Interest Group Politics and inequality of the interests representative system in America

Sohn,Byoung-Kwon 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2001 亞細亞硏究 Vol.44 No.1

다수당에 의한 미국 하원 규칙위원회의 장악 : 민주당에 의한 1961년 규칙위원회 구성원 확대에 관한 연구

손병권 서울대학교 국제지역원 1998 국제지역연구 Vol.7 No.3

본 논문은 1961년도 제 87대 의회에서 다수당인 민주당에 의해 실행된 규칙위원회의 구성원 확대에 관한 연구이며, 규칙위원회의 확대가 제 87대 의회에서 발생한 이유를 설명하는 것을 논의의 핵심으로 삼는다. 1961년 하원 규칙위원회의 확대는 당시 다수당인 민주당이 연방정부의 적극적인 개입을 통해서 실업, 교육,최저임금 및 도시 개발 문제등 사회 문제를 해결해야 한다는 필요성과 밀접하게 관련되어 있었으며, 이러한 문제의 해결은 하원 규칙위원회의 개혁을 전제로 하였고, 그 개혁은 또한 보수적인 규칙원원회의 구성원을 부분적으로 변화시키는 갓을 필연적으로 요구하고 있었다. 본 논문은 규칙위원회의 장악을 통해서 다수당이 획득할 수 있는 정책적 이익이 증가함에 따라 다수당의 규칙위원회의 장악의 시도 가능성이 높아진다는 검증 가능한 주제하에서 1961년의 규칙위원회 구성원 확대 문제를 다루었다. 이러한 정당이익적 관점에서 규칙위원회의 장악을 설명하기 위해서 일차원적 공간이론(unidimensional spatial theory)이 방법론적인 측면에서 원용하였으며, 이 이론을 통해서 규칙위원회 장악 이후 다수당인 민주당의 정책적 이익이 비다수주의적(nonmajoritarian), 정당적 정책 결과에 의해 증가햐였음을 밝혔다. The purpost of this article is twofold. The first one is to explain the incidence of Rule Committee capturing (the enlargement of the Rules committee) in the 87th House in 1961 : the second is to provide a partisan context for the Rules Committee enlargement. The main argument of the article is as follows : the 1961 Rules committee enlrgement in the 87th House in 1961 was executed for the purpose of legislating the kennedy programs, which entailed entailed the expansion of the federal govemment and the increase in federal expenditure. In order to legislate liberal kennedy programs, it was necessary for the Democratic majority party to capture the Rules Committee. And the capturing took place in the 87th House when the Democratic party had a substantive incentive. In order to emphasize the partisan nature of the Rules Committee reform, I provide crucial background information on the deteriorating relationship between the Democratic majority party and the Republican minority party since the 1958 congressional election. In line with the revitalized inter-party conflict. I also show the way the increased power of the liveral wing within the Democratic party made Speaker Sam Raybum inevitably consider taking some measures to control the Rules Committee. After that, I develop a formal model to test the incidence of capturing and come to the conclusion that one major necessary condition for the majority party to capture the Rules Committee is that it should be able to increase its policy utility by capturing. In other words, only when the majority party has an incentive to cpature the Rules Committee in terms of policy benefit, does capturing take place. The outcome of the test based on the " Rosenthal and Poole data" of the 87th House proved the thesis.

플라즈마 표지소자의 제작

이상윤,라병욱,박동수,황인헌,이덕동,신영남,박성배,이동욱,박용석,박형근,손상호,권태근,채경락,정경득 慶北大學校 自然科學大學 1986 自然科學論文集 Vol.4 No.-

An Ac-type Plasma Display Panel (PDP) operating with Ne-Ar(0.1%) Penning mixture gas is fabicated. The characterics of the panel with electrodes covered with thin and thick dielectric layers are studied. The brightness of the Neon-orange light emitted by the panel measured as function of applied voltage and frequency. As an application, a graphic display system equipped with PDP showing still and moving pictures is made.

A Spatial Testing of Fenno's Six Committees: Environmental Constraints Reflected in Spatial Configuration

Sohn, Byoung-Kwon 서울대학교 국제지역원 2001 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.8 No.1

The purpose of this article is to test Fenno's argument on the "environmental constraints" of the House standing committees presented in his Congressmen in Committees. The main task of the paper is to see if the "environmental constraints," which are presumed to influence the internal committee politics, are reflected in the spatial configurations of Fenno's six committees. In executing a spatial test, Rosenthal/Poole NOMINATE score was utilized. From the findings of the spatial test, we can conclude that Fenno's observation on the environmental constraints of the six committees is generally supported. The committees under the constraints of parties and party leaders, such as the Education and Labor Committee and the Ways and Means Committee, are also most heterogenous and polarized in spatial terms. In contrast, the Foreign Affairs Committee, a committee under the influence of non-partisan foreign policy guidelines from the executive branch, and the Post Office and Civil Service Committee, a committee under the constraints of monolithic clientele groups, are most homogeneous and least polarized. The other two committees, the Interior and Insular Affairs Committee and the Appropriations Committee, lie in between.

The 2012 U.S. Presidential Election and Its Implication in East Asia

Byoung Kwon Sohn 재단법인 동아시아연구원 2012 EAI 이슈브리핑 Vol.- No.38

Post-2012 U.S. Leadership and U.S. Policy toward East Asia

Byoung Kwon Sohn 재단법인 동아시아연구원 2011 EAI 이슈브리핑 Vol.- No.18

The Slavery Issue and the Rise of the Republican Party in the U.S.

Byoung Kwon Sohn 한국세계지역학회 2008 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.26 No.2

The Failure of Redistributive Policy in the Progressive Era Urban Politics

( Byoung Kwon Sohn ) 한국세계지역학회 2006 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.24 No.2

Although the Progressive reform movement in the United States during the early 20(th) century swept the whole nation, the concrete reform measures taken at various tiers of government were not the same. Depending on the regions and the government types, different social and political needs were paid attention to by different types of reformers. On the other hand, with respect to the levels of governments, different tiers of government addressed different types of social and political issues, and the nature of the reforms driven by those governments were also different. Differentiating the policy responses of various levels of government to social demands, this paper aims at explaining why redistributive policies could hardly be formulated and implemented at the local level of government during the Progressive era. This research question is based on the very premise that the reasons of absence, or failure, of redistributive policies at the municipal level should be different from those at the federal level. With this premise in mind, one of the main arguments of this paper is that the urban business-reform coalition, forged during this Progressive period on the basis of shared interest in efficiency, systematically edged out the redistributive type of policies, such as welfare policy, which were to entail, by nature, new tax imposition on upper-and middle-income groups, massive top-down resource transfer, and the possibility of political mismanagement and corruption. The business-reform coalition invented various institutional schemes such as commission and/or. manager governments to protect their interests, eluding the demands of redistributive nature from the mass.

A Spatial Testing of Fenno’s Six Committees - Environmental Constraints Reflected in Spatial Configuration

Byoung-Kwon Sohn 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2001 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.8 No.1

The purpose of this article is to test Fenno’s argument on the “environmental constraints” of the House standing committees presented in his Congressmen in Committees. The main task of the paper is to see if the “environmental constraints, ” which are presumed to influence the internal committee politics, are reflected in the spatial configurations of Fenno’s six committees. In executing a spatial test, Rosenthal/Poole NOMINATE score was utilized. From the findings of the spatial test, we can conclude that Fenno’s observation on the environmental constraints of the six committees is generally supported. The committees under the constraints of parties and party leaders, such as the Education and Labor Committee and the Ways and Means Committee, are also most heterogeneous and polarized in spatial terms. In contrast, the Foreign Affairs Committee, a committee under the influence of non-partisan foreign policy guidelines from the executive branch, and the Post Office and Civil Service Committee, a committee under the constraints of monolithic clientele groups, are most homogeneous and least polarized. The other two committees, the Interior and Insular Affairs Committee and the Appropriations Committee, lie in between.

미국의회 여성후보자들의 선거운동, 정치적 경력, 남성지배 현직이익에 따른 불이익: 편견과 진실

손병권 ( Byoung Kwon Sohn ) 한국아메리카학회 2006 美國學論集 Vol.38 No.2

This article aims at reviewing the U.S. female candidates` campaign style, political experience, and the electoral disadvantage caused by male-dominated incumbency. For this research purpose, this article attempts to answer the following questions. First, do we see any differences between the campaign modes of male and female candidates? Second, is there any considerable difference in terms of political experience between male and female candidates? Third, how is the incumbency, which has been dominated by male congressmen, related to the slow growth of the number of female congressmen? On these questions, this article comes to the following conclusions. First, female candidates excel or do at least as well as male candidates in terms of name recognition, voter contact, etc. Second, the elected female members of House are not inferior to the elected male members of House in terms of political career when the political career is measured by whether or not the elected members had previous representative experience in the state legislature. Finally, the low level of female representation in the Congress is largely due to the incumbency status overwhelming held by male Congressmen.