(An) Analysis of Israel Teachers' Perception on Citizenship from Nationalism vs. Cosmopolitanism Perspective

김수인 서울대학교 대학원 2020 국내석사

Since the advent of modern state-states, educational systems around the world have served as national construction bodies and national stimulators. But in recent decades, globalization has begun to increase the presence of internationalism and internationalization in education policy and the school curriculum. Schools are now facing conflicting pressures on internationalization and on the other hand nationalism. The main objectives of this study are as follows. First, we examine how Israel teachers perceive citizenship education in terms of nationalism vs cosmopolitanism perspective and how they perceive current Israel citizenship education curriculum. Second, we analyze the typology of citizenship classification designed by Blatter & national conflicts, and social integrations, such as Israel, contain citizenship in the curriculum, and how the current civic education teachers think about Israel civic curriculum. This paper aims to examine the relationship between nationalistic and cosmopolitan values discussed in Israeli civic education and to investigate the perceptions of teachers who have experienced civic education. The peculiarity of this paper is that through interviews, Israel's teachers' observations and insights on citizenship debate and the analysis of citizenship types confirm that Israel's perception of citizenship continues to be a Double Citizenship Type. 현대의 국가가 출현 한 이래, 전세계의 교육 시스템은 국가 정체성 및 국가 자극제 역할을 해왔다. 그러나 최근 수십 년 동안 세계화는 교육 정책과 학교 교과 과정에서 세계시민주의의 인식과 국제화의 존재를 증가시키기 시작했다. 이스라엘은 특히 유대민족국가라는 국가의 정체성으로 건국된 이래로 팔레스타인계 민족 갈등 및 세계화 속에 다문화적 이민 유입을 경험하고 있다. 이스라엘 시민 교육의 국가 교육과정 내에서도 이제 포용적 시민권을 주장하는 세계시민주의와 다른 한편으로 국가정체성을 고수하는 민족주의에 대한 상충되는 압력에 직면하고 있다. 본 연구의 주요 목표는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 이스라엘 교사들 인터뷰를 통해 민족주의 대 세계주의 관점에서 시민권 교육을 인식하는 방법과 그들이 현재 이스라엘 시민권 교육 커리큘럼을 인식하는 방법을 살펴 본다. 둘째, 우리는 Blatter& Schlenker(2014) 의해 설계된 9가지 시민권 분류의 유형론을 분석하고, 이스라엘과 같은 사회 통합은 교과 과정에 시민권을 포함하고 있으며 현재 시민 교육 교사가 이스라엘 시민 교육 과정에 대해 어떻게 생각하는지 분석한다. 이 논문은 이스라엘 시민 교육에서 논의된 민족적 가치와 국제적 가치 사이의 관계를 조사하고 시민 교육을 경험한 교사의 인식을 분석하는 것을 목표로 한다. 이 논문의 특이점은 인터뷰를 통해 시민의 토론에 대한 이스라엘 교사의 관찰과 이스라엘의 교육과정 내의 시민권 유형이 Blatter & Schlenker(2014)의 9가지 ‘이중적 시민권 유형’ 에 일치하고 있음을 확인한다.

The Importance of Nationalism Force in the Development of Autonomous Major-Weapons Production in Less-Powerful Nations

장은석 University of Kentucky 2004 해외박사

Realist theories of international relations produce a meaningful hypothesis about defense production: a state should pursue military capability according to its national capability; therefore, when a state has the ability to build self-defense autonomy, it should construct a weapons industry. It is not certain, however, that every state pursues self-sufficiency in its defense industry just because it has the internal capacity and external opportunity to do so. Evidence shows that capability and external opportunity alone cannot sufficiently explain the development-level of indigenous defense industries. This study focuses on three factors in order to explain the variance in the development of autonomous defense production among less-powerful nations. They are internal capability, external opportunity, and domestic ideational force. This research finds nationalism, as the ideational force, to be a cause of both state preferences and political movements that favor more autonomous arms production. It concludes that a dynamic mix of the internal, external, and ideational factor (nationalism force) determines each nation’s level of autonomous major-weapons production. The quantitative study, dealing with 41 mid-sized economies, finds that the ideational factor was significant in explaining why some countries have higher levels of autonomous production capability than others of similar capabilities. The two case studies, based on the logic of the most similar systems design, examine the impact of nationalism force in more detail. The first case study deals with South Korea and Taiwan; the second one deals with Brazil and Mexico. The evidence showed that nationalist practices in South Korea and in Brazil made them more autonomous in arms production than Taiwan and Mexico, respectively. Based on two case studies, this study concludes that nationalism force determined the perceived autonomy and prestige interest of the nation, which in turn acted as motivational forces for the indigenous production of major weapons.

A study on how modern nationalism can prevent imperialism from re-emerging

Sebastiaan Laurens Metselaar 서울대학교 대학원 2018 국내석사

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether or not a particular form of nationalism, also known as modern nationalism, where the populace of a certain nation claims the property rights of their land with boundaries can prevent or invite the re-emergence of imperialism. The aggressiveness of nationalism in the past that lead to imperialism are defined by the combination of a presence of nationalism as a push factor and the absence of nationalism as a pull factor. These push factors consist of nations wanting to claim more land, resources, (human) capital, market power, therefore pushing a nation outside their own original territory. The pull factor, no nationalism, attracts a nation to conquer territory and claim its property rights, resources, and (human) capital. The French revolution embarked the start of nationalism and as European nations started to form, other parts of the world did not, creating an imbalance of nations and non-nations. The decolonization period marked the turning point toward a balance as nationalism evolved into a modern form of nationalism . The pull factors for imperialism dissolved, as former colonies could claim property rights over their own distinctive territory, implying that the newly established nations have boundaries unrivaled to any previous period in history. The combination of the push and pull factors will lead to either the re-emergence of imperialism or to the prevention of a re-emergence of imperialism. The proposition of this research claims that because of a well-developed understanding of property rights over the national territory in international relations, it is going to be difficult for imperialism to reoccur as imperialism ignores and violates the property rights of other nations. Therefore, after examining cases on Europe and Japan, the tentative conclusion would be that modern nationalism will hinder the emergence of imperialism in the 21st century.

한국영화에 재현된 민족주의와 국가 지배담론의 이해관계

원원 한국외국어대학교 국제지역대학원 2015 국내박사

Korean Dominant Discourse and How Korean Nationalism is Reproduced in Korean Movies One country’s nationalism depends on its historical situation and the social context that country has faced in the past as well as the present, and Korean nationalism is no different; therefore, empirical analysis is required to study this phenomenon. However, studies of Korean nationalism have been limited in terms of the analytical methods used so far. Nationalism is often accomplished with racial, historical and cultural factors that the homogeneity of the people share in society. But in fact, Korean nationalism has been acting in a contradictory way, and also Korean nationalism in the past has changed in order to keep in line with political agendas. The Korean people greatly understand these changes without difficulty through popular culture. For this reason we can study Korean nationalism by observing the nationalist representation that appears in popular culture and which can reflect Korea’s modern history thoroughly. This paper has the following three purposes. First, it will analyse the contents of nationalism reproduced in Korean popular films, and then try to find the reasons and mechanisms for it. The second purpose, is to explore the political background and purpose of the reproduction of nationalism in Korean movies which is part of popular culture. In addition to that considering the popular is intertextuality, we can understand that the national characteristics shown in Korean movies can also be checked thoroughly through popular Korean culture and social discourse. In terms of the subjects that create nationalism, there are three representations: Ethnic nationalism which comes from an individual’s innate sense of self and country, statist nationalism that a country's elite espouses for political purposes, and civic nationalism which builds up spontaneously from the bottom. These three nationalistic interactions will draw on the overall topography of Korean nationalism. These primodialist and constructivist perspectives are necessary for understanding Korean nationalism. Finally, the third research goal is the reproduction of nationalism in film, that is, how nationalism is maintained, portrayed, and represented in a certain era, which happens to find a projection above the will of the principal subjects which adds more emphasis on nationalism. In this paper, portrayals of ‘Korean nationalism' which appear in Korean films targeted at Korean audiences will be analysed together with their release dates because the portrayal of Korean nationalism in films has changed over time in accordance with different political leaders who wanted to promote their own versions of nationalism. Due to these differences, several different versions of Korean nationalism have been advocated by both conservative and progressive parties, and also by Korean presidents that selected nationalism as their dominant ideology and emphasized it politically; consequently, nationalistic perspectives revealed in films is a phenomenon that can be found to be consistent with the president of that era’s discourse. The first time that nationalism can be specifically seen in film is during the Lee seung-man government. A problem at that time was how to rebrand Korean nationalism on a national level that would bring Koreans together as one people so soon after liberation from Japan. Korea was soon to be separated into two countries; therefore, the government had to mobilize the nation / state-by establishing a national identity through a system of checks. At this time, the government and the intellectuals used the phrase: 'reconstruction'. This symbol appeared frequently in film culture in the late 1950s Sharon, the national anthem, national flag, such as "country" and it was independent material related to the establishment of identity. When viewed through film the national identity of the Republic of Korea had become increasingly formation can be over the course of the 1950s, rather than that which already exists in solid form at the time of that government. Second, the Park Chung-Hee government in the 1960s and 1970s which was a developmental dictatorship that focused on national development, economic development and political priority to adopt nationalism was mobilized as a tool for economic development. By strengthening the unity and solidarity of nationalism inside 'our' political aspect of the case was to mobilize the masses for economic purposes. The 60's and 70's were a means of national cultural policy that actively involved the cultural area to nationalism and ethnic discourse as it established a dominant ideology. The Park Chung-hee government enacted the first time since the 1962 movie How to easily and precisely control the film policy, your turn to 1973 and was amended to change so often. Therefore, the film itself was regarded as a media to create a future of brighter prospects than just a realistic image of contemporary revealing. Finally, the Kim Dae-jung government. Kim led the resistance movement against the former leader Park and argued that Korean needed to recognize the inseparable relationship forged between dictatorship and to overcome the division and the Civil division system for the democratization of politics. In this way, Kim emphasized the unity of national democracy. Resistance as a nationalist discourse emerged as the framework of the opposition with the ruling nationalist discourse. Entering the second half of the 1990s, the Kim Dae-jung administration viewed the issue of division between the two Koreas as taboo so Korean popular films and culture did not deal with this issue as much as they had done in the past. The portrayal of North Korea in film was a politically sensitive topic of inter-Korean relations in the real world and therefore the issue was avoided. The first perspective is especially emphasized in this paper, when you want to access nationalism as it appears in the modern history of Korea as constructivist; the unique characteristics of Korea will be understood as the result of historical contingency. Ethnic and get us out of the colonial period there was a contradiction and conflict between national cultural debate becomes earnest done in the context of nation-state building. What is culture to be rebuilt from the nation-building process, we mean the national culture to meet the demands of a new age. In addition, nationalism has grown rapidly since the late 1990s to the mid-movie-2000s phenomenon can be accompanied with anxiety about globalization are analyzed in promoting economic crisis since the people's psychological needs of nationalism. What points want to discuss in this paper is more political elite and supreme ruler of Lee Seung-man , Park Chung-hee and Kim Dae-jung, especially with the left and right nationalist political necessity and purpose were grafted logic utilization. Post-modernism concept of the nation in terms of ideology and nationalism can always be fixed with the agreed conclusions, but know that reconfiguration is constantly being redefined and area of contention for approval. Where does Korean nationalism come from? Korean nationalism is produced, from the 'political leaders' and receives the response of the public 'from below' by changes in social conditions and the process is constantly reconfigured to accomplish this.

A Study on Resource Nationalism by Regions

정수연 숙명여자대학교 국제관계대학원 2009 국내석사

Unlike 20th century when a nation?s power was determined by the nation?s capability of national defense, we are now living in the times in which economic power determines national power. While earth?s natural resources are limited, world population is still growing and more resources are in demand as economic activities of each country are increasing and growing. As competition among major consuming countries for limited resources is getting intense, countries with resources try to enhance their influence and power in the global market. Therefore resource development projects by consuming countries add more intensity to the competition due to their national strategic approach beyond mere commercial or economic capability. Natural resource supply/demand in the 20th century was closely linked not only to establishing military power but also to industry development. As supply/demand route to secure resources extended further overseas, powerful countries recognized the importance of military power to secure points of strategic importance in the world. Powerful countries started to take resources from relatively weak countries, which started nationalism, followed by independence of the countries. The public resisted economic plundering and advocated permanent sovereignty and right for autonomous use for the nation?s natural resources. Resource nationalism in the 20th century was mainly for political purpose. Resource nationalism at that time took rather aggressive forms including seizure of foreign oil company properties, forced nationalization and discontinuation of oil export with emphasis on political ideology such as national independence and autonomy to cease colonization and imperialism of powerful countries , which resulted in a huge shrink of the world economy. Energy security is rising as one of the major propositions in the global society in the 21st century. Military superiority in chaotic period of the 20th century was the key to be the top of the world; however, energy is the powerful key in the 21st century since it requires constant supply for healthy economy. Resource nationalism of the 21st century is characterized by intermixture of economic and political purposes. In terms of economic purposes, oil-producing countries seek benefits to their own countries. This is obviously an opposition to major companies in the world that try to plunder their resources but more emphasis is on securing their revenue sources that are required for social expenditure and economic growth. In the 21st century, a country?s goal cannot be simplified as growth of national power and more values including political independence, national defense and economic prosperity were added to the goal; natural resource supply/demand issue is also considered in the context of economic power and trade, rather than military power, to secure resources and enhance national power. Another aspect is extension of political influence of countries of resources in the global society. Russia is using resource nationalism for its political purposes. There are also cases when economic and political purposes are hardly distinguishable. Security environment in the 21st century is unpredictable to take proper countermeasures, complex and fast-changing. There are still many questions unanswered on whether resource issue is considered on the level of national security in current situation of high oil price, raw material price rise and weakening national competitive power.

(A) cultural analysis of the relationship between nationalism and populism : the case of South Korea

김현준 Graduate School, Yonsei University 2023 국내박사

This study focuses on the relationship between nationalism and populism by analysing the political history of Korea. Populism studies have merely dealt with the cases in East Asia on those issues, as general literature remains a normative understanding of those issues and democracy, overlooking the tentative research cases in the region. The comparative studies of populism develop with a minimalist definition, emphasising the antagonism between the homogenous groups—‘the elite’ and ‘the people’. However, this minimalist definition homogenised heterogeneous natures of ‘the elite’, ‘the people’, and their forms of confrontations in different regional and historical contexts. This study expands the cases discussed within the study of populism while clarifying the relationship between nationalism and populism. The historical experience of people in South Korea is an excellent example of analysing the interaction between the nation-state and society. This thesis contributes to introducing new dimensions, the temporality of political economy and the spatiality of political cleavage. With nation and state decoupled, the meanings of the people varied significantly across Korean political history, causing the populistic elements in the country. A strong and administrative-oriented state vis-à-vis society resulted in the absence of horizontal confrontation between the Left and Right, instead conceptualising social demands as national, strengthened by a vertical antagonism between society and the state. The rapid development of the national economy enforced this verticality. Korean history has been prevalent with the imagination of power relations between the state high above and the people or society below. Analysing political history in South Korea provides an opportunity to innovate the recent definition of populism regarding its global political activism of nationalism and democracy. 본 연구는 내셔널리즘과 포퓰리즘의 관계에 주목하여 한국 정치의 역사를 분석한다. 기존 포퓰리즘 연구는 동아시아 사례를 상대적으로 적게 다루웠다는 점, 그리고 두 개념과 민주주의에 대한 규범적 이해로 잠재적인 연구 사례를 제한해 왔다. 최근 포퓰리즘의 비교정치 연구는 개념의 최소주의적 정의, 즉 ‘동질적인’ 두 집단인 ‘엘리트’와 ‘인민’ 사이의 적대라는 정의를 발전시켰다.하지만 이 최소주의적 정의는 동질적이지 않은 ‘엘리트’와 ‘인민’이라는 개념 과 그것의 지역적, 역사적 맥락을 동질화한다는 한계가 있다. 본 연구는 이를 극복하기 위해 내셔널리즘과 포퓰리즘간의 관계를 명료화하고 포퓰리즘 연구 사례를 확장하고자한다. 한국 정치사는 국민/민족국가와 사회 간의 상호 관계를 분석하기에 탁월한 사례이며, 본 연구는 여기에 정치경제에서의 시간성과 정치균열의 공간성의 개념을 도입하여 기존의 포퓰리즘 연구에 기여하고자 한다. 네이션(민족/국민)과 국가가 분리된 상황에서, 한국 정치사에서 인민을 칭하고 의미화하는 과정은 다양해 왔으며, 이 가운데 포퓰리즘적인 요소들이 나타났다. 강하고 행정 중심주의적인 국가와 사회와의 관계는 좌-우라는 수평적인 정치적 스펙트럼의 부재를 야기했다. 대신 사회의 다양한 요구들은 민족/국민적인 것으로 의미화되고, 이는 사회와 국가 간의 수직적인 적대를 강화했다. 민족/국민경제의 급속한 발전이 이 수직성을 강화했고, 이는 한국 정치에서 국가-사회간의 상하관계적 권력 공간 인식을 만연하게 해 왔다. 이러한 한국 정치사를 분석함으로써, 본 연구는 최근의 포퓰리즘의 정의를 개선하는데 기여하며, 이는 내셔널리즘 및 민주주의를 둘러싼 전 세계적인 정치적 행동을 바라보는 대안적 시각을 제공하고자 한다.

인도네시아의 民族主義에 대한 歷史的 考察

나임순 가톨릭대학교 국제대학원 1999 국내석사

The nationalism of the new-born countries which were independent after World War Ⅱ, provided the ideological basis for national policies in building independent nations through national integration and breaking from external domination in the fields of politics, economics, social stnlcture, culture, etc.. Nationalism is also a root whieh preserves the national identity of a people and controls their feelings toward the colonialism of westem Europe. The contemporary history of hdonesia with the liberation from the colonialism for exploitation and with the fighting process for the independence of state- nation is the history of nationalism. It has created a new national out of a multitude of ethnic groups which had on common national culture, history, or identity. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the historical formation of indonesian nationalism and to analyze its progress and classify and characterize the nationalistic features of its stages, and to study its functions in Indonesian history. Western nationalism was the product of two cultural revolutions, the Renaissance and the Reformation. And the Euro-Nationalism of modern meaning was generated with the French Revolution which demanded liberty, equality, and philanthropy, as a momentum towards the end of the 18th century, which was produced from the fighting process which French citizens broke down ancien regime and endeavored to obtain their right and freedom. But non-westem nationalism has been formed in the resistance of Third World peoples to imperialism and colonialism, which are corrupted forms of western nationalism. In examining the studies of nationalism up to the present, we find that they are based on common notion which consists of language, race, history, tradition, culture, regional character and so forth. By the way, the deficiency of factors results in a momentous obstacle to the growth of its own nationalism. In order to study the development of Indonesian nationalism, we need to conceptualize the nationalism in Indonesia as a process of creating an artificial nation, a so-called state-nation, which contains the period under the domination of forieign powers in their territories and the period after its independence with liberty and freedom. Now the republic of Indonesia as a political unity has realifed independence and national development as a common goal. The soil of Indonesian nationalism is a plural society with a great diversity of cultures, religions, political pattems, etc.. The first stage [1900-1926] was characterized by Cultural Proto- Nationalism, a so-called 'nationalism without a nation', which was led by those who were enlightened by the opportunities of Westem education and through the Dutch language. These educated elite formed a dissatisfied class because the racial discrimination of the Dutch prohibited their employment. Indonesian nationalism was especially formed under impetus of the Dutch policy of colonial extension and their ethical policy at the beginning of this century. Indonesian Nationalism at this stage had four main streams : the enlightenment movements such as Budi Utomo and various study clubs, the expansion movements of economic rights and interests such as Sarekat Islam and labor unions, the Islamic Modemist Reformation movements, and the Socialist Revolutionary movements. This first stage of Indonesian nationalism was ended because of its regionalism, cultural ethnocentrism, religious exclusiveness, ideological factionalism, and the oppression of the Dutch. The second stage of Indonesian nationalism (1927-1949) began with the emergence of Sultamo and his PNI(Indonesian National Party), He insisted on a 'secular' pure nationalism which stood above all races, ideologies, and religions and appealed to the people to unite in resistance against the common enemy. At this stage Indonesian nationalism followed the course of typical anti-colonial resistant nationalism through the period of the late Dutch colonialism(1927-1942), the Japanese occupation(1942-1945), and the revolutionary period(1945-1949) by struggling against or by cooperating with the foreign powers according to circumstances. It finally succeeded in gaining the independence of Indonesia. The three main currents of this stage were essentially separated from each other though often superficially were united : Islamic nationalism Communist(Socialist) nationalism, and secular nationalism. In this state a 'we-consciousness'as a suffering community was born in the process of forming a national consciousness. And each element for establishing the first united nation stage, such as a name, a flag, a national language, and an anthem, was chosen through a spontaneous conceit. Indonesia after its independence, received parliamentary democracy in the style of Westem Europe so as to realire the freedom and the equality that nationalism runs after, but in vain. After some wandering and confusion, Indonesian Guided-Democracy was made to adopt in the end. Sukarno, great charismatic leader, who had come into power through the periods of parliamentary democracy, Guided-Democracy, and New Order, established the nationalism as the firm basis of the Republic of Indonesia in the form of Pancasila(the Five Principles of the state) and the 1945 constitution. The new-bonl countries, including Indonesia, are bothered with poverty and double doubles on the social and economical structure. The succeeding leader, Suharto who is a secular Indonesian nationalist with armed forces has developed in the fields of politics and economy. And he has integrated the Indonesian society with hdonesian nationalism which is the ruling ideology and the strongest driving force for national development. But there also anti-govemmental nationalistic movements (mainly students power) and sub-nationalism based on religion, racialism or regionalism(especially in East Timor). From the study above, we can find that Indonesian nationalism'a nationalism from the above led by the elite, has changed itself according to circumstances into Cultural Proto-nationalism, then into Anti-colonial Resistant Nationalism, and finally into Development Nationalism as a ruling ideology. Indonesian nationalism has integrated its various streams in one. Indonesian nationalism has been and will be the driving force in the contemporary of the Republic of Indonesia.

Neo-nationalism과 Bela Bartok에 관한 연구 : 'Cantata Profana'에 대한 분석

박선미 慶熙大學校 1998 국내석사

(A) study on the stabilization of Chinese nationalism : drawing on the analysis of PRC’s political system

김희엽 韓國外國語大學敎 2009 국내석사

This thesis offers a useful analysis of PRC’s nationalism related to its political system. The concept of Chinese nationalism as a political principle is produced to show nationalism with Chinese characteristics comparing with other generalized concepts of nationalism. According Ernest Gellner, the origin of nationalism as a political ideology is drawn from nation’s industrialization. In contrast, nationalism was introduced into China in the middle of 19th century by means of resisting imperialist invaders. Ernest Gellner indicates the two aspects of nationalism: first, nationalism is a political principle and movement; second, nationalism is the functional product of industrialization. However, Anthony D. Smith indicates that Gellner’s view as to the relationship between nationalism and industrial society is too functionalist. The thesis, thus, is given heavy emphasis to two aspects as for the concept of nationalism: the first is nationalism as not the functional product of industrialization but each nation’s political principle based on its member’s consensus; the second is nationalism as each nation’s ideological nativism which has been adopted since its modernization. First, the thesis tries approach to political system in order to achieve objective validity on analyzing the characteristics of Chinese nationalism. Second, the author also traces the historical process of Chinese pro-nationalism movements from the Opium War to the present. We may get more specific concept of Chinese nationalism as a political behavior through the analysis of Chinese nationalism drawing on political system. According to Robert A. Dahl and Hannah Arendt, power is based on conflict and authority is based on a rule; however, both depend on consensus drawn from the people. A nation humiliated by heterogeneous invaders could not preserve its people’s security; thus, the people would not support the existing government. Finally, a new-born nation is established through a revolution led by political elites. The government would try to achieve the nation’s goal, escape political turmoil, and reach national consensus; thus the new-born nation is getting more stabilized than before. 본 논문은 당대 중국 민족주의를 정치시스템이론에 맞춰 분석한다. 또한 민족주의의 일반론적인 개념과 중국 민족주의의 실제적 정치활동을 비교함으로써 중국 민족주의가 갖는 특수성을 파악하고자 한다. 민족주의는 원래 서구의 근대국가 건설 개념으로써 봉건 국가에서 근대국가로 넘어가는 산업화 과정에서 발생하였다. 반면 중국의 민족주의는 외세에 대항하는 저항 민족주의적 색채가 강하다. 민족주의의 일반적인 개념으로써는 어네스트 겔너의 이론을 중심으로 하여 그의 이론에 대해 수용과 비판을 한다. 겔너는 민족주의의 기능적인 측면을 강조하여 민족주의가 산업화 사회의 정치적 부산물임을 주장하는데 이를 비판하기 위하여 민족주의의 역사와 문화적 측면을 강조한 안소니 스미스의 주장을 예로 든다. 이로써 본 논문에서는 정치적 주의로서의 민족주의 개념과 더불어 중국 민족주의의 특수한 역사와 문화적인 측면도 함께 고려한다. 즉, 본 논문은 중국 민족주의를 분석함에 있어 다음과 같은 개념을 전제로 한다. 첫째, 민족주의는 정치적 주의며, 정치적 운동이다. 둘째 민족주의는 해당 민족이 공유하는 문화와 역사를 기반으로 한다. 위의 두 가지 전제로 중국 민족주의를 분석한 과정은 다음과 같다. 우선 민족주의의 일반론적 개념을 정치시스템이론으로 분석한다. ‘민족주의는 정치적 주의이다’라는 겔너의 지적은 정치적 목적을 이루기 위하여 민족주의가 발생했다는 것을 의미한다. 그러므로 본 논문에서는 근대의 중국의 정치적 목적은 무엇인지, 어떠한 성격을 지니고 있는 지를 살펴본다. 중국 민족주의를 정치시스템적으로 분석해 보면, 중국 민족주의는 힘과 권위를 기반으로 하는 정치적 행위임을 알 수 있다. 이에 대한 근거로는 로버트 달과 한나 아렌트의 이론을 들 수가 있다. 정치시스템에 있어서 힘과 권위에 대한 그들의 개념을 종합해보면, 다음과 같은 사실을 알 수 있다. 즉, 민족주의에 있어서 정치적 힘은 충돌적 성격이 있는 반면에 정치적 권위는 통치적 성격이 강하다. 그리고 힘과 권위는 모두 국민적 합의를 필요로 한다. 이러한 개념을 전제로 중국 민족주의의 발생과정을 설명하면, 다음과 같다. 아편전쟁 이후로, 청 정부는 제국주의에 대항할 통치기반이 약화되었다. 이에 새로운 국가를 세우고자 하는 혁명가와 지식인들에 의해 반전통적이며 반제국주의적인 성격을 지닌 중국 민족주의가 발생하였다. 즉, 서구 열강에 대항하여 실추된 국가의 권위를 회복하고 낡고 무능한 청 정부를 대신 할, 보다 부강하고 자주적인 민족국가를 건설하고자 하는 목적에서 중국 민족주의가 발생한 것이다. 한편, 1990년 이후로 중국은 그 급속한 경제 발전과 이로 인한 국력신장에 힘입어 또 다시 민족주의적 색채를 띠며 국제정치무대에서 부상하였다. 이로 인하여, 또한 세계 정치 학계는 중국이 머지 않아 세계적 강국이 될 수 있을 것이라는 전망도 하게 되었다. 이렇게 중국에서 민족주의가 부상하게 된 원인을 분석해 보면, 중국 민족주의에 대하여 다음과 같은 사실을 알 수 있다. 첫째, 중국 민족주의는 현재 안정화 단계에 있다. 둘째, 중국 민족주의는 계속적이며 안정적 성장을 이끌어야 하는 공산당의 주도의 정치적 주의이며, 정치적 운동이다. 셋째, 중국 정부는 이미 국제적으로 퇴조한 사회주의 이념에 대한 대체 이데올로기로써 그리고 계속적으로 중국 정부를 괴롭혀 왔던 소수 민족의 분리주의운동에 대한 대응 방편으로써 정치이데올로기로써의 민족주의운동을 주도하고 있다. 현재 이와 같은 정부 주도형의 중국 민족주의는 본토주의와 애국주의로 표출 되고 있다. 결론적으로 말하면, 중국 지도부는 민족주의의 안정화를 통해서 자신들의 정치체제를 본토주의적으로 고수할 것이며, 더불어 이러한 당 주도적인 정치시스템에 대한 국민적 합의를 이끌어내기 위해서 정부주도의 애국주의운동은 중국 정치에 있어서 중요한 요소로 남아 있을 것으로 파악된다.

The Croatian democratic union and Croatian Nationalism

오승은 King's College London 2001 해외박사

Croatia presents an exception to the model of oppositional nationalism developed by John Breuilly. In Croatia, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) achieved power and implemented its oppositional programme, combining each of the four strands of nationalism identified by Breuilly, rather than manifesting only one of them, as Breuilly presumes. It is possible to reconcile Breuilly's approach to nationalism and the unique features of the Croatian case. Reconciliation of the Croatian case and Breuilly's approach, despite apparent initial inconsistencies, may be achieved by understanding that where all four strands of opposition nationalism are present simultaneously, the different goals, which may complement each other initially where they can interact to mobilise support and to aggregate interests, eventually and essentially clash, as some aspects directly oppose others. The rise and fall of the HDZ in Croatian politics and its nationalist agenda combined with the unique characteristics of the Croatian case meant the interaction of the four strands of oppositional nationalism in the Breuilly model simultaneously. Ultimately, the HDZ and nationalism went into decline despite the failure to accomplish one of the four nationalist goals - ethnic unification - because other facets of the nationalist agenda were, in their essence, opposed to this goal. Therefore, once some parts of the agenda began to be achieved (independence, ethnic homogeneity and territorial integrity), faced directly with reform agenda of the nationalist programme, the importance of unification diminished. In the end, the achievement of one strand of the HDZ's nationalist agenda - unification - ran counter to and was critically undermined by achievement of the others. Thus, Breuilly's approach is both flawed, and useful in explaining and addressing that flaw.