보오이 목제현(穆齊賢)과 『요재지이(聊齋志異)』 만문본(滿文本)에서의 그의 역할

최형섭 ( Hyoungseob Choi ) 사단법인 아시아문화학술원 2021 인문사회 21 Vol.12 No.5

본고는 穆齊賢의 사례를 중심으로 청대 ‘보오이(Booi)’ 계층의 구체적인 실상과 특징을 ‘만주어’라는 키워드를 통해 분석하는 데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 목제현의 『閒窓錄夢』과 『聊齋志異』 滿文本을 분석 텍스트로 삼아 연구를 진행했다. 목제현은 한족 보오이로 만주어에 능통했다. 만주어 능력은 그가 쉽게 관직을 얻고 일자리를 얻을 수 있는 가능성을 열어줬다. 또한 만주어를 통해 그는 만주족 주류사회와 특별한 관계를 맺을 수 있었다. 목제현은 『聊齋志異』 만문본 수정 작업에서 결정적인 역할을 했다. 이 번역 작업은 민간 동호인 그룹에 의해 이루어진 것이었다. 목제현은 한족이었지만 만주어 능력 덕분에 만주족 문학 동호회에 참여해 능력을 인정받을 수 있었다. 이런 논의를 통해 19세기 북경의 만주어 상황, 청대 보오이 계층과 그들에게 있어서 만주어의 의미, 『요재지이』 만문본 출현에 관한 구체적인 정황을 파악할 수 있다. The purpose of this study is to analyze the realities and characteristics of the ‘Booi’ class in the Qing Dynasty, focusing on the case of Mu Qixian, through the keyword ‘Manchu language’. To this end, I mainly analyzed Mu’s Xianchuanglumeng and the Manchu version of Liaozhaizhiyi. Mu Qixian was a Han Chinese Booi and was fluent in Manchu language. His Manchu proficiency opened up the possibility for him to easily get government posts and get jobs. In addition, Manchu allowed him to establish special relationships with the Manchu mainstream society. Mu played a decisive role in the revision of the Manchu version of Liaozhaizhiyi. This translation work was led by a group of private club members. Although Mu was a Han Chinese, his Manchu ability allowed him to participate in the Manchu literature club and to be recognized. Through these discussions, it is possible to grasp the Manchu situations in Beijing in the 19th century, the Qing’s Booi class and the meaning of Manchu to them, and the specific circumstances regarding the appearance of the Manchu Version of Liaozhaizhiyi.

유럽에 전해진 중국 소설(1735-1840) ― 프랑스와 영국을 중심으로

崔亨燮 ( Choi Hyoungseob ) 중국어문연구회 2020 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.102

The purpose of this study is to examine an overview of the situations that classic Chinese novels were translated and spread in Europe. I researched the situations in which Chinese novels were introduced to Europe for about 100 years from 1735 to 1840, especially focusing on France and the United Kingdom. I discussed it in two separate periods, the 18th and the first half of the 19th century. First, the situations of the 18th century were summarized as follows. Du Halde (1674-1743), a France Jesuit, published Description Geographique, Historique, Chronologique, Politique, Et Physique de l’Empire de la Chine Et de la Tartarie Chinoise(1735) in Paris. It contained three works of Jinguqiguan(今古奇觀) translated in French. These were the first Chinese novels ever published in Europe. The translator was a Chinese missionary, Francois Xavier d’Entrecolles (1664-1741), who belonged to the French Jesuits. The translator was the French Jesuit Chinese missionary Francois Xavier d’Entrecolles (1664-1741). The first full-length Chinese novel translated in Europe was Haoqiuzhuan(好逑傳). This book was published in London in 1761 by Thomas Percy (1729-1811). But it was James Wilkinson, not him, who originally translated this work in Chinese. James Wilkinson, who worked as an employee of the East India company in Guangzhou(廣州), translated this work in 1719 for the purpose of studying Chinese. In the 18th century, Chinese missionary and employee of the East India company participated in the translation of Chinese novels. When a work was translated into one language of Europe, it was subsequently retranslated into another language, and spread in different countries. Second, in the first half of the 19th century, there were about thirty works of Chinese novel introduced to Europe. In France, short stories of Li Yu(李漁) and Feng Menglong(馮夢龍) were mainly translated, and Scholar and Beauty novels such as Yujiaoli(玉嬌梨) and Pingshanlengyan(平山冷燕) were published. Among the works of ‘Sidaqishu(四大奇書)’, Sanguoyanyi(三國演義) was introduced first. By the first half of the 19th century, Sinology were opened at French universities, and Chinese experts began to be trained. Translation of Chinese novels was also gradually replaced by those from missionaries. The journal specializing in Asian Studies was also established. By the late 19th century, France became the leading country in Chinese studies in Europe. In the first half of the nineteenth century, the United Kingdom fell short of France in the translation of Chinese novels. Short works were mainly translated rather than long ones, and there were more direct translations of original Chinese books than in previous periods. Short stories, like France, were mainly translated from the collection of Li Yu and Feng Menglong. Full-length novels, such as The Fortunate Union, A Romance(好逑傳), Chinese Courtship in Verse(花箋記) etc, were published in complete translation. At this time, the translators of Chinese novels were still centered on Chinese missionaries and diplomats. It is also characteristic that the East India company played important roles in the development of Sinology. In the United Kingdom, Sinology was opened at universities by the late 19th century, where professors were largely retired Chinese missionaries or diplomats.

청대 만주어로 번역된 중국소설

최형섭(HyoungSeob Choi) 대한중국학회 2016 중국학 Vol.54 No.-

본 논문은 청대 만주어로 번역된 중국 소설의 전체적인 상황과 그 특징을 파악해 보기 위한 목적으로 쓰여졌다. 만주족이 문자를 가지게 된 것은 1599년의 老滿文과 1632년의 新滿文으로부터 시작되었다. 만주족은 정권 초기부터 한족 문화와 제도를 적극 수용하였고, 그로 인해 한문 서적의 만주어 번역이 중요하게 부각되었다. 文館으로부터 內三院, 內閣 기구에는 滿文 번역 부서가 마련되어 있었고, 內翻書房과 같은 전문번역기구가 설치되기도 하였다. 科擧에는 飜譯科가 신설되었고, 啓心郞, 筆帖式과 같은 통번역 업무를 전담하는 관료 계층도 생겨났다. 國子監과 八旗 교육기관에서는 만주어문 교과과정이 개설되어 만주어 학습을 장려하였고, 만문을 사용할 수 있는 인재 양성에 힘썼다. 청대 만주어 번역 소설의 출현은 이런 독특한 시대적 배경과 관련이 있다.만문 도서는 크게 抄本과 刻本으로 구분되며, 각본은 官刻本과 坊刻本으로 나뉜다. 청대에나온 만문 도서는 수도 北京의 황실 중심의 관각본이 절대적인 비중을 차지하고 있다. 반면에 지방 관서의 각본은 주로 만주어문 학습에 필요한 교과서나 공구서가 중심으로, 지극히작은 일부분을 차지하고 있다. 상업적인 이윤을 목적으로 하는 만문 坊刻本 역시 北京에 집중되어 있었다. 방각본 만문 도서는 대부분 만한합벽이고 순수 만문으로만 된 것은 극소수이다. 당시 書坊들에게 만문 도서의 간행은 주력 사업이 아닌 부차적인 아이템이었다. 내용적으 로 四書 등과 같은 유가경전, 사전류, 만주어문 학습서 등이 중요한 비중을 차지하였고, 삼국연의, 요재지이 등과 같은 문학 작품은 극히 일부분을 차지하고 있었다.필자의 불완전한 통계에 따르면, 현존하는 만주어로 번역된 중국 소설은 대략 48종이다.이 가운데 90% 정도는 만문으로만 번역되어 있고, 10%는 만문과 한문이 병렬되어 있는 滿漢合璧으로 되어 있다. 내용적으로 볼 때 연의류 소설과 재자가인류 소설이 거의 80% 정도로 절대적인 비중을 차지하고 있다. ‘사대기서’는 만주족 사이에서도 큰 인기를 끌었던 소설로, 삼국연의는 多爾袞의 명으로 순치7년(1650)에 간행되었고, 사대기서 나머지 작품들도비교적 이른 시기인 강희 연간에 만문으로 번역되어 각본, 혹은 초본의 형태로 유통되고 있었던 것으로 추정된다.전체적으로 볼 때 청대 만주어로 번역된 중국 소설의 규모와 유통 범위는 크지 않았고, 주로 북경을 중심으로 하는 만문 식자층을 대상으로 하고 있었다고 추론해 볼 수 있다. 그 식자층은 대부분 ‘旗人’에 속해 있던 사람들로 만주족을 비롯하여 일부 몽고족, 한족 등 만주어문화권에 속해 있던 사람들이었다고 볼 수 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 만역본 소설은 만주어문화권에 속해 있던 蒙古族, 錫伯族, 達斡爾族 등 북방 소수민족들을 비롯하여 글자를 알지못하던 훨씬 더 많은 만주족들에게 ‘烏勒本(ulabun)’과 같은 說唱 예술의 형태로 전파될 수있는 계기를 마련하였다는 점에서 의미가 있다. This paper was written with the purpose for grasping the overall situations andthe features of Chinese novel which were translated into the Manchu language inQing dynasty. The Manchu people became to have the new Manchu script(新滿文)since 1632 to improve the problems of the old Manchu script(老滿文, 1599). Thetranslation of the Manchu script from the Chinese character had risen inprominence, because Manchurian rulers wholeheartedly accepted the Han Chineseculture and the system from the initial stages of administration.Manchurian emperors set up the government department to take charge oftranslation work from Wenguan(文館) to Neisanyuan(內三院), Neke(內閣). Especially,The Kangxi emperor newly established the Neifanshufang(內飜書房) to takecompete charge of translation work about in 1671. The Qing government createdthe Fanyike(飜譯科) in the civil service examination, and also appointed governmentofficials to take charge of the interpretation and translation work, such asQixinlang(啓心郞) and bitieshi(筆帖式). The advent of the Manchurian translationnovels was related to the this historical background.The Manchu language books were divided into handwritten(抄本) and printededitions(刻本). The printed editions were divided into Guanke(官刻) and Fangkeeditions(坊刻). The palace edition books of capital Beijing took the absolute partsamong the Guanke editions, while provincial Guanke edition books occupied thesmall part. Fangke edition books were concentrated in Beijing. Fangke editionbooks were mainly translated into parallel translations in the Manchu and Hanscript(滿漢合璧). In addition, the most of publishers at that times published theManchu language books as the secondary items.According to my research, the Manchurian translation novels were about 48volumes. About ninety percent were translated into the Manchu language, and tenpercent were parallel translations in the Manchu and Han script. Historical novels and love stories about genius and beauty almost occupied 80 percent amongthem. Sidaqishu(四大奇書) were also very popular novels among the Manchupeople. Sanguoyanyi were published in 1650 according to Dorgon's order. The restthree works were presumed to be translated in Kangxi years (1662-1722) in theearly Qing dynasty.In conclusion, Chinese novels translated into the Manchu language were not somany as we expected. Reader class of the Manchu language novels were restrictedin Beijing’s qiren(旗人), who were composed of Manchu, Mongol, Han people.Nonetheless, the Manchurian translation novels opened up the way to transmit tothe illiterate Manchu people by means of the Manchu traditional oral art like theulabun(烏勒本), and paved the way to transmit to northern ethnic minorities suchas Mongol, Xibo, Daur people within the Manchu language cultural area.

페레이라(Tomás Pereira, 1646-1708)의 〈몽골 여행기〉(1685)에 관한 고찰

최형섭 ( Choi Hyoungseob ) 한국중국어문학회 2022 中國文學 Vol.111 No.-

This paper aimed to analyze the contents and meanings of “Journey to Mongolia”, written by Thomas Pereira(1646-1708), a Chinese missionary from Portugal. This study was conducted with reference to the related records in Kangxidiqijuzhu(康熙帝起居注) and Qingshilu(淸實錄), focusing on “Journey to Mongolia”. First, Pereira worked in China for 37 years from arriving in Macau in 1671 until his death in Beijing in 1708. Aside from his missionary activities, he made remarkable achievements in diplomatic fields such as the signing of the Treaty of Nerchinsk, and in musical fields such as the propagation of Western music theory and instruments to China. Second, “Journey to Mongolia” was a record that Pereira left after performing the Northern expedition of the Kangxi emperor in 1685. This document was originally written in Portuguese and appears to have been delivered to Europe around 1686. It was then published in Dutch by Nicolaas Witsen in 1692 and published in English in London in 1854. Third, the Kangxi emperor performed the northern expedition for 90 days from June 1 to September 2 in the lunar calendar in 1685. His expedition had the same objectives as autumn hunting, military training, and strengthening Mongolian rule etc. Pereira took part in the emperor's tour as a teacher of Western Learning. From the late 17th century, missionaries' visits and expeditions to Mongolia began in earnest. Mongolian customs, religion, geography, and history spread to Europe, and the knowledge and information about Mongolia in the West becomes concrete and rich. Through this study, it could understand the hunting trip of the Qing Dynasty emperor, the missionary's visit to Mongolia and the contents of specific records, and the status of Pereira in the history of East-West cultural exchanges.

청대 문인(文人)의 존재 방식과 정체성 ―장학성(章學誠)을 중심으로

최형섭 ( Choi Hyoungseob ) 한국중국어문학회 2018 中國文學 Vol.96 No.-

This study was made with the purpose of reconsidering the way of existence of literati(文人), the meaning of writing, and the relationship between cultural power and political power, focusing on Zhang Xuecheng(章學誠, 1738-1801) in the middle of the Qing dynasty. Here, ‘Wenren(文人)’ was used as a concept equivalent to ‘the literary intelligentsia’, in other words, ‘literati’ of English rather than the concept of ‘the literary man’. Firstly, Zhang Xuecheng was the person who had lived 64 years of life from Qianlong(乾隆) 3 to Jiaqing(嘉慶) 6, in particular, one of the representatives of the Chinese literati and scholar in the mid and late 18th century. He was born in a typical Gangnam gentry family from Kuaiji(會稽) in Zhejiang province. During adolescence he was grown and educated in hometown Shaoxing(紹興) and Yingcheng(應城) in Hubei province, but Beijing was the city that had the greatest influence on him. After he entered Guozijian(imperial capital academy) at the age of 25 in Qianlong 27(1762), he was mainly active in Beijing and had lived a life of wandering in Zhili(直隸), Henam, Anhui, Hubei province etc. He exchanged ideas with many literati and scholars who led the 18th century. He had many patrons Such as Shen Yefu(沈業富), Ou Yangjin(歐陽瑾), Zhu Fenyuan(朱棻元), Zhu Yun(朱筠), Liang Guozhi(梁國治), Bi Yuan(畢沅), Xie Qikun(謝啓崑) etc, who were prominent government officials and scholars of the time. In spite of passing imperial examinations and becoming the jinshi(進士), he gave up being a bureaucrat, and decided to live as a marginal literati out of office. With the help of his patrons, he solved economic problems mainly through non-regular workers such as tutor, the chief of the local academy, muliao(幕僚, provincial official’s adviser) etc. Most of non-official literati in the middle of the Qing dynasty resolved their livelihood problems through irregular jobs like Zhang Xuecheng, while they kept maintaining their identity as intellectuals. Secondly, in intellectual discourses of the 18th century, the academic world was largely divided into moral philosophy(義理), philology(考據), literature(文章, or 詞章). The question of how to define and evaluate the value, relation and status of these three was different according to discussants. However, overall, literary texts were valuated as being less meaningful and worthy than the scholarly texts to deal with moral philosophy and philology. The writings of Zhang Xuecheng generally had the character of a scholar rather than of a literary man, and the meaning and value of his writings could be found in scholarly writings rather than in literary writings. As summarized in the words, “moral philosophy could be proved by philology, literature was the tool to express it,” he established the scholarly identity he should seek through the way of integrating moral philosophy and philology centering on the historical writings. Thirdly, including Zhang Xuecheng, Quan Zuwang(全祖望), Yuan Mei(袁枚), Wang Mingcheng (王鳴盛), Zhao Yi(趙翼), Quan Daxin(錢大昕), Yao Nai(姚鼐) etc, represented the Chinese literati and scholars in the 18th century. Coincidentally, they all resigned early and left office, or gave up being official despite passing imperial examinations, and engaged in teaching and writing as marginal literati out of institutional power for a very long time. The backgrounds of their abandonment or early resignation were different, but the ambition and desire to leave the endless works for posterity could be said a common part. In addition, it was necessary to consider that it was a matter of choosing one of the two, in which the 18th century literati could hardly combine official and scholar because of specialized scholarships. It also seemed to be related to the situation that cultural power was becoming a part of the individual choice of Han Chinese literati, for the Manchu regime could not create the leading cultural power.