A study on how modern nationalism can prevent imperialism from re-emerging

Sebastiaan Laurens Metselaar 서울대학교 대학원 2018 국내석사

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether or not a particular form of nationalism, also known as modern nationalism, where the populace of a certain nation claims the property rights of their land with boundaries can prevent or invite the re-emergence of imperialism. The aggressiveness of nationalism in the past that lead to imperialism are defined by the combination of a presence of nationalism as a push factor and the absence of nationalism as a pull factor. These push factors consist of nations wanting to claim more land, resources, (human) capital, market power, therefore pushing a nation outside their own original territory. The pull factor, no nationalism, attracts a nation to conquer territory and claim its property rights, resources, and (human) capital. The French revolution embarked the start of nationalism and as European nations started to form, other parts of the world did not, creating an imbalance of nations and non-nations. The decolonization period marked the turning point toward a balance as nationalism evolved into a modern form of nationalism . The pull factors for imperialism dissolved, as former colonies could claim property rights over their own distinctive territory, implying that the newly established nations have boundaries unrivaled to any previous period in history. The combination of the push and pull factors will lead to either the re-emergence of imperialism or to the prevention of a re-emergence of imperialism. The proposition of this research claims that because of a well-developed understanding of property rights over the national territory in international relations, it is going to be difficult for imperialism to reoccur as imperialism ignores and violates the property rights of other nations. Therefore, after examining cases on Europe and Japan, the tentative conclusion would be that modern nationalism will hinder the emergence of imperialism in the 21st century.

(An) Analysis of Israel Teachers' Perception on Citizenship from Nationalism vs. Cosmopolitanism Perspective

김수인 서울대학교 대학원 2020 국내석사

Since the advent of modern state-states, educational systems around the world have served as national construction bodies and national stimulators. But in recent decades, globalization has begun to increase the presence of internationalism and internationalization in education policy and the school curriculum. Schools are now facing conflicting pressures on internationalization and on the other hand nationalism. The main objectives of this study are as follows. First, we examine how Israel teachers perceive citizenship education in terms of nationalism vs cosmopolitanism perspective and how they perceive current Israel citizenship education curriculum. Second, we analyze the typology of citizenship classification designed by Blatter & national conflicts, and social integrations, such as Israel, contain citizenship in the curriculum, and how the current civic education teachers think about Israel civic curriculum. This paper aims to examine the relationship between nationalistic and cosmopolitan values discussed in Israeli civic education and to investigate the perceptions of teachers who have experienced civic education. The peculiarity of this paper is that through interviews, Israel's teachers' observations and insights on citizenship debate and the analysis of citizenship types confirm that Israel's perception of citizenship continues to be a Double Citizenship Type. 현대의 국가가 출현 한 이래, 전세계의 교육 시스템은 국가 정체성 및 국가 자극제 역할을 해왔다. 그러나 최근 수십 년 동안 세계화는 교육 정책과 학교 교과 과정에서 세계시민주의의 인식과 국제화의 존재를 증가시키기 시작했다. 이스라엘은 특히 유대민족국가라는 국가의 정체성으로 건국된 이래로 팔레스타인계 민족 갈등 및 세계화 속에 다문화적 이민 유입을 경험하고 있다. 이스라엘 시민 교육의 국가 교육과정 내에서도 이제 포용적 시민권을 주장하는 세계시민주의와 다른 한편으로 국가정체성을 고수하는 민족주의에 대한 상충되는 압력에 직면하고 있다. 본 연구의 주요 목표는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 이스라엘 교사들 인터뷰를 통해 민족주의 대 세계주의 관점에서 시민권 교육을 인식하는 방법과 그들이 현재 이스라엘 시민권 교육 커리큘럼을 인식하는 방법을 살펴 본다. 둘째, 우리는 Blatter& Schlenker(2014) 의해 설계된 9가지 시민권 분류의 유형론을 분석하고, 이스라엘과 같은 사회 통합은 교과 과정에 시민권을 포함하고 있으며 현재 시민 교육 교사가 이스라엘 시민 교육 과정에 대해 어떻게 생각하는지 분석한다. 이 논문은 이스라엘 시민 교육에서 논의된 민족적 가치와 국제적 가치 사이의 관계를 조사하고 시민 교육을 경험한 교사의 인식을 분석하는 것을 목표로 한다. 이 논문의 특이점은 인터뷰를 통해 시민의 토론에 대한 이스라엘 교사의 관찰과 이스라엘의 교육과정 내의 시민권 유형이 Blatter & Schlenker(2014)의 9가지 ‘이중적 시민권 유형’ 에 일치하고 있음을 확인한다.

한국영화에 재현된 민족주의와 국가 지배담론의 이해관계

원원 한국외국어대학교 국제지역대학원 2015 국내박사

Korean Dominant Discourse and How Korean Nationalism is Reproduced in Korean Movies One country’s nationalism depends on its historical situation and the social context that country has faced in the past as well as the present, and Korean nationalism is no different; therefore, empirical analysis is required to study this phenomenon. However, studies of Korean nationalism have been limited in terms of the analytical methods used so far. Nationalism is often accomplished with racial, historical and cultural factors that the homogeneity of the people share in society. But in fact, Korean nationalism has been acting in a contradictory way, and also Korean nationalism in the past has changed in order to keep in line with political agendas. The Korean people greatly understand these changes without difficulty through popular culture. For this reason we can study Korean nationalism by observing the nationalist representation that appears in popular culture and which can reflect Korea’s modern history thoroughly. This paper has the following three purposes. First, it will analyse the contents of nationalism reproduced in Korean popular films, and then try to find the reasons and mechanisms for it. The second purpose, is to explore the political background and purpose of the reproduction of nationalism in Korean movies which is part of popular culture. In addition to that considering the popular is intertextuality, we can understand that the national characteristics shown in Korean movies can also be checked thoroughly through popular Korean culture and social discourse. In terms of the subjects that create nationalism, there are three representations: Ethnic nationalism which comes from an individual’s innate sense of self and country, statist nationalism that a country's elite espouses for political purposes, and civic nationalism which builds up spontaneously from the bottom. These three nationalistic interactions will draw on the overall topography of Korean nationalism. These primodialist and constructivist perspectives are necessary for understanding Korean nationalism. Finally, the third research goal is the reproduction of nationalism in film, that is, how nationalism is maintained, portrayed, and represented in a certain era, which happens to find a projection above the will of the principal subjects which adds more emphasis on nationalism. In this paper, portrayals of ‘Korean nationalism' which appear in Korean films targeted at Korean audiences will be analysed together with their release dates because the portrayal of Korean nationalism in films has changed over time in accordance with different political leaders who wanted to promote their own versions of nationalism. Due to these differences, several different versions of Korean nationalism have been advocated by both conservative and progressive parties, and also by Korean presidents that selected nationalism as their dominant ideology and emphasized it politically; consequently, nationalistic perspectives revealed in films is a phenomenon that can be found to be consistent with the president of that era’s discourse. The first time that nationalism can be specifically seen in film is during the Lee seung-man government. A problem at that time was how to rebrand Korean nationalism on a national level that would bring Koreans together as one people so soon after liberation from Japan. Korea was soon to be separated into two countries; therefore, the government had to mobilize the nation / state-by establishing a national identity through a system of checks. At this time, the government and the intellectuals used the phrase: 'reconstruction'. This symbol appeared frequently in film culture in the late 1950s Sharon, the national anthem, national flag, such as "country" and it was independent material related to the establishment of identity. When viewed through film the national identity of the Republic of Korea had become increasingly formation can be over the course of the 1950s, rather than that which already exists in solid form at the time of that government. Second, the Park Chung-Hee government in the 1960s and 1970s which was a developmental dictatorship that focused on national development, economic development and political priority to adopt nationalism was mobilized as a tool for economic development. By strengthening the unity and solidarity of nationalism inside 'our' political aspect of the case was to mobilize the masses for economic purposes. The 60's and 70's were a means of national cultural policy that actively involved the cultural area to nationalism and ethnic discourse as it established a dominant ideology. The Park Chung-hee government enacted the first time since the 1962 movie How to easily and precisely control the film policy, your turn to 1973 and was amended to change so often. Therefore, the film itself was regarded as a media to create a future of brighter prospects than just a realistic image of contemporary revealing. Finally, the Kim Dae-jung government. Kim led the resistance movement against the former leader Park and argued that Korean needed to recognize the inseparable relationship forged between dictatorship and to overcome the division and the Civil division system for the democratization of politics. In this way, Kim emphasized the unity of national democracy. Resistance as a nationalist discourse emerged as the framework of the opposition with the ruling nationalist discourse. Entering the second half of the 1990s, the Kim Dae-jung administration viewed the issue of division between the two Koreas as taboo so Korean popular films and culture did not deal with this issue as much as they had done in the past. The portrayal of North Korea in film was a politically sensitive topic of inter-Korean relations in the real world and therefore the issue was avoided. The first perspective is especially emphasized in this paper, when you want to access nationalism as it appears in the modern history of Korea as constructivist; the unique characteristics of Korea will be understood as the result of historical contingency. Ethnic and get us out of the colonial period there was a contradiction and conflict between national cultural debate becomes earnest done in the context of nation-state building. What is culture to be rebuilt from the nation-building process, we mean the national culture to meet the demands of a new age. In addition, nationalism has grown rapidly since the late 1990s to the mid-movie-2000s phenomenon can be accompanied with anxiety about globalization are analyzed in promoting economic crisis since the people's psychological needs of nationalism. What points want to discuss in this paper is more political elite and supreme ruler of Lee Seung-man , Park Chung-hee and Kim Dae-jung, especially with the left and right nationalist political necessity and purpose were grafted logic utilization. Post-modernism concept of the nation in terms of ideology and nationalism can always be fixed with the agreed conclusions, but know that reconfiguration is constantly being redefined and area of contention for approval. Where does Korean nationalism come from? Korean nationalism is produced, from the 'political leaders' and receives the response of the public 'from below' by changes in social conditions and the process is constantly reconfigured to accomplish this.

The Importance of Nationalism Force in the Development of Autonomous Major-Weapons Production in Less-Powerful Nations

장은석 University of Kentucky 2004 해외박사

Realist theories of international relations produce a meaningful hypothesis about defense production: a state should pursue military capability according to its national capability; therefore, when a state has the ability to build self-defense autonomy, it should construct a weapons industry. It is not certain, however, that every state pursues self-sufficiency in its defense industry just because it has the internal capacity and external opportunity to do so. Evidence shows that capability and external opportunity alone cannot sufficiently explain the development-level of indigenous defense industries. This study focuses on three factors in order to explain the variance in the development of autonomous defense production among less-powerful nations. They are internal capability, external opportunity, and domestic ideational force. This research finds nationalism, as the ideational force, to be a cause of both state preferences and political movements that favor more autonomous arms production. It concludes that a dynamic mix of the internal, external, and ideational factor (nationalism force) determines each nation’s level of autonomous major-weapons production. The quantitative study, dealing with 41 mid-sized economies, finds that the ideational factor was significant in explaining why some countries have higher levels of autonomous production capability than others of similar capabilities. The two case studies, based on the logic of the most similar systems design, examine the impact of nationalism force in more detail. The first case study deals with South Korea and Taiwan; the second one deals with Brazil and Mexico. The evidence showed that nationalist practices in South Korea and in Brazil made them more autonomous in arms production than Taiwan and Mexico, respectively. Based on two case studies, this study concludes that nationalism force determined the perceived autonomy and prestige interest of the nation, which in turn acted as motivational forces for the indigenous production of major weapons.

Neo-nationalism과 Bela Bartok에 관한 연구 : 'Cantata Profana'에 대한 분석

박선미 慶熙大學校 1998 국내석사

The Croatian democratic union and Croatian Nationalism

오승은 King's College London 2001 해외박사

Croatia presents an exception to the model of oppositional nationalism developed by John Breuilly. In Croatia, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) achieved power and implemented its oppositional programme, combining each of the four strands of nationalism identified by Breuilly, rather than manifesting only one of them, as Breuilly presumes. It is possible to reconcile Breuilly's approach to nationalism and the unique features of the Croatian case. Reconciliation of the Croatian case and Breuilly's approach, despite apparent initial inconsistencies, may be achieved by understanding that where all four strands of opposition nationalism are present simultaneously, the different goals, which may complement each other initially where they can interact to mobilise support and to aggregate interests, eventually and essentially clash, as some aspects directly oppose others. The rise and fall of the HDZ in Croatian politics and its nationalist agenda combined with the unique characteristics of the Croatian case meant the interaction of the four strands of oppositional nationalism in the Breuilly model simultaneously. Ultimately, the HDZ and nationalism went into decline despite the failure to accomplish one of the four nationalist goals - ethnic unification - because other facets of the nationalist agenda were, in their essence, opposed to this goal. Therefore, once some parts of the agenda began to be achieved (independence, ethnic homogeneity and territorial integrity), faced directly with reform agenda of the nationalist programme, the importance of unification diminished. In the end, the achievement of one strand of the HDZ's nationalist agenda - unification - ran counter to and was critically undermined by achievement of the others. Thus, Breuilly's approach is both flawed, and useful in explaining and addressing that flaw.

동아시아 공동체의 다원적 내셔널리즘

유인태 연세대학교 대학원 2006 국내석사

이 논문의 목적은 일본 동아시아 공동체 담론 내, 내셔널리즘의 다원성을 보이는 데에 있다. 흔히 동아시아 공동체 구축에 장애가 되는 것으로 동아시아 국가간 내셔널리즘의 갈등이 지적된다. 그러나 이러한 지적은 한 국가가 하나의 내셔널리즘만을 가지고 있는 것을 전제하는 듯 보인다. 또한 이러한 관점은 국가간의 ‘확산형’ 내셔널리즘과 ‘수렴형’ 내셔널리즘간의 지속되는 연쇄적인 충돌을 피할 수 없게 한다. 따라서 이 논문은 동아시아 공동체 담론 내의 일본 내셔널리즘의 다원성을 보이고자 한다.논문의 목적을 위해, 이 연구는 현대 일본의 동아시아 공동체 담론을 연구 대상으로 삼고, 그 담론을 크게 네 진영으로 나누었다. 우선 경제•기능적 통합을 통한 동아시아 공동체 형성을 적극적으로 주장하는 이들이 존재한다. 이들은 동아시아 공동체가 일본의 발전을 위해 피할 수 없는 필수적인 것이라 한다. 동아시아 공동체 구축에 적극적으로 주도권을 잡음과 동시에 미국과의 외교를 중심으로 하면서 일본은 또 다른 경제적 비약을 할 수 있을 것으로 본다.반면, 동아시아 공동체 반대하는 논자들은 이러한 통합이 초래할 자국의 혼란을 우려한다. 이들은 정치, 경제, 사회적인 차이뿐 아니라, 문화적 이질성이 경제적 영역 이상의, 혹은 경제 영역에서마저도 통합을 불가능하게 할 것이라 본다. 그리고 통합이 이루어진다고 하더라도, 그 문화적 차이에서 비롯하는 혼란으로 피해가 클 것이라 주장한다. 따라서 이들은 미•일외교를 중심으로 지금까지의 일본의 대외 정책을 유지•강화 함으로써, 동아시아 공동체가 야기할 혼란을 피할 수 있을 것이라 생각한다.현대 일본의 동아시아 공동체 논의는 위와 같은 경제, 사회, 문화적 영역뿐 아니라, 정치, 외교, 안보 문제를 중심으로 하는 논자들과도 긴밀히 연결되어 있다. 헌법상 자국의 군사를 갖지 못하고 있는 일본에서는 탈냉전 이후의 혼란기에, 특히 동아시아에서 중국과 북한의 위협에 대처하기 위해 재무장의 주장이 대두하고 있다. 불안한 국제사회와 동아시아 지역에서 국가의 안보와 국제 공헌을 위해 군사적 준비가 필요하다는 것이다. 그리고 이는 현 일본의 군사적 지지를 요구하는 미일외교 중심의 노선과도 합치되며 실행되고 있다.이와 반대로, 미국 중심의 외교에서 탈피하여, 독립적인 자주 외교를 주장하는 논자들이 있다. 이들은 또한 일본의 무장을 견제하는 ‘평화 헌법’ 특히 ‘헌법 9조’를 중심으로 일본의 군사화에 반대하는 진영에 서있다. 이들은 일본의 전쟁 경험과 ‘헌법 9조’에서 보이는 평화 정신이, 일본과 동아시아의 자산이 될 수 있으며, 이 자산의 확장이 지역적 안전보장시스템에 공헌할 수 있을 것으로 본다.이러한 네 진영의 담론에는 각각에 지배적인 내셔널리즘이 존재하는 것을 볼 수 있다.경제 중심적인 적극적인 통합과 일본의 주도권을 주창하는 논자들에게서는 경제 내셔널리즘을 볼 수 있다. 경제 내셔널리즘은 일본의 경제적 번영과 부를 통한 국제적 위상에 기대어, 자국에의 애국심을 높이고자 한다.통합 가운데 일어날 마찰과 혼란을 우려하는 이들에게서는 ‘문화’의 내셔널리즘이 보인다. 문화의 내셔널리즘은 일본 문화의 독특성과 우월성을 내세우며, 대외적으로는 대항을 대내적으로는 국가 공동체의 단결을 꾀한다.탈냉전 이후 급변하는 국제정세 속에서 자위대를 통한 무장 확충을 지지하고 있는 진영에서는 재군비 내셔널리즘을 볼 수 있다. 재군비 내셔널리즘은 전후 일본이 잃어버린 군사권의 회복을 통한 ‘정상국가’를 지향한다.이와 다르게 일본의 ‘평화 헌법’과 전쟁의 기억을 통해 동아시아의 지역적 안전보장시스템에 공헌을 할 것을 주장하는 진영에서는 헌법 내셔널리즘을 볼 수 있다. 헌법 내셔널리즘이란 참혹하고 비극적인 전쟁의 경험을 되풀이 하지 않기 위한 평화주의•’비무장중립’ 국가로의 염원을 이데올로기화 한 것이다.이와 같이 다원적인 내셔널리즘은 개별적으로 존재하기 보다, 서로 간에 결절점을 보이고 있다. 그리고 동아시아 공동체 논의가 부상하는 일본의 상황은 이를 더욱 잘 나타내고 있다. 일본은 탈냉전 이후, 변화하는 국제 정세 속에서 자국의 의미와 역할을 새롭게 부여하고 그를 실현할 수단-군사적 수단인가 평화적 수단인가-을 놓고 논쟁 중에 있다. 동아시아 공동체 형성의 과정 상에서 내셔널리즘의 다원성은 공동체 형성을 위한 담론의 토대가 될 수 있을 것이다. This thesis aims at showing the plurality of nationalism in discourses of East Asian community in Japan. Nationalism in general is considered as an obstacle for constructing an East Asian community. Underlying this argument is the widely held understanding that each nation is bound by a unified notion of nationalism. This has resulted in a chain of continual collisions in the East Asian region between states adopting ‘diffusing’ nationalism or ‘contracting’ nationalism. This thesis questions the viability of such premise by examining the various conceptions of nationalism contesting within Japan regarding discourses on East Asian community.The discourses on East Asian community can be divided into four camps.In the first place, there are those who advocate East Asian community through functional integration. It regards the establishment of East Asian community as necessary, but mainly for the prosperity of Japan not East Asian countries. By taking the initiative in building East Asian community, they argue that Japan will be able to revive economic development while simultaneously maintaining close diplomatic relationships with the United States.However, those who are opposed to East Asian community argue that this kind of integration will result in disorder. They insist that an East Asian community based on functional integration is not sustainable, due to differences in regime type, developmental stages, social background, and most importantly the heterogeneity of culture. Even if the community comes to existence, there will be great tumult as a result of Japanese cultural distinctiveness. They assert that a diplomatic line which is devoted to the United States should be preserved in order to avoid any future turmoil that may arise during the process of community building.Others have embraced political, diplomatic, security issues as the focal point within discourses of East Asian community. Proponents of this position claim that Japan should obtain military forces just as other “normal states.” While Japan has been unable to retain the national army but Japan Self-Defense Forces since the end of World War Ⅱ, rearmament movements have been ongoing due to security threats posed in the post Cold War era, especially by China and North Korea. In the midst of uncertainty shadowing the international society and the East Asian region, it is necessary to be under arms again for purposes of national security and international contribution. This coincides with the preexisting U.S.-Japanese diplomatic line since the United States expects not only monetary but also military support from the Japanese government and the Japanese Conservative wishes for these same goals.Finally, there are those who advocate an independent foreign policy, breaking from the America-biased policy orientation. They oppose Japanese militarization, and intend to protect Article Nine of the Japanese Constitution that denies the right to possess any armaments whatsoever, for either offensive or defensive purposes. They hope that the creed of pacifism in Article Nine of the Japanese and the memory of war that Japanese people share will contribute to East Asian regional security system.Each camp of the discourse displays its own predominant conception of nationalism.Economic nationalism can be discovered in the context of economy-centered functional integration. It contends that positive impetus in constructing East Asian community is demanded for Japanese initiative in regional order. Economic nationalism infuses patriotism into people leaning towards economic prosperity and wealth as well as international reputation.Cultural nationalism appears in the context of anxiety regarding cultural conflicts. It is cultural nationalism that maintains cultural peculiarity, originality, purity and superiority. Claims made to cultural particularity forge domestic unity for the purpose of national mobilization while being resistant towards external pressure of any sort.Remilitarization nationalism has surfaced with the heightened security alarm in the changing global situation. It is remilitarization nationalism that requires efforts to rebuild Japan into a “normal state” by reinstating a formal national army which is not allowed under the war-renouncing constitution.Against remilitarization nationalism, constitutional nationalism upholds that the Peace Constitution of Japan as well as the memory of war can render East Asian regional security system a great service. It is constitutional nationalism that hopes not to repeat the errors of the past which brought about the great tragedies, and that ideologizes pacifism and the status for permanent demilitarization and neutralization.As a conclusion, the plurality of nationalism is interwoven with each other, and can more clearly be examined in the rise of the discourses of East Asian community. In the changing global order of the post Cold War, Japan faces the crossroad once more. Cutting across past, present, and future, the contestation among Japanese nationalisms presents challenges regarding where and how to position Japan in East Asian regionalism and the new international order.

A Study on Resource Nationalism by Regions

정수연 숙명여자대학교 국제관계대학원 2009 국내석사

Unlike 20th century when a nation?s power was determined by the nation?s capability of national defense, we are now living in the times in which economic power determines national power. While earth?s natural resources are limited, world population is still growing and more resources are in demand as economic activities of each country are increasing and growing. As competition among major consuming countries for limited resources is getting intense, countries with resources try to enhance their influence and power in the global market. Therefore resource development projects by consuming countries add more intensity to the competition due to their national strategic approach beyond mere commercial or economic capability. Natural resource supply/demand in the 20th century was closely linked not only to establishing military power but also to industry development. As supply/demand route to secure resources extended further overseas, powerful countries recognized the importance of military power to secure points of strategic importance in the world. Powerful countries started to take resources from relatively weak countries, which started nationalism, followed by independence of the countries. The public resisted economic plundering and advocated permanent sovereignty and right for autonomous use for the nation?s natural resources. Resource nationalism in the 20th century was mainly for political purpose. Resource nationalism at that time took rather aggressive forms including seizure of foreign oil company properties, forced nationalization and discontinuation of oil export with emphasis on political ideology such as national independence and autonomy to cease colonization and imperialism of powerful countries , which resulted in a huge shrink of the world economy. Energy security is rising as one of the major propositions in the global society in the 21st century. Military superiority in chaotic period of the 20th century was the key to be the top of the world; however, energy is the powerful key in the 21st century since it requires constant supply for healthy economy. Resource nationalism of the 21st century is characterized by intermixture of economic and political purposes. In terms of economic purposes, oil-producing countries seek benefits to their own countries. This is obviously an opposition to major companies in the world that try to plunder their resources but more emphasis is on securing their revenue sources that are required for social expenditure and economic growth. In the 21st century, a country?s goal cannot be simplified as growth of national power and more values including political independence, national defense and economic prosperity were added to the goal; natural resource supply/demand issue is also considered in the context of economic power and trade, rather than military power, to secure resources and enhance national power. Another aspect is extension of political influence of countries of resources in the global society. Russia is using resource nationalism for its political purposes. There are also cases when economic and political purposes are hardly distinguishable. Security environment in the 21st century is unpredictable to take proper countermeasures, complex and fast-changing. There are still many questions unanswered on whether resource issue is considered on the level of national security in current situation of high oil price, raw material price rise and weakening national competitive power.

(A) cultural analysis of the relationship between nationalism and populism : the case of South Korea

김현준 Graduate School, Yonsei University 2023 국내박사

This study focuses on the relationship between nationalism and populism by analysing the political history of Korea. Populism studies have merely dealt with the cases in East Asia on those issues, as general literature remains a normative understanding of those issues and democracy, overlooking the tentative research cases in the region. The comparative studies of populism develop with a minimalist definition, emphasising the antagonism between the homogenous groups—‘the elite’ and ‘the people’. However, this minimalist definition homogenised heterogeneous natures of ‘the elite’, ‘the people’, and their forms of confrontations in different regional and historical contexts. This study expands the cases discussed within the study of populism while clarifying the relationship between nationalism and populism. The historical experience of people in South Korea is an excellent example of analysing the interaction between the nation-state and society. This thesis contributes to introducing new dimensions, the temporality of political economy and the spatiality of political cleavage. With nation and state decoupled, the meanings of the people varied significantly across Korean political history, causing the populistic elements in the country. A strong and administrative-oriented state vis-à-vis society resulted in the absence of horizontal confrontation between the Left and Right, instead conceptualising social demands as national, strengthened by a vertical antagonism between society and the state. The rapid development of the national economy enforced this verticality. Korean history has been prevalent with the imagination of power relations between the state high above and the people or society below. Analysing political history in South Korea provides an opportunity to innovate the recent definition of populism regarding its global political activism of nationalism and democracy. 본 연구는 내셔널리즘과 포퓰리즘의 관계에 주목하여 한국 정치의 역사를 분석한다. 기존 포퓰리즘 연구는 동아시아 사례를 상대적으로 적게 다루웠다는 점, 그리고 두 개념과 민주주의에 대한 규범적 이해로 잠재적인 연구 사례를 제한해 왔다. 최근 포퓰리즘의 비교정치 연구는 개념의 최소주의적 정의, 즉 ‘동질적인’ 두 집단인 ‘엘리트’와 ‘인민’ 사이의 적대라는 정의를 발전시켰다.하지만 이 최소주의적 정의는 동질적이지 않은 ‘엘리트’와 ‘인민’이라는 개념 과 그것의 지역적, 역사적 맥락을 동질화한다는 한계가 있다. 본 연구는 이를 극복하기 위해 내셔널리즘과 포퓰리즘간의 관계를 명료화하고 포퓰리즘 연구 사례를 확장하고자한다. 한국 정치사는 국민/민족국가와 사회 간의 상호 관계를 분석하기에 탁월한 사례이며, 본 연구는 여기에 정치경제에서의 시간성과 정치균열의 공간성의 개념을 도입하여 기존의 포퓰리즘 연구에 기여하고자 한다. 네이션(민족/국민)과 국가가 분리된 상황에서, 한국 정치사에서 인민을 칭하고 의미화하는 과정은 다양해 왔으며, 이 가운데 포퓰리즘적인 요소들이 나타났다. 강하고 행정 중심주의적인 국가와 사회와의 관계는 좌-우라는 수평적인 정치적 스펙트럼의 부재를 야기했다. 대신 사회의 다양한 요구들은 민족/국민적인 것으로 의미화되고, 이는 사회와 국가 간의 수직적인 적대를 강화했다. 민족/국민경제의 급속한 발전이 이 수직성을 강화했고, 이는 한국 정치에서 국가-사회간의 상하관계적 권력 공간 인식을 만연하게 해 왔다. 이러한 한국 정치사를 분석함으로써, 본 연구는 최근의 포퓰리즘의 정의를 개선하는데 기여하며, 이는 내셔널리즘 및 민주주의를 둘러싼 전 세계적인 정치적 행동을 바라보는 대안적 시각을 제공하고자 한다.

인도네시아의 民族主義에 대한 歷史的 考察

나임순 가톨릭대학교 국제대학원 1999 국내석사

The nationalism of the new-born countries which were independent after World War Ⅱ, provided the ideological basis for national policies in building independent nations through national integration and breaking from external domination in the fields of politics, economics, social stnlcture, culture, etc.. Nationalism is also a root whieh preserves the national identity of a people and controls their feelings toward the colonialism of westem Europe. The contemporary history of hdonesia with the liberation from the colonialism for exploitation and with the fighting process for the independence of state- nation is the history of nationalism. It has created a new national out of a multitude of ethnic groups which had on common national culture, history, or identity. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the historical formation of indonesian nationalism and to analyze its progress and classify and characterize the nationalistic features of its stages, and to study its functions in Indonesian history. Western nationalism was the product of two cultural revolutions, the Renaissance and the Reformation. And the Euro-Nationalism of modern meaning was generated with the French Revolution which demanded liberty, equality, and philanthropy, as a momentum towards the end of the 18th century, which was produced from the fighting process which French citizens broke down ancien regime and endeavored to obtain their right and freedom. But non-westem nationalism has been formed in the resistance of Third World peoples to imperialism and colonialism, which are corrupted forms of western nationalism. In examining the studies of nationalism up to the present, we find that they are based on common notion which consists of language, race, history, tradition, culture, regional character and so forth. By the way, the deficiency of factors results in a momentous obstacle to the growth of its own nationalism. In order to study the development of Indonesian nationalism, we need to conceptualize the nationalism in Indonesia as a process of creating an artificial nation, a so-called state-nation, which contains the period under the domination of forieign powers in their territories and the period after its independence with liberty and freedom. Now the republic of Indonesia as a political unity has realifed independence and national development as a common goal. The soil of Indonesian nationalism is a plural society with a great diversity of cultures, religions, political pattems, etc.. The first stage [1900-1926] was characterized by Cultural Proto- Nationalism, a so-called 'nationalism without a nation', which was led by those who were enlightened by the opportunities of Westem education and through the Dutch language. These educated elite formed a dissatisfied class because the racial discrimination of the Dutch prohibited their employment. Indonesian nationalism was especially formed under impetus of the Dutch policy of colonial extension and their ethical policy at the beginning of this century. Indonesian Nationalism at this stage had four main streams : the enlightenment movements such as Budi Utomo and various study clubs, the expansion movements of economic rights and interests such as Sarekat Islam and labor unions, the Islamic Modemist Reformation movements, and the Socialist Revolutionary movements. This first stage of Indonesian nationalism was ended because of its regionalism, cultural ethnocentrism, religious exclusiveness, ideological factionalism, and the oppression of the Dutch. The second stage of Indonesian nationalism (1927-1949) began with the emergence of Sultamo and his PNI(Indonesian National Party), He insisted on a 'secular' pure nationalism which stood above all races, ideologies, and religions and appealed to the people to unite in resistance against the common enemy. At this stage Indonesian nationalism followed the course of typical anti-colonial resistant nationalism through the period of the late Dutch colonialism(1927-1942), the Japanese occupation(1942-1945), and the revolutionary period(1945-1949) by struggling against or by cooperating with the foreign powers according to circumstances. It finally succeeded in gaining the independence of Indonesia. The three main currents of this stage were essentially separated from each other though often superficially were united : Islamic nationalism Communist(Socialist) nationalism, and secular nationalism. In this state a 'we-consciousness'as a suffering community was born in the process of forming a national consciousness. And each element for establishing the first united nation stage, such as a name, a flag, a national language, and an anthem, was chosen through a spontaneous conceit. Indonesia after its independence, received parliamentary democracy in the style of Westem Europe so as to realire the freedom and the equality that nationalism runs after, but in vain. After some wandering and confusion, Indonesian Guided-Democracy was made to adopt in the end. Sukarno, great charismatic leader, who had come into power through the periods of parliamentary democracy, Guided-Democracy, and New Order, established the nationalism as the firm basis of the Republic of Indonesia in the form of Pancasila(the Five Principles of the state) and the 1945 constitution. The new-bonl countries, including Indonesia, are bothered with poverty and double doubles on the social and economical structure. The succeeding leader, Suharto who is a secular Indonesian nationalist with armed forces has developed in the fields of politics and economy. And he has integrated the Indonesian society with hdonesian nationalism which is the ruling ideology and the strongest driving force for national development. But there also anti-govemmental nationalistic movements (mainly students power) and sub-nationalism based on religion, racialism or regionalism(especially in East Timor). From the study above, we can find that Indonesian nationalism'a nationalism from the above led by the elite, has changed itself according to circumstances into Cultural Proto-nationalism, then into Anti-colonial Resistant Nationalism, and finally into Development Nationalism as a ruling ideology. Indonesian nationalism has integrated its various streams in one. Indonesian nationalism has been and will be the driving force in the contemporary of the Republic of Indonesia.