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姜玉楚(Kang Ok-Cho) 역사교육연구회 2002 역사교육 Vol.82 No.-
It is well-known the fact that the Subaltern studies started by postcolonial scholars in India were inspired by Antonio Gramsci, an Italian marxist thinker. While the terminology of "subaltern" was derived from him, the Subaltern studies were deviated from his original concept because Subaltern scholars have depended heavily on the post-structuralist methodology. In Gramsci, subaltern groups include the various social strata alienated in dual sense, that is, those who are not only oppressed by capitalism but also commonly excluded when referring to the "classes" in traditional Marxism. It is because he thought revolutionary movement in Italy cannot succeed with the exclusion of these groups. However the Subaltern scholars in the Third world fail to capture its meaning, accentuating only the static aspect of the subaltern groups. Instead, Gramsci sees the weaknesses and potentials of subaltern groups simultaneously. That"s why he emphasizes the necessity for organic intellectuals to intervene to organize them. Therefore, while interested in the creative spirit of subaltern mass, he rather elaborated on the role of the intellectuals, and focused on what the intellectuals should do for the crack of ruling hegemony and the building of new one throughout his Prison Notebooks. Furthermore, contrary to the negative recognition of the "class" among the Subaltern researchers. Gramsci didn"t seem to consider deserting this term totally. He merely bore in mind that the "fragmentary" and "episodic" characteristic of subaltern groups is different from an image of the proletariat that marxists have envisaged in the mean time. At the same time, he seems to dub "subaltern" as a concept which can be used elastically for multiple progressive stages for subalterns to lead up to a hegemonic class, believing that they can creat a state in some day. In short, "subaltern" was conceived as an antidote against the dogmatic teleology and the evolutionary idealism, contained in marxist vocabulary such as "class", while maintaining the principles of the historical materialism and its revolutionary character.
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강옥초(Ok Cho Kang) 한국서양사학회 2002 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.73
Gramsci`s `Meridionalismo` and His Treatise of 1926 This article re-evaluates the significance of the concept of `Meridionalismo` in The Southern Problem, a treatise written by Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), an Italian Marxist thinker, immediately prior to his imprisonment in 1926. This treatise, because of its long-winded analytical style and its treatment of `intelligentsia` and `hegemony` as core concepts, has generally been viewed as a prelude to Gramsci`s Prison Notebooks, rather than as a complete, stand-alone work. The objective of this paper is to refute the assertion that the 1926 treatise is an incomplete work. I will argue that, given a more thorough understanding of the peculiar significance of the Meridionalismo tradition in Italy, it becomes apparent that the 1926 treatise, in and of itself, proposed a theoretical leap that went far beyond the limits of Marxist class-reductionism as they were understood at that time. Gramsci, who naturally aspired to the Meridionalismo traditions of his native Sardegna, quickly developed a traitorous spirit and moved to Torino in Northern Italy, where he became a Marxist revolutionary. Gramsci then traveled to Russia (1922-24), where he was greatly inspired by Lenin`s United Front Strategy. Gramsci returned to Italy with the conviction that the Italian revolution must form its own United Front, allying the proletariat of the north with the peasants of the south. However, Gramsci`s native meridionalist insight allowed him to see that the two factions of the Italian alliance would have to be accessed through different media. While the northern laborers would be naturally inclined to respond to traditional political campaigning, the southern peasants would be most likely to respond to be to the more familiar medium of intelligentsia. Therefore, Gramsci theorized that the Communist party of the north must resolve to join in league with non-communist intelligentsia that dominated the south in order to succeed in consolidating and Italian United Front. The political significance of the treatise of 1926 can not be fully appreciated unless it is understood in this context.
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