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임창국 한국생성문법학회 2008 생성문법연구 Vol.18 No.2
This paper begins by critically reviewing the cognitive functional approach to grammaticalization phenomena (following Campbell & Janda 2001, Newmeyer 2001, inter alia) and further proposes that the analytic device which has been used to describe synchronic variations can also be used to describe diachronic changes (Robert 2007). To this end, the paper presents an analysis for V>P grammaticalized -losseo 'with, by' in Korean in which the two separate constituents, -lo and -sseo, end up being a single constituent by means of the so-called complex predicate formation, being a synchronic rule observed in regular small clause constructions.
The Unembeddable Allocutive Marker –Yo in Korean and the Syntax-Pragmatics Interface
임창국 한국생성문법학회 2016 생성문법연구 Vol.26 No.4
In this article, drawing on the fact that the allocutive marker -yo appears in the matrix clauses, but not in the embedded contexts, I argue that the unembeddability of -yo constitutes empirical evidence for the view that Speech Act structure is only posited in the left clausal periphery in which discourse pragmatic features are anchored. Under this view, -yo is an exponent of the Speech Act head that is only posited in the matrix clause.
A Note on the Structure of Small Clauses: Symmetrical or Asymmetrical?
임창국 한국언어학회 2015 언어 Vol.40 No.2
Yim, Changguk. 2015. A Note on the Structure of Small Clauses: Symmetrical or Asymmetrical? Korean Journal of Linguistics, 40-2, xx-xx. This article revisits the question of whether so-called small clauses (SCs) have a symmetrical or asymmetrical structure. To this end, it reviews Moro’s (2000) “dynamic antisymmetry” and Chomsky’s (2013) “labeling algorithm” systems, in which they both capitalize on the assumption of a symmetrical structure for SCs. The article then points out that such a symmetrical SC structure is problematic in their respective argumentation, and this problem is solved by positing asymmetrical structure for SCs such as Bower 1993, in which the subject asymmetrically c-commands the predicate. (Chung-Ang University)
임창국 서울대학교 인지과학연구소 2022 Journal of Cognitive Science Vol.23 No.1
In Distributed Morphology, the operation of Vocabulary Insertion applies a phonological exponent (Vocabulary Item) to a functional terminal morpheme. In this article, I propose that even if there is a candidate Vocabulary Item for the designated terminal node, Vocabulary Insertion may not insert a Vocabulary Item, which I dud Zero Vocabulary Insertion. Specifically, based on the fact that the light verb ha- ‘do’ in Korean may be elided in certain contexts, I offer a realizational, morpheme-based analysis of the phenomenon of the light verb in which the ha- ellipsis is not a bona fide syntactic constituent ellipsis. Rather, it occurs post-syntactically when the operation of Vocabulary Insertion does not apply a Vocabulary Item to the relevant functional morpheme for the verb at stake. Zero Vocabulary Insertion explains the property of the non-constituent ellipsis of the light verb.
Cyclic Spell-Out and VP-Movement Constructions
임창국 한국언어학회 2004 언어 Vol.29 No.2
Changguk Yim. 2004. Cyclic Spell-Out and VP-Movement Constructions. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 29-2, 261-280. This article provides a highly derivational account for the VP-movement constructions in English and Korean under the Cyclic Spell-Out system (Chomsky 2001a,b; Nissenbaum 2000). It will be proposed that the "size" of the moved constituent is different in the two languages. Such a difference brings about two contrasts; one is that English unaccusative verbs allow VP-movement, while Korean counterparts don't, and the other contrast is that in Korean, unergative verbs allow VP-movement, while unaccusative verbs don't. These contrasts are ascribed to the presence or absence of the EPP-feature on v, coupled with the presence or absence of verb-raising (V-to-v movement) in overt syntax. (Cornell University)
An Additional Support for Phase Theory: Phasehood of vP and non-phasehood of TP
임창국 한국생성문법학회 2006 생성문법연구 Vol.16 No.1
Chomsky (2000 and subsequent work) argues that a phase is CP or vP, but not TP (see also Fox 1999 and Nissenbaum 2000). This squib shows that successive cyclic A'-movement targets every vP (and CP) along the way to the final landing site, and presents additional empirical support in favor of a vP-peripheral, but not TP-peripheral, landing site for A'-movement.