분석의 응용-
최태훈,최용석,신상민,Choi, Tae-Hoon,Choi, Yong-Seok,Shin, Sang-Min 한국통계학회 2009 응용통계연구 Vol.22 No.4
Canonical correlation biplot is 2-dimensional plot for investigating the relationship between two sets of variables and the relationship between observations and variables in canonical correlation analysis graphically. Recently, Choi and Choi (2008) suggested a method for investigating the relationship between skill and competition score factors of KLPGA players using canonical correlation biplot and cluster analysis. analysis. Procrustes analysis is very useful tool for comparing shape between configurations. Therefore, in this study, we will provide a method for investigating the relationship between player characteristic factors and competitive factors of tennis grand slams competition using Canonical correlation biplot and Procrustes analysis.
『한한대사전(漢韓大辭典)』에 보이는 명(明), 청대(淸代) 고백화어(古白話語) 오류연구(誤謬硏究)
崔泰勳 한국중국언어학회 2014 중국언어연구 Vol.0 No.52
This article examines the problems with some words used in Spoken Chinese of Ming and Qing Dynasties, which are presented in『the Great Chinese-Korean dictionary』. The author analyses the problems into three aspects: first, error correction in meaning interpretation; second, supplementary correction in meaning interpretation; and third, additional error correction. The main points of the study are presented in the following. First, in relation to the error correction in meaning interpretation, this study finds out that the explanations of “shanglian, shangtoushanglian,” “miemiexiexie,” “jianjian,” and “chengcheng” in the 『Great Chinese-Korean dictionary』 are incorrect. These cases mostly involve the explanations that do not reflect the original meanings used in Spoken Chinese of Ming and Qing Dynasties due to inappropriate meaning interpretations. The words analyzed in this article should be interpreted as “misbehave,” “leisurely or slowly,” “one by one, sufficiently, or highly,” and “gradually or increasingly.” Second, as for the supplementary correction, this study points out that the explanations of "qianren,” “guaren,” “kuandai,” and “muzi” are not sufficient. Thus, this study claims that the following meanings for each case of the word mentioned above should be added, including “the other man,” “a widow,” “alcohol and meals for hospitality,” and “mother or child-bearer.” Third, additional error analysis encompasses the insufficient examples presented in the dictionary, the errors in the meaning interpretations originated from the same sources, the problematic items of words, and the cases including various problems.