A STUDY OF MONGOLIAN WRESTLING “BUKH” FOR HERITAGE VALUE

척트사이항 갈상턱터흐 안동대학교 일반대학원 2023 국내석사

Mongolian national wrestling, “BUKH” is a national sport with a thousand-year history and cultural heritage of Mongolians. Mongolian national wrestling has been inherited for centuries, should be further developed, passed on to future generations, introduced to the Mongolian people in the world, and is an intangible heritage of national art and sports. This research aims to identify the value of the past and present heritage of Mongolian wrestling “Bukh,” study the attitude of Mongolians toward "Bukh", and study the experiences of national sports development in countries around the world, and suggest ways to globalize and develop Mongolian wrestling “Bukh.” To achieve the purpose of this research, we use the qualitative research method. In this research, the researcher entered the Mongolian national wrestling development history and made an analysis system based on the research data through literature surveys to find the actual concept of the traditional heritage and to understand the cultural customs. The survey was designed using a method of historical analysis with literature research and investigation. According to the classification format, such as the event's origin, formation, development, and supplementation, the cultural heritage of the traditional sports of national wrestling was considered and organized. The material resources were provided for resource collection by carrying out current research. As a result of conducting the research using the literature research method, it was concluded that Mongolian national wrestling contains the following 3 items of heritage value. Pride: Mongolian national wrestling is a whole culture that embodies multifaceted science. Mongolian wrestling culture is the unique world of art, the mine of knowledge and talent of the Mongolian people, the wrestlers who make up the world of wrestling, the rituals of the team, the spectators, the rules of wrestling, the rules and regulations, its costumes, etc. Wrestling decks, putties, rooms, wrestling, tricks, costumes, and actions are seen as a symbolic complex and are felt and enjoyed by the audience. Mongolian wrestling is a national sport that promotes social consciousness and cultural influence among young people practicing Mongolian wrestling through their families, parents, and society. Tradition: Wrestling is a full-fledged sport of nomadic culture, reflecting the peculiarities of nomadic Mongolian culture in every ritual. To cite just one example: An example of how Mongolians are proud of their knowledge, passion, artistic talent, feelings, and knowledge is the Mongolian wrestling uniform - zodog and shuudag. From the choice of materials, silk, and silk color to the symbolism, genius, handicrafts, and embroidery, new design and art solutions, the carrier, the animator, and the pride of the Mongolian people. The great civilization of Mongolian wrestlers in preparing, wearing, undressing, storing, cherishing, honoring, and worshiping their clothes is inherited through the body, mind, and language of wrestlers. In this way, it proves to be a national sport with a high impact on Mongolians' traditional and spiritual cultures. Heritage: Many historical sources prove Mongolian wrestling is a valuable heritage of the Mongolian nation. Researchers noted that the three men's games, including wrestling, flourished during the Khunnu period, which lasted from 209 to 93 BC, and found their current style. Mongolian wrestling is a valuable heritage that symbolically represents the spiritual freedom of the Mongolian people. Mongolian wrestling has been used not only for physical development but also to educate children through folklore and proverbs. Fairy tales and proverbs passed down by word of mouth to every household for centuries are a great cultural heritage and a great legacy for future generations. The heritage and significance of Mongolian wrestling, passed down to future generations, is very wide and a treasure that must be preserved. According to the study of the attitudes of Mongolians, there is an urgent need to reform Mongolian national wrestling. The survey revealed that Mongolians have an optimistic view of the prospects of national wrestling. However, several problems were identified, and expressed the need for efforts to eliminate them. It supported the idea that not everyone has to become a wrestler, but every Mongolian should work on acquiring basic knowledge of wrestling. As seen from the research section of the world sports development study, the country's national sport is closely linked to the country's historical development and has expanded along with economic and social development. Each sport has its characteristics, types, styles, and organization and has its way of reaching out to the world. A unified and well-organized organization is working to manage the national sport. This organization organizes all kinds of activities for the development of the sport and provides general management. And at all times in history, the country has constantly tried to bring its national sport to the world stage. As a result, there is a need to develop further the national wrestling sport, which is the culture and heritage of the Mongolian people, and train wrestling professionals and coaches at the international level according to the current national wrestling rules. Key Words: Mongolian national wrestling, Bukh, Heritage of Mongolians, History of Mongolian wrestling, Heritage value, Attitude of Mongolians

Acculturation and changes in dietary intake and health behavior among Mongolians living in South Korea

죠나스트 명지대학교 대학원 2012 국내박사

In recent years, Mongolian immigrants have increased rapidly in South Korea (SK). Currently, 29,920 Mongolians reside and work in SK. The two countries have distinct diets due to climatic and geographical differences. The Mongolian diet is mostly animal-based with few vegetables and fruits, while Korean diet is largely plant-based. The study goal was to examine the impact of acculturation on dietary intakes and health risk behaviors among Mongolian immigrants living in SK. This study targeted Mongolians currently residing in SK. To measure the acculturation level, we developed an acculturation scale based on the Suinn-Lew scale. Dietary intake was assessed using the one-day 24-hour recall method conducted by a trained nutritionist. Demographics and health behaviors were obtained using a structured questionnaire. Dietary patterns were defined by cluster analysis of food group variables, expressed as percentage contribution to total energy intake. A total of 500 Mongolian immigrants participated in this study. The participants were grouped into a low acculturation (LA) group and a high acculturation (HA) group. Those who are younger than 30 years and female, have resided in SK for more than 5 years, and have college or a higher level of education were associated as being highly acculturated. Associations of acculturation with dietary and nutrient intakes were adjusted for all demographic factors. The HA group had significantly higher consumption of vegetables and rice, and significantly lower consumption of meat, potato, and flour products, compared to their LA counterparts. It was found that acculturation levels are significantly associated with increased consumption of fruits and vegetables, beans, fish, seaweed, vitamin A, vitamin C, and folate. Total fat intake tended to decrease with acculturation. However, acculturation was also significantly related to increased intake of sodium and decreased consumption of dairy products. Using cluster analysis, we identified three distinct dietary patterns as ‘Tradional Mongolian’, ‘Mixed,’ and ‘Korean’. The ‘Traditional Mongolian’ pattern was the most prevalent, accounting for 43% of total Mongolian immigrants. The ‘Korean’ pattern showed a relatively high intake of rice, vegetables, bean, fish, seaweed and seasoning. About 31% of total Mongolians followed ‘Korean’ pattern. The ‘Mixed’ pattern had higher intakes of fruit, flour product, meat, carbonated drinks and fast food. The prevalence of obesity, daily smoking, drinking and skipping breakfast were 33%, 31%, 38% and 26% among the Mongolian immigrants. However, those health risk factors (except for breakfast skipping) had no significant association with the dietary pattern groups. Subjects who followed the ‘Korean’ dietary pattern were less likely to skip breakfast (OR: 0.6; CI=0.8-2.1; p<0.05). We also examined the relationship of acculturation with health risk behaviors. The study found that LA was associated with high prevalence of obesity and a higher rate of cigarette smoking. On the contrary, HA was associated with high consumption of fruit and vegetable. We recommend nutrition programs to prevent obesity and smoking targeting LA immigrants who commonly smoke and are obese. LA immigrants and subjects followed the ‘Traditional Mongolian’ and ‘Mixed’ patterns maintained unhealthy dietary behaviors such as high intake of meat and flour product. Therefore, they need to tailored nutrition education to enhance their knowledge of nutrition and healthy food choice. Additionally, due to Korean dietary practices associated with increased sodium intake and decreased dairy products, we also suggest nutrition programs targeting HA members and subjects who followed the ‘Korean’ pattern. Nutrition educators should consider the dietary changes of Mongolian immigrants, such as skipping breakfast, increased consumption of sodium, decreased consumption of dairy products, and maintaining high intake of red meat, which were observed in this study. The findings of this study provide useful information for designing tailored nutrition education programs to prevent diet-related chronic diseases among Mongolian immigrants. 최근 한국거주 몽골 인들의 수는 지속적으로 증가하여 현재 29920명에 달하고 있다. 몽골인들은 대륙성 기후로 인해 육류와 유제품 같은 동물성식품을 기반으로 가끔 소량의 채소류를 섭취하는 반면 한국인들은 쌀, 콩, 다양한 채소를 포함한 식물성 식품 섭취가 많고 생선도 많이 섭취한다. 본 연구의 목적은 한국에 거주하고 있는 몽골 이민자들의 식사와 건강행태에 문화적응 정도가 어떤 영향을 미치는 지 파악하여 건강한 식생활에 긍적적인 요인과 부정적인 요인을 찾아보고자 하였다. 연구대상자는 현재 한국에 거주하고 있는 500명의 몽골인들이었고 연구자간 변이를 최소화하기 위하여 일인의 식품영양 전공 연구자가 일대일 면접방식으로 자료를 수집하였다. 문화적응 정도는 Suinn-Lew가 개발한 문화적응 스케일을 참고하여 한국 거주 몽골인 대상의 문화적응 측정도구를 개발하였고 식이섭취 상태 평가는 1일 24시간 회상법을 이용하였다. 또한 구조화된 설문도구를 이용하여 인구학적 특성과 건강행태에 관하여 조사하였다. 식사패턴분석을 하기 위해 식품군에 대한 총 에너지 섭취기여율 (percentage contribution to total energy)을 이용하여 군집(cluster) 분석을 실시하였고 문화적응 정도는 높은 군과 낮은 군으로 분류하여 변수들간의 연관성과 차이를 분석하였다. 문화적응 정도는 5년 이상 한국에 거주한, 30세 이하, 고학력 여성들에서 유의적으로 높았다. 문화 적응도에 따른 총 식품 섭취량과 식품군별 섭취실태의 차이를 인구학적 특성에 따른 변수를 보정하여 분석하였다. 문화적응 정도가 높은 사람이 문화적응 정도 낮은 사람보다 채소와 쌀 섭취량이 유의하게 높았으며, 고기, 감자, 밀가루 등 식품섭취량이 유의하게 적었다. 또한 문화적응에 따라 과일류 및 채소류, 콩, 생선류, 해조류, 미량영양소 섭취가 유의적으로 증가하였고 몽골 이민자들의 지방 섭취량은 문화적응에 따라서 유의하게 낮았다. 그러나 나트륨의 섭취량은 유의하게 증가하고, 유제품의 섭취량이 낮았으나 통계적인 유의성은 없었다. 군집분석 결과 3개의 식사패턴이 확인되었다. 가장 큰 군집은 43%에 해당되는 213명으로 고기와 유제품 그리고 밀가루 섭취가 특징적인 ‘Traditional Mongolian’ 식사패턴 집단이었고, 그 다음은 31%에 해당하는 156명으로 ‘쌀, 과일 및 채소, 생선 섭취가 특징적인 'Korean' 패턴으로 조사되었다. 또 다른 군집은 26’%인 131명으로 Mixed 패턴을 나타냈다. ‘Korean’ 패턴에 속할수록 건강한 식품들의 섭취가 많았다. 몽골인들의 비만 유병률은 34%, 현재 흡연율은 34%로, 월간 음주율은 56%, 그리고 아침식사 결식율은 26%로 높았다. 그러나 모든 건강 위험요인들은 (아침식사 결식율을 제외) 식사패턴 군과는 통계적으로 유의한 차이가 없었다. 또한 모든 인구학적특성 변수를 보정하였을 때 문화적응 정도가 낮을수록 비만과 흡연 위험도가 유의적으로 증가하는 경향을 나타냈다. 반대로, 문화적응 정도가 높을수록 과일과 채소의 섭취량이 유의하게 증가하는 경향이 있었다. 이상의 연구결과로 볼 때 문화적응도가 낮은 몽골 이민자들의 비만예방, 금연에 대한 중재가 필요하며 ‘Traditional Mongolian’ and ‘Mixed’ 그룹에게는 영양교육과 보건의식 증진이 필요할 것으로 보인다. 향후 다문화사회로 변화되어가는 한국에 거주하는 외국인들 대상의 식습관과 만성질환 관련 체계적인 종단연구가 더 많이 필요할 것으로 사료된다.

DISTANCE LEARNING FOR MONGOLIAN CHILDREN LIVING IN KOREA : ADAPTING AN EDUCATIONAL LEADERSHIP MODEL

MUNKHJARGAL MUNKHZUL 웨스트민스터신학대학원대학교 2021 국내박사

This study explores leadership models, which needed for Mongolian children residing in Korea. Educating children while living in a foreign country is Mongolians' main issue, especially those living in Korea. Showing the possibility that the parents could solve the problem that faced them using leadership styles, even they have not majored in this field, is the primary purpose of this project. The author overviewed various leadership theories to draw appropriate leadership models to educate Mongolian children in a long-distance setting. For decades, leading theories have been the origin of many works. Philosophical foundations of leadership that Great man theory was the first try to define leaders. Then Trait, Contingency, Situational and Behavioral theories, which are made on Great Man's base, created different leadership styles. Eleven different leadership styles were explored in this research, and the author used six styles in the project with a high result. Using various leadership styles, the author implemented a project, which runs in modern technology based on the latest useful applications. Two teachers were chosen from the city and rural areas of Mongolia mentored the author on working with the six-year-old first-grade student, who is learning in self-study through the distance learning way with leadership styles. All of the programs are in the same process in Mongolia. The student learned how to read and write in the Mongolian language while she is living in Korea. In the section of the project problem expectation, some changes were made. Instead of choosing other participants from various countries, the author left the chance to be part of this project open for all, who can follow and organize this distance learning action where they are and at the same time with them. The project's primary role, student Undral is six years old now; even she started the project, she was five years old. Mongolian's language ability is quite good, and fluently even she came to Korea when she was only in her 19 months, the speaking language barrier did not disturb her communication with the teachers. Just actions might change in order to implement the project well. The author needs to use all abilities that she learned during the doctoral courses, incredibly transformational, transactional, and servant leadership styles. Then result will be good effectively. The Korean education system considers the practice and personal development, making future citizens of Korea human beings. However, the Mongolian education system focuses on more academic knowledge. The difference between both countries' education systems makes some difficulties for foreign children living in Korea. Moreover, some school staff requires that foreign children who do not know the Korean language must enter into below one grade than their same-age children because of the language barrier. If the child will go back after studying for some time, it makes a grade difference in Mongolia. The next main point is the visa issue. If Mongolian children are illegal, the chance to study at Korean public schools will block by the rule; even there is a right to anti-discrimination. Every child can go to school, a fundamental human right, Convention of the child's rights, education article 28 and 29, and article 23 for children with disabilities, The United Nations (Austin, 2013). If Mongolian children do not know the Korean language or illegally residing, would they have any other choice to study in Korea? There are three main goals to reach for the results. The first one is leading parents who are living in foreign countries with their school-age children, especially school starting age 6, with the project, which runs with daily activity and sharing them the materials to work on, what author is collecting from professional teachers and institutions, and the result after working on for self-study in online. Sharing the child's self-study is an excellent example of motivating them, connecting from everywhere in the world. The second one is to introduce the latest AI technologies for Mongolian teachers and practical online course ways. There are computer programs, mobile apps, TV communications, blogs, eBooks, podcasts, online classes, and AI assistants serving students and instructors to interact, create, distribute, and trade with each other. It is entirely different from conventional education. The third one is making an example through this experience and letting them know what difficulties face to Mongolia's citizens. To make a sign to pay attention to the population, living away from their home country, and considering their education, creating a modern education institution for them from the state the least one. Even this project is a doctoral degree dissertation activity. The program for helping the student and same-age children living in foreign countries, based on self-learning with leadership styles, started on 29th October 2019 and ended on 1st June 2020. In this time, the student learned all the alphabets and numbers like Mongolian children living in Mongolia study at their classes during a school year which runs between 1st September and 1st June of the next year. The author trained with the student for 2 hours each day during the week and shared all the learning materials and the student's result on the page for pealing others doing with them. The author used transformational, transactional, servant, coaching, visionary, and strategic leadership styles in this project. The previous six leadership styles applied to the project well. Nevertheless, autocratic, Laissez-faire, democratic, pacesetting, and bureaucratic leadership styles are not too connected to this project, even included a literature review section of the dissertation. In this project, five respondents participated as interviewees: the student, two mentoring teachers, the student's father, and the project observer. The goal that used the qualitative research method in this project was to analyze if the distance learning method, managed by adapting leadership styles, is sufficient for the Mongolian child living in Korea. The desired outcome of the first goal was effective. The project student learned how to read and write in the Mongolian language with the author's leadership styles through distance learning. All the family members of the project student participated in the right role to cooperate for improving her enthusiasm with their daily two hours practice for eight months. The project revealed the online learning with professional mentoring teachers and parents' cooperation in convenient leadership styles had helped children's native language learning like in their home country. The project was a good starting point and example to encourage other parents and children living abroad for saving the history and culture of the home country. The second and third ones of the desired outcomes did not yet complete during the project. The project will show a pattern that the government could do or accept a Mongolian first online secondary school for Mongolian children, which gives an official certificate.

17-18세기 몽골어의 음운론적 연구

Batkhishig, S 단국대학교 대학원 2009 국내박사

일반적으로 몽골어는 알타이어에서 분화된 상고몽골어, 고대몽골어, 중세몽골어, 현대몽골어로 시대 구분되고 있으며, 17-18세기 몽골어는 중세몽골어 후기이나 현대몽골어 초기에 포함되어 왔다. 그런데 몽골어사의 바로 앞뒤 시대인 중세몽골어와 현대몽골어를 살펴보면 그 차이점이 클 뿐만 아니라 변화 과정에 대한 음운론적 설명이 쉽지 않다. 이러한 점은 두 시대 사이의 언어적 특징에 대한 연구를 제기하는 한편 중세몽골어에서 현대몽골어로 이어지는 중간에 확연히 다른 언어적 단계가 있음을 암시하고 있다고 볼 수 있다. 몽골어사에서 17-18세기는 가장 정확하지 않은 시대로 일컬어진다. 이 시기의 몽골어 문헌들은 고대몽골어의 특징을 고스란히 가지고 있는 몽골문어로 쓰여졌기 때문이다. 그래서 17-18세기의 몽골어를 현대 초기 또는 중세 말기로 보아 왔던 것이다. 앞서 언급했듯이, 중세몽골어와 현대몽골어는 많은 차이점을 드러내고 있고, 17-18세기 몽골어는 부분적으로 중세와 현대의 특징을 지니고 있다. 뿐만 아니라 17-18세기 몽골어는 중세몽골어에서 현대몽골어로 변화하는 과정상의 독특한 특징을 지니고 있음은 물론, 중세나 현대몽골어와 또 다른 특징을 지니고 있다. 본고에서는 17-18세기 몽골어의 음운론적 특징을 밝히기 위해서 당시 몽골어 문헌들을 몽골문자로 쓰인 문헌들과 외국문자로 쓰인 문헌들로 나누어 살펴보았다. 몽골문자로 쓰인 문헌들로는 1. 몽문연대기, 2. 북경본 게세르와 융복사본 게세르, 3. 토드 게세르, 4. 소욤보 문자 및 횡사각 문자로 쓰인 문헌을 검토하였고, 외국문자로 쓰인 문헌으로는 1. 蒙學三書, 2. 몽골어를 만주 문자로 표기한 사전들을 살펴보았다. 이 문헌들은 17-18세기 몽골어의 주요 방언들의 특징을 나타낸 것으로 보인다. 토드 문자는 오이라드 방언을, 소욤보 및 횡사각 문자는 할흐 방언의 특징을 나타낸다. 그리고 몽문연대기는 오르도스, 차하르, 할흐의 역사가들이 쓴 문헌이며 그들 자료는 오르도스, 차하르, 할흐 방언의 특징을 갖고 있다고 볼 수 있다. 또, 蒙學三書와 게세르는 간행된 장소나 결말 등을 통하여 보면 당시 내몽골 지역이나 북경의 몽골 방언에 근거를 둔 것이 분명하다. 두 문헌의 언어적 특징에서도 북경의 몽골 사람들이나 만주의 영향을 받았던 방언에 바탕을 둔 것으로 보인다. 특히 차하르, 하르친, 허르친 방언의 특징과 일치하고 있다. 중요한 것은 이들 문헌에 나타나는 몽골어의 음운론적 특징이 상당수 일치되고 있다는 점인데, 이들 공통 특징은 중세몽골어와 다른 양상으로 나타났다. 본고에서 이들 문헌을 바탕으로 고찰하여 17-18세기 몽골어의 음운론적 특징을 중세몽골어, 현대몽골어와 비교·요약하면 다음과 같다. 1. 17-18세기 몽골어에는 중세몽골어와 같이 단모음 7개가 존재하였다. 고대몽골어에 있었던 후설모음 ï는 중세몽골어에서 i의 변이음이 되었으며 17-18세기에 적극적으로 나타난다. 2. 17-18세기 몽골어에는 단모음과 이에 대응하는 7-8개의 장모음(aa; ee, ii(ïï), oo, uu, öö, üü)이 존재하였다. 그리고 장모음화가 완전동화로 일어나지 않은 형태들도 공존재하였다. VCV 구조에서 자음이 탈락된 후, 양쪽의 두 모음이 동일한 모음이면 장모음화되고, 상이한 모음이면 이중모음이 되었다. 몽골어사에서 장모음화와 이중모음화는 17-18세기에 체계적으로 일어난 대표적인 음운 변화 중 하나였다. 이 장모음화 과정은 다음과 같이 나타낼 수 있다. V1V1 AM. VCV > MM. V`V > 17-18th. [ > Mo.M. VV V1V2 3. 17-18세기를 몽골어사의 한 단계로 설정하면 장모음화와 이중모음화가 체계적으로 설명된다. 현대 할흐방언의 장모음 ‘ii’ 또는 ‘ee’는 17-18세기에 이중모음 ei로 나타나는데, 이후에 장모음이 된 것이다. 17-18세기의 이중모음은 대부분의 현대몽골어 방언에서 장모음으로 나타나고 있다. 현대 할흐 방언의 이중모음은 ‘ai, oi, ui, üi’ 등 남아 있다. 4. 이차적 장모음의 고대형 VCV 구조에서 마찰음 ‘γ/g’는 대부분의 단어에서 탈락되었지만 17-18세기에는 그대로 존재하는 경우도 나타나고 있다. 5. 중세몽골어에서는 한 단어 안에서 원순모음은 원순모음끼리 동화되기 시작한 것으로 알려져 왔다. 그런데 실제로 동화를 보인 예는 소수일 뿐이고, 동화된 예 또한 원순모음동화만 나타나고 있다. 그런데 17-18세기 몽골어에서는 원순모음동화와 평순모음 동화가 체계적으로 나타나고 있다. 6. 중세몽골어에 존재했던 마찰음 ‘h’는 고대몽골어의 어두에 있었던 자음 *p/*f’가 약화된 형태인데, 이것이 17-18세기 몽골어에서는 완전히 탈락되었다. 7. 고대몽골어에서 구개음화가 진행되어 파찰음 ‘dž, tš’이 형성되었는데, 17-18세기에는 ‘dž, tš’에서 다시 ‘dz, ts’가 분리되어 자음체계에 별개의 음소로서 존재하게 되었다. 8. 전설모음 ‘i’ 앞에 온 마찰음 ‘s’에서 마찰음 ‘š’가 분기되었으며, 일부의 예에서는 ‘š’ 뒤에 온 ‘i’가 다른 모음으로 변화되었다. 9. 17-18세기에 어미구조에서 일어난 음운 변화는 다양한 구어형태를 갖게 하였는데, 이들은 오늘날 여러 방언에 남아 있다. 이러한 이유로 현대 방언들의 여러 가지 특징은 17-18세기로 거슬러 올라가면 확인할 수 있다. 따라서 이 시기의 몽골어 연구는 현대 몽골방언 연구에서도 매우 중요한 의미를 지닌다. 10. 자음 첨가는 모든 방언에서 일어나는 현상이다. 17-18세기 몽골어에서는 자음 ‘n, g, d’의 첨가가 일어난 단어가 많이 나타나고 있다. 11. 구개음화의 영향으로 몽골어에는 다음과 같은 변화가 일어났다. 1)자음 첨가 2)자음 변화 3)모음 변화 4)마찰음 [y]의 변화 5)전설음화 등. 12. 명사의 말자음 ‘-n’이 약화되고 탈락되기 시작하였다. 13. 제2음절의 무강세모음이 축약되기 시작하였다. 14. 현대몽골어에서는 키릴 문자의 표기법에 따라 ng로만 표기하고 환경에 따라 연구개음 ‘ng’과 치조음 ‘n’으로 다르게 발음되었지만 17-18세기 몽골어에서는 ‘ng’과 치조음 ‘n’이란 별개의 음소로 표기되었다. 17-18세기 몽골어 표준 방언은 현대몽골어 표준어인 할흐가 아니었던 것으로 보인다. 당시의 할흐, 오이라드, 내몽골 방언의 차이점이 비교적 적었으며 그 밖에 부리야드, 다구르 등 방언도 일치되는 점이 많았다. 즉, 현대몽골어의 할흐, 차하르, 오르도스, 동부 방언(하르친, 허르친), 서부와 북부 몽골(오이라드, 부리야드) 방언은 방언의 차이가 적고 비교적 일치되는 특징을 지니고 있었다. 그러나 17-18세기 이후로 여러 가지 지역 문제로 갈라지고 이로 인해 서로 다른 변화를 겪게 되어 방언 간의 차이가 비교적 많이 나타나게 되었다. Mongolian language, split from Altaic language, is generally classified into Proto Mongolian, Ancient Mongolian, Middle Mongolian, and Modern Mongolian, and the 17-18th century Mongolian has been classified as the late Middle Mongolian or the early Modern Mongolian. However, many differences between Middle Mongolian and Modern Mongolian are emerging as essential matters for studying the linguistic characteristics of the two periods. That is, according to the studies up to now, the characteristics of Middle Mongolian led through some process of change to Modern Mongolian, but the explanation of the change is not naturally apprehensible. This implies the possibility that there was another distinct, liguistic period between Middle and Modern Mongolians. While the 17-18th century Mongolian literatures were recorded in the Mongolian written language, the period was seen as the most ambiguous one in the historical development of Mongolian language. The characteristics of the Mongolian written text accord with those of Ancient Mongolian. For this reason, without classifying the 17-18th century Mongolian as an independent period, most scholars have classified it as the early Modern Mongolian, while some others have seen it as the late Middle Mongolian. However, as mentioned above, Middle Mongolian and Modern Mongolian show many differences. In distinction between Middle and Modern Mongolians based on a standing criteria, the 17-18th century Mongolian has the common characteristics partly with each one of Middle and Modern Mongolians. Besides, the 17-18th century Mongolian has not only the unique characteristics in the course of change from the Middle to the Modern, but different characteristcs from them. The study on the phonological characteristics of the 17-18th century Mongolian is considered very important in the following four points: first, the 17-18th century in the historical development of Mongolian language represents distinctively the characteristics of a period; second, it is possible to explain in the historical context the characteristics of Modern Mongolian dialects via the linguistic characteristics in this peiod; third, various grammatical issues existing in Modern Mongolian can be explained; finally, in comparison of the 17-18th century Mongolian with Modern Mongolian in terms of the historical development of Mongolian language, the theoretical history of Mongolian phonology can be systematically organized. In order to identify the phonological characteristics of the 17-18th century Mongolian, the Mongolian literatures of the times were classified into two parts by whether they were written in Mongolian scripts or foreign scripts: for the literatures written in Mongolian scripts, there are (1) the Mongol Chronicles of the 17-18th century, (2) Beijing Geser and Longfusi Geser, (3) Tod Geser, and (4) the literatures written in Soyombo script and Khevtee dorvoljin script; for the literatures written in foreign scripts, (1) Mong-hak-sam-sŏ, that is The Three Books for the Study of Mongolian written in Korean, and (2) the dictionaries that transcribed Mongolian into Manchu script. The literatures dealt with in this study seem to represent the characteristics of main dialects of the 17-18th century Mongolian: The Clear script of Tod represents the characteristics of Oriad dialect; Soyombo script and Khevtee dorvoljin script represent those of Khalkh dialect; the Mongol Chronicles of the 17-18th centuries, written by the historians from Ordos, Tsakhar, and Khalkh, represent the characteristics of each dialects of those areas; The Three Books for the Study of Mongolian and Geser, considering the publisher’s location, the epilogue, and the like, are obviously based on the Mongolian dialects of the inner Mongolian area or Beijing. The important thing is that the phonological characteristics of the Mongolian represented in those literatures are considerably common with each other, which are different from those of Middle Mongolian as we can confirm through the oh this study result. This fact can be seen to imply that the phonological characteristics of the 17-18th century Mongolian can form an independent period distinct from the Middle or the Modern ones in the study of the historical development of Mongolian language. The phonological characteristics of the 17-18th Mongolian investigated in the conclusion are summarized in comparison with those of Middle Mongolian and Modern Mongolian as follows: 1. In the 17-18th century Mongolian, there existed seven monophthongs as in Middle Mongolian. The back vowel ‘ï’ existed in Ancient Mongolian became the allophone of ‘i’ in Middle Mongolian, and actively appeared in the 17-18 century. 2. In the 17-18th century Mongolian, there existed seven to eight long vowels[aa; ee, ii(ïï), oo, uu, öö, üü] which were parallel to monophthongs. Also, there existed simultaneously such forms that vowel lenthening had not occured in complete assmilation. After the consonant dropping of VCV structure, if the vowels on both sides were the same, they become a long vowel, and otherwise, become a diphthong. Vowel lengthening and diphthongization are one of the representative historical sound change occurred systematically in the 17-18th centuries. The vowel lengthening process of Mongolian is as follows: V1V1 AM. VCV > MM. V`V > 17-18th. [ > Mo.M. VV V1V2 3. If we establish the 17-18th centuries as a period in the historical development of Mongolian language, vowel lengthening and diphthongization can be systematically explained. There exist four diphthongs in Modern Khalkh dialect. The long vowel ‘ii’ or ‘ee’ in Modern Khalkh dialect was the diphthong ‘ei’ in the 17-18th century, which means there happened vowel lengthening. The diphthongs in the 17-18th century have changed into long vowels in most Modern Mongolian dialects, and there remains only four diphthongs: ‘ai, oi, ui, üi.’ 4. In the ancient VCV structure of the secondary long vowel, the fricative consonant γ/g has been dropped in most words, while there also existed the case of no consonant dropping in the 17-18th century. 5. In Middle Mongolian, the vowels of a word were said to begin assimilating the same kind of vowel within rounded vowels or unrounded vowels, but the assimilation happened only in a few cases, all of which were still rounded harmony. However, in the 17-18th century Mongolian, not only rounded harmony, but also unrounded harmony appear systematically. 6. The fricative consonant ‘h’ existed in Middle Mongolian is originally the consonant *p/*f which underwent consonant weakening in Ancient Mongolian, which was developed into a complete consonant dropping in the 17-18th Mongolian. 7. By palatalization developed in Ancient Mongolian, formed were the affricative consonants ‘dž’ and ‘tš,’ from which ‘dz’ and ‘ts’ were split again as independent phonemes in the 17-18th centuries. 8. From the fricative consonant ‘s’ which occurred prior to the front vowel ‘i,’ the fricative consonant ‘š’ was split, and in some cases, the ‘i’ located next to ‘š’ was changed into another vowel. 9. The sound changes occurred in the end of the 17-18th century resulted in various forms in colloquial language, which remain in many dialects. Various characteristics of Modern dialects can be identified dating back to the 17-18th centuries. Thus, the study on the Mongolian of this period should have considerable significance in the Modern Mongolian studies. 10. Epenthesis is a common phenomenon occured in every dialect. In the 17-18th century Mongolian, the epentheses of ‘n, g, d’ in many cases of words. These epentheses might be a way to indicate the length of long vowels as mentioned in chapter 4. 11. Through palatalization, the following changes occurred in Mongolian: 1) epentheses occurred; 2) consonants changed into other consonants; 3) vowels changed; 4) in the iCV structure in Ancient Mongolian, the central fricative consonant ‘y’ changed in the dialects of Khalkh, Oirad, etc.; and so on. 12. The word-final consonant ‘-n’ of nouns began to be weakened and dropped. 13. Unstressed vowels in the second syllables began to be contracted. The contraction, at a guess, began from around the 16th century, and vowel contraction appear considerably often in the 17-18th centuries. 14. The velar ‘ng’ and the alveolar ‘n,’ intermixably pronounced as notated only as ‘ng’ according to the Cyrillic orthography in Modern Mongolian, were distinctively pronounced in the 17-18th century Mongolian. In the 17-18th century literatures, there appear some characteristics of Middle Mongolian. As the language change does not happen at a time, but occurs over a long period of time, it is a natural phenomenon that appears in the process of change from Middle Mongolian to the 17-18th century Mongolian. Thus, the 17-18th century Mongolian shares partly each change processes of Middle Mongolian and Modern Mongolian. For instance, the diphthongs ‘au, ou, eü, öü’ are the ones of the 17-18th century, and are systematically connected with the dialects of Modern Mongolian. The standard dialects of the 17-18th Mongolian seems not Khalkh which is the standard language of Modern Mongolian. There were relatively small differences among Khalkh, Oirad, and inner Mogolian dialects, and also had much common characteristics with the dialects of Buriyad, Dagur, etc. That is, there were not much differences but relatively common chatacteristics among Khalkh, Tsahar, and Ordos of Modern Mongolian, the Eastern dialects such as Kharchin and Khorchin, and the Western and Northern dialects such as Oirad and Buriad. From the 17-18th century, however, they were split by various local issues, and experienced different changes, causing relatively much changes among themselves. Studying the historical development of Mongolian language, scholars were based on the following data: First, for Proto Mongolian, the phonological change was reconstructed by a comparative study on Mongolic languages and Altaic languages (Turkic and Manchu-Tungusic languages), and for Ancient Mongolian, the characteristics were defined by the comparative reconstruction with the rules developed from Proto Mongolian and with Mongolian languages. For Middle Mongolian, the literatures scripted in Chinese characters, including <Mongγol-un niuča tobča’an>, the Phag`pa script literatures, and the Arabo-Persian script archives have remained representing systematically the characteristics of Mongolian language of the time. On the other hand, whereas it has been said that there is no literature that represents systematically the phonological characteristics of the 17-18th century Mongolian, the characteristics of Oriad dialect can be found in the Clear script literature of the 17-18th centuries. Also, the characteristics of the standard language and the eastern Mongol dialects seem to be found out through the Korean and Manchu script literatures, and the colloquial literatures of Mongolian written language such as Beijing <Geser>. In addition, regarding the literatures written in Soyombo script and Khevtee dorvoljin script as having the characteristics of Khalkh dialect to some degree, the correspondent characteristics between the dialects and the literatures above are considered as those of the Mongolian of the time. Finally, this study did not intend to use necessarily a different terminology for the 17-18th century Mongolian, since studies have been made only on the phonological characteristics, still not on the morphology, vocabulary, and syntax of Mongolian of the time. 17-18-р зууны монгол хэлний авиазүйг судлах асуудал нь олон талын ач холбогдолтой юм. Нэгдүгээрт, монгол хэлний түүхийн нэгэн үеийн авианзүйн онцлогийг тодруулах, хоёрдугаарт, орчин цагийн нутгийн аялгуунуудын онцлогийг түүхэн үүднээс нэгтгэн тайлбарлах, гуравдугаарт, орчин цагийн монгол хэлний хэлзүйн олон асуудлыг түүхэн авианзүйн үүднээс тайлбарлах, эцэст нь монгол хэлний олон нутгийн аялгууны баримттай холбон дүгнэснээр монгол хэлний түүхийн олон асуудлыг системтэй болгох гэх мэт. Бидний судалгааны ажилд хамруулан үзсэн дурсгалууд нь тухайн үеийн зонхилох нутгийн аялгуудын онцлогийг тодорхой хэмжээгээр харуулж чадсан гэж хэлж болно. 1648 онд Зая бандид Намхайжамцын зохиосон Ойрадын тод үсэг, 1686 онд өндөр гэгээн Занабазарын зохиосон халх аялгуунд суурилсан соёмбо үсэг, хэвтээ дөрвөлжин үсэг, Ордос, Цахар, Халх аялгуутны туурвисан түүхэн сурвалжуудын авианзүйн онцлог нь хоорондоо тохирч мөн хангыл үсгээр галигласан Монгол хэлний гурван ном болоод Гэсэрийн сурвалжуудын онцлогтой тохирох авианзүйн нэгдсэн зарчимтай байгаа нь 17-18-р зууны монгол хэлний авианзүйн ерөнхий онцлог ийм байсан гэж хэлэхэд хол зөрөхгүй болов уу. Мөн 17-р зууны манж монгол харилцааны бичгүүдийг судалсан Сэцэнгуагийн тодорхойлсноор тэдгээр харилцааны бичгүүд нь хорчин, харчин, түмэд, найман, цахар, авга, авганар, ордос, ар халх, ар хорчин, өөлд, муу мянган, еншөбү, ауханчууд, бэсүд, баарин, жаргууд зэрэг аялгууны онцлогийг тусгасан гэж үзвэл бидний судалгаатай тохирох зүйл цөөн бус буй нь бидний судалгааны үр дүнг 17-18-р зууны монгол хэлний авианзүйн онцлог гэж хэлэхэд боломжтой гэж үзэж байна. Диссертацийн 2-3-р бүлэгт сурвалж тус бүрийн авианзүйн онцлогийг үзүүлж, 4-р бүлэгт, 17-18-р зууны монгол хэлний дурсгалуудын авианзүйн онцлогийг хам цагийн хүрээнд нэгтгэн дүгнэсэн билээ. Тэрхүү дүгнэлтийг цуваа цагийн үүднээс дундад үеийн монгол хэл ба орчин цагийн монгол хэлний онцлогтой харьцуулан дүгнэвэл дараах мэт. 1. 17-18-р зууны монгол хэлэнд дундад үеийн монгол хэлний долоон дан эгшиг фонем хадгалагдаж байсан. Чанга ï эгшиг нь эртний монгол хэлэнд байгаад дундад үеийн монгол хэлэнд нэгэнтээ бие даасан авиалбарын чанараа алдсан. Мөн урагшилсан ė олон нутгийн аялгуунд идэвхтэй оршин байсан. 2. 17-18-р зууны монгол хэлэнд үндсэн эгшгүүдтэй эсрэгцсэн 8 урт эгшиг(aa; ee, ii(ïï), oo, uu, öö, üü) бүрэн үүссэн байснаас гадна үүсмэл урт эгшгийн байран дахи сугарсан гийгүүлэгчийн хоёр талын өөр төрлийн эгшгүүд харилцан бүрэн ижилсээгүй байжээ. Өөрөөр хэлбэл, дундад үеийн монгол хэлний хоёр эгшгийн дундах гийгүүлэгч бүрэн сугарч хоёр талын адил эгшгүүд ижилсэн урт эгшиг үүссэн бол зарим үгийн хоёр өөр эгшиг нь хос эгшгийн байдалтай байсан ба орчин цагийн халх зэрэг төв аялгуунд 7 урт эгшиг 5 хос эгшиг болж цөөрсөн бол ойрад, ордос, дархад зэрэг аялгуунд илүү хурдтай хөгжиж бүгд урт эгшиг болжээ. 3. Үүсмэл урт эгшгийн өмнө орж байсан шүргэх γ/g дийлэнхи үгэнд сугарч урт ба хос эгшгийн байдалтай болсон боловч сугараагүй үлдсэн γ/g бүхий жишээ мөн олон үгэнд үлдэж нутгийн аялгуудад тархжээ. 4. Дундад үеийн монгол хэлэнд нэгэн үгийн доторх хүчдэлийнхээ талаар зохицон байрлаж байсан эгшгүүд нь аль нэг хүчтэй эгшигтээ татагдан хэлэгдэх байдлаараа ижилсэж эхэлсэн байна. Дундад монгол хэлний үед ихэвчлэн уруулын зохицол явагдаж эхэлсэн бол 17-18-р зууны монгол хэлэнд уруулын болон хэлний ижилсэл зохицол зэрэгцэн явагдаж байжээ. Эгшиг ижилсэх тэрхүү явц хоёр зүйлийн үйл явц орчин цагийн халх, ордос, буриад зэрэг аялгуунд уруулшиж ижилсэх явц хүчтэй байсан бол ойрад, халимаг, буриад аялгуунд уруулших болон хүчдэлээр ижилссэн жишээ олон буйгаар нотлогдоно. 5. Эртний монгол хэлний үед үгийн эхэнд байсан шүргэх *h дундад үеийн монгол хэлэнд тэмдэглэгдэж байсан бол 17-18-р зууны монгол хэлэнд бүрмөсөн сугаран гээгдсэн байсан. 6. Нөхцөл дагаварын хүрээнд ярианы хэлний олон нөхцөлүүд холилдон байсан ба тэдгээр нь олон нутгийн аялгуунд тус бүрийн онцлог болон хөгжжээ. Ер нь орчин цагийн монгол нутгийн аялгуудын нөхцөл бүрэлдэн бий болж тогтворжсон үе гэж хэлж болно. 7. Гийгүүлэгч авиа давхарлах нь олон нутгийн аялгуунд түгээмэл байжээ. (n, g, d) авиа бүтээврийн зааг дээр давхарлах ёс ярианы хэлэнд түгээмэл байжээ. 8. Тагнайшлийн үйл явцын нөлөөгөөр нэгдүгээрт, гийгүүлэгч нэмэгдсэн. Хоёрдугаарт, гийгүүлэгч хувьссан. Гуравдугаарт, эгшиг хувьссан. Дөрөвдүгээрт, тагнайшлын улмаас эртний монгол хэлний iCV бүтцээс халх аялгууны халх ойрад аялгууны хэлний дундуур хэлэгдэх тагнайн шүргэх, дуурхаг гийгүүлэгч үүсэх болсон гэх мэт авианы өөрчлөлтүүд идэвхтэй явагдаж байжээ. Хэвтээ дөрвөлжин зэрэг бичгийн дурсгалаас зарим аялгуунд эр үгэнд орсон тагнайшсан гийгүүлэгчийн дараах урагшилсан богино эгшгийг хөндий эм эгшиг мэт тэмдэглэсэн нь урагшилсныг тэмдэглэсэн хэрэг болохоос бус эгшиг зохицох ёсыг эвдсэн хэрэг биш юм. 9. Үгийн эцсийн тогтворгүй -н олон аялгуунд сулран сугарч эхэлсэн. 10. Хоёрдугаар үеийн эгшиг авиа балархайшиж эхэлсэн. 2-р үеийн богино эгшиг балархайших явц барагцаалбал, 14-р зууны үеэс эхэлсэн ба энэ үед үргэлжлэн улам бүр огзом болж байжээ. 11. Орчин цагийн кирилл үсгийн дүрмээр нэг -н-ээр тэмдэглэх болсон хэлний угийн болоод хэлний үзүүрийн -н тодорхой ялгаатайгаар хэлэгдэж байсан. Ер нь, 17-18-р зууны монгол хэлний баримжаа аялгуу нь одоогийнхоос хол зөрүүтэй байсан байна. Одоогийн халх аялгууг төв аялгуу гэж үзээд тухайн үеийн хэлний онцлогтой шууд харьцуулах аргагүй юм. Тухайн үед халхын, ойрдын, өвөрлөгчдийн аялгууны ялгамжаа бага байсан. Түүн дээр буриад, дагуур зэрэг аялгуу ч хол зөрүүгүй байсан байна. Өөрөөр хэлбэл, одоогийн орчин цагийн монгол хэлний төв аялгуу(халх, цахар, ордос), дорно даялгуу(хорчин, харчин), өрнөд ба умард аялгуу(ойрад, буриад)-нууд нь нутгийн аялгууны ялгамжаа багатай, нийтлэг онцлог бүхий нэг бичгийн хэлтэй байжээ. Харин 17-18-р зуунаас хойш өөр өөрийн хэлний дотоод хөгжлийн дагуу хувьсаж нутгийн аялгууны онцлог ихээр ялгарах болсон. Жишээ нь, эгшгийн ижилслээр өөрчлөгдсөн нэг үгийн хоёр хэлбэр аль нэг нь нэг аялгуунд идэвхтэй хэрэглэгдэж нөгөө нь хуучирсан үг мэт болсон байхад заримд нь тэрхүү хуучирсан хэлбэр идэвхтэй хэрэглэгдэж байна.

한국어와 몽골어의 격형태 대조 연구

고종열 충북대학교 2015 국내박사

The purpose of this study is to conduct semantic and syntactic comparison between case markers of the Korean language and corresponding case endings of the Mongolian language for the Mongolian learners of the Korean language. Case markers of Korean clearly indicate grammatical relationship by combining nominal with comparatively limited grammatical factors, which causes expectation that Mongolian native speakers can learn them comparatively easily. And yet, as case markers of Korean not only belong to different category from case endings of Mongolian but also do not correspond with case system of structural case and lexical case which Blake (1994) discussed, they are not easy to acquire. Since existing studies lack philological comparison on marked characteristics between Korean and Mongolian and they mainly focus on correspondence between individual grammatical factors, they are not able to provide generalized educational contents on overall grammatical system. Therefore, this study aims to lay a foundation for Mongolian native learners of Korean to effectively acquire grammatical system of Korean by suggesting the necessity of study on case markers of Korean and by drawing out universality and marked characteristics through comparison of syntactic and semantic characteristics between case markers of Korean and corresponding case endings of Mongolian. This study compares grammatical characteristics of each case determined based on this theoretical background. The results of this study are as follows; Chapter II presents concept and characteristics of case as a theoretical background for the comparison of case markers of Korean with corresponding case endings of Mongolian. Concept of the case in Korean language education was defined as "a system which morphologically indicates syntactic relationship between noun phrase with head word and universal semantic relationship of language." The purpose of this concept is to achieve the goal of Korean language education which pursues both precision and efficiency simultaneously based on focus-on-form approach. Chapter III determines category and classification system necessary for comparison of case forms of the two languages. The study found out that case markers in Korean are recognized as general words in category of case forms while case endings in Mongolian are classified as lower system of ending. In addition, for the comparison of case forms of the two languages, the study established system of nominative case, genitive case, objective case, locative case, the ablative case, instrumental case, directive case, commutative case by investigating classification system of case forms in Korean grammar taught in schools. Study presented that although case system of Mongolian has generally reached consensus due to the influence of Indo-European grammar, there are still controversies on directive case. Then, judging that endings of directive case in Mongolian were grammaticalized comparatively late, the study set them in case system. Chapter IV compares case markers in Korean with corresponding case endings of Mongolian according to system established in Chapter III. By indentifying the semantic and syntactic characteristics of case forms of two languages by each case of nominative case, genitive case, objective case, locative case, the ablative case, instrumental case, directive case, commutative case, the study presents universalities and marked characteristics. Although case forms of the two languages are universal in that they perform syntactic and semantic functions by combining with nouns, there is also marked characteristics based on characteristics of nominal which combines with syntactic structure. The study elucidates the problem that the preceding comparative study conducted by a Mongolian native investigated only superficial comparative aspects without proper semantic and grammatical explanation and just pointed out unique comparison, and suggests proper philological discussion. Especially, this study indentifies characteristics of case forms of Mongolian which are clearly distinguished from case markers in Korean such as phenomenon of postposition dominating specific case. There is no doubt that most effective content of education and method of teaching and learning in second language education is to prevent negative intervention of native language and induce positive transition. Since the function of case form in sentences is not limited to syntactic function but has various meanings, presenting superficial comparison between two languages can cause confusion for learners of two languages. Therefore, it is meaningful to analyze forms, meanings and syntactic characteristics of case markers of Korean language and review universality and marked characteristics of corresponding case endings of Mongolian in that it can present Mongolian native learners of Korean the foundation for acquisition of case markers of Korean. Still, as this study was conducted from the perspective of Korean native, not from the perspective of a Mongolian native learner of Korean language, the limitation of not being able to analyze various characteristics of the Mongolian language related to case forms in an integrated way is a definite task to be solved in the following future studies. Nevertheless, demonstrating commonalities and differences of case forms of the two languages, this study will provide a sure foundation for their positive education effect for Mongolian native learner of the Korean language.

고려·원 관계 추이와 복식문화의 변천

김윤정 연세대학교 대학원 2017 국내박사

With the appearance of the Mongols, Koryŏ in the 13-14th centuries encountered many changes. These changes included practical aspects such as the ceremonial tributary relationship, as well as accepting new and advanced cultures. Particularly, the Mongols had a culture that was distinctive from other nations and peoples that Koryŏ already had diplomatic relations with. This distinctiveness is most apparent in their dress and attire. When the Koryŏ-Yuan relations were first established, Koryŏ requested for the Yuan not to change the national manners and customs (pulgaet’op’ung, ‘不改土風’) mentioning the attire first. However, later on the Mongolian Clothing was paradoxically adopted by the Koryŏ society. Despite these changes, existing literature has not been able to explain the social context in which the detailed condition of Mongolian Clothing which expanded over the period of a hundred years as well as how the clothing culture of Koryŏ changed. Therefore, the present research attempts to reveal the process of how Koryŏ categorized its own culture by examining the transformation of Koryŏ attire according to the development of the Koryŏ-Yuan relations. Koryŏ’s direct diplomatic relations with the Mongols began after the ‘pact of brotherhood’ that was signed in 1218. However, the Mongols who lived a nomadic life in the northern territories had different customs for the way they treated their guests and for the tributary system. As such the Mongols and Koryŏ faced cultural struggles, and these differences eventually led to a war. During the prolonged war between Koryŏ and Mongols, Koryŏ people who surrendered and were war captives wore Mongolian clothing (hobok, 胡服) and shaved their heads as Mongolian hair style (half shaved, half braided). However, the Mongolian attire that symbolized subjugation caused a strong negative sentiment, combined with the violence of the war as well as the disdainful and negative perception towards the Mongols. Even after the peace agreement in 1259, the Mongols and Koryŏ came into conflicts over Koryŏ Kings’ attendance at the Yuan Court (親朝) and the fulfillment of the six offices (6事). While the Mongols wanted to promote the governing and subjugating the northern region that they had been using in their preexisting nomadic life, Koryŏ wanted to treat the Mongols in the ways that they had established with other tributary systems. Koryŏ had to accept the Mongols as a higher state but at the same time search for ways to ensure Koryŏ’s profits without being submerged under the military force of the Mongolian culture. As a result, Koryŏ put forth the request for the Yuan not to change the national manners and customs (pulgaet’op’ung) which would preserve the national customs and secured the autonomous kingship system. Within such atmosphere, Mongolian Clothing were worn by people in the ruling class such as the crown prince who was deployed as ambassadors and royal captives (禿魯花) traveling to Yuan, but it was not received as a positive phenomenon. However, after King Ch’ungnyŏl ascended the throne, Mongolian Clothing was actively adopted in Koryŏ. As Yuan’s distrust continued, Koryŏ sought to use clothing and attire as a method to overcome the diplomatic difficulties with the Yuan, and in 1278 with the first Koryŏ Kings’ Attendance at the Yuan Court ahead, King Ch’ungnyŏl announced the Ordinance of Attire Reform (‘衣冠改變令’). By visibly exhibiting that Koryŏ shared the clothing culture with the Yuan, Koryŏ had attempted to secure a friendly relationship of trust with the Yuan. With the Order to Reform the Attire, all government officials around the country changed their hair style to the Mongolian style, wore Mongolian clothing style robes, and put on Mongolian style hats as official attire. As such, Mongolian Clothing was fully adapted to the Koryŏ government official society. Regarding such change in the clothing culture of Koryŏ, the people of Koryŏ believed that the change did not threaten their ‘national customs.’ This sentiment shows that they can change their customs as necessary when Koryŏ’s stability is threatened, but they would preserve their culture if Koryŏ did not clash with the Yuan dynasty. This reveals the relative and practical aspect of the Koryŏ culture. During the reign of King Ch’ungsŏn, the Koryŏ-Yuan relations expanded, and the adaptation of Mongolian Clothing also increased. Through the reigns of King Ch’ungnyŏl and King Ch’ungsŏn as well as the ceremonial attendance to the Yuan imperial family, Koryŏ witnessed at first hand the world order with Yuan as the center, attesting the authority of the imperial throne. As such, they changed the existing royal robe to the purple robe (chap’o, 紫袍), and in the process of active participation in the Yuan dynasty, Koryŏ formed relations through the attire exchange with the Yuan royal court. Through such efforts Koryŏ secured a stable position within the Yuan territories. In the process, various ritual customs and material customs of the Yuan were adopted in the Koryŏ society. The trace of various attire exchanges are evident in books Pakt’ongsa (朴通事) and Nogŏldae (老乞大), and excavated archaeological artifacts show that the Mongolian Clothing that was enjoyed by the ruling class was expanded widely in the Koryŏ culture as the human resource and material exchanges with the Yuan increased. Mongolian style clothing and Mongolian style ceremonies expanded throughout the Koryŏ society. As a result, the awareness of not changing the national manners and customs (pulgaet’op’ung) that was agreed upon in the early stages of Koryŏ-Yuan relations had greatly been diluted. Koryŏ also came to acknowledge Yuan as a civilized nation and openly accepted their culture, greatly increasing the rage of Koryŏ culture. However, as Koryŏ-Yuan relations worsened and the existence of Koryŏ came under threat, the attitude towards Mongolian Clothing also changed. Starting with the exile of King Ch’ungsŏn to Tibet in 1320, the Koryŏ king’s transfer to prison and detainment, the movement to make the Shim family king of Koryŏ, and the scheme to penetrate the Koryŏ castle five times were seen as national crises. As such, in the process of arguing for the preservation of the Koryŏ kingship and of the Koryŏ dynasty, Koryŏ began to emphasize that ‘Koryŏ has a different culture than Yuan.’ The period of over thirty years since then was a period in which ‘national manners and customs’ was spoken the most number of times. During this period the cultural identity of Koryŏ came under much discussion and discernment. The problem of Mongolian style clothing and Mongolian style ceremonies also came to the surface as an issue to be examined. After the ascension of King Ch’ungmok to the throne, Neo-Confucian scholars like Yi Chehyŏn and Yi Kok understood such practices of the previous generation as ‘having destroyed the national manners and customs.’ In other words, they considered this as the destruction of social discipline, and they promoted the project of reforming the manners and customs in Confucian ways. In particular, the process of reforming misgovernment pointed to Mongolian Clothing as the vice of the previous generation, a practice that was extravagant and destroying social discipline. Thus, Mongolian Clothing became the target of reform. Therefore, the series of ‘anti-Yuan’ reforms after King Kongmin ascended the throne was continued under King Ch’ungmok’s reign. King Kongmin untied his Mongolian-style braids when he ascended to the throne. In 1357, he regulated the attire of the people according to feng shui and toch’am. In order to restrict Mongolian clothing that filled the Koryŏ society, he newly organized the official attire in 1367. However, even in the newly organized official attire, the standards were based on Mongolian Clothing. As such, it was impossible to purge all the Yuan customs that had diffused through all of Koryŏ society for a hundred years. Furthermore, when the Ming (明) appeared as a new authority over the continent, Koryŏ paid close attention to Ming’s institution as a cultural model to correct the manners and customs of Koryŏ. Through the reigns of King Kongmin and King U, Koryŏ requested the official attire of Ming. By doing so, Koryŏ clarified the establishment of its diplomatic relations with Ming and at the same time changed their clothing customs. Thus, Mongolian Clothing was no longer considered a ‘culture of a higher state’ but a ‘culture of barbarians,’ and various measures of prohibition were announced. This indicates the multidimensional aspect of Koryŏ culture, a culture in which a cultural transition became the representative national manners and customs. Consequently, this research explains that while Koryŏ stably formulated their cultural identity amidst national crises, its cultural boundaries were not fixed. Koryŏ’s cultural formation was a dynamic process that was reformulated endlessly, corresponding to the changes of the times as well as to the changes in the diplomatic relations. In other words, this research suggests that ‘Koryŏ culture’ cannot be defined in a dichotomous manner as being either equivalent or contentious to ‘foreign culture;’ rather, through the interaction with foreign cultures, new Koryŏ customs were reformulated. The process of the popularization and then disappearance of Mongolian Clothing in the Koryŏ society throughout the 13-14th centuries is symbolic of how Koryŏ’s cultural identity was ceaselessly reformulated in accordance with the periodic changes. 13~14세기 고려는 몽골[원]의 등장으로 종래의 형식적・의례적 책봉-조공관계에 실질적 요소들이 수반되는 동시에 새로운 문화를 수용하는 변화를 맞이하였다. 특히 몽골은 기존에 고려가 외교관계를 맺고 있던 국가・민족들과는 구별되는 문화양식을 지니고 있었고, 이는 ‘服飾’을 통하여 단적으로 드러난다. 고려・원 관계 성립시 고려는 원에 ‘不改土風’을 요구하며 ‘衣冠’을 가장 먼저 언급하였으나, 역설적으로 이후 원 복식문화가 고려사회에 확산되었다. 그럼에도 고려에 100여 년 간 착용된 원 복식문화의 구체적 양상과 고려의 복식문화가 변화하게 된 사회적 맥락에 관해서는 해명되지 못하였다. 이에 본 연구에서는 고려・원 관계의 전개에 따른 고려 복식문화의 변화 양상을 고찰함으로써, 고려가 자신들의 문화를 범주화하는 과정에 대하여 밝혀보고자 하였다. 고려와 몽골은 1218년(고종 5년) ‘형제맹약’을 계기로 직접적인 외교관계를 맺었으나, 양국의 문화적 충돌은 결국 전쟁으로 귀결되었다. 전쟁이 장기화되는 과정에서 被虜人과 投降人 등 일부 고려인들은 開剃辮髮 및 胡服을 착용하였으나, ‘복속’의 상징이라 할 수 있는 몽골 의관은 몽골 전쟁의 폭력성과 ‘韃靼’에 대한 멸시・부정적 인식과 결합되어 강한 거부감을 야기하였다. 1259년(고종 46년) 講和 이후에도 사대의 방식-親朝, 6事 등-을 둘러싸고 몽골과 갈등을 하던 고려는, 몽골[원]을 上國으로 받아들이되 무력을 앞세운 그들 문화에 함몰되지 않고 고려를 보존하는 방안을 모색한 결과, ‘不改土風’이라는 국속의 보존을 내세워 독자적인 왕조체제를 보장받았다. 따라서 이러한 분위기 속에서 원을 왕래하는 使臣, 禿魯花로 파견된 세자 등 일부 지배층을 중심으로 원의 복식문화가 착용되기도 하였으나, 원 복식은 수용의 대상이 되기 어려웠다. 충렬왕의 즉위는 고려에 원의 복식문화가 본격적으로 수용되는 계기가 되었다. 원의 不信이 지속되는 상황에서 충렬왕을 비롯하여 고려 지배층들은 첫 친조를 앞둔 1278년(충렬왕 4년) ‘衣冠改變令’을 반포하여, 원과 복식문화를 공유하고 있음을 가시적으로 보여줌으로써 그들과 우호적 신뢰관계를 다지고자 하였다. 이를 계기로 고려 관인사회에 원의 복식문화가 전면적으로 수용되어, 전국에 있는 관리들은 개체변발을 하고 胡服 양식의 袍와 몽골식 笠을 公服으로 착용하게 되었다. 충선왕대에는 重祚 및 원 황실 의례 참석을 통하여 원 중심의 세계질서를 직접 목도하고 황제권을 확인함에 따라, 왕실을 중심으로 원 복식이 적극적으로 수용되었다. 또한 원과의 인적・물적 교류가 증대하여 胡服과 胡禮는 고려사회에 널리 확산되었다. 그 결과 고려・원 관계 초기에 합의되었던 불개토풍 의식은 크게 희석되었고, 고려 역시도 원을 문명국으로 인식하여 원 문화를 개방적으로 받아들이며 고려 문화 범주의 폭을 확장시켰다. 그러나 1320년(충숙왕 7년) 충선왕의 吐番 유배를 시작으로 국왕의 압송과 억류, 심왕옹립운동, 중조, 입성 책동 등 국가의 위기가 초래되자 고려는 ‘원과 문화가 다른 고려’, 즉 ‘風俗不同’의 고려를 강조하였다. 이 과정에서 고려인들은 고려의 문화적 정체성에 대한 고민을 하였고, 고려인으로써 호복・호례를 하는 것 역시 문제 제기되었다. 더욱이 충목왕 즉위 이후 이제현・이곡 등 성리학자들이 ‘국속이 훼손된’, 즉 사회기강이 무너진 前代의 폐정을 개선하고자 유교적 풍속 개혁을 추진함에 따라, ‘원의 복식문화=前代의 惡習=사치・사회기강을 흐리는 것’으로 여겨지며 지양해야 할 개혁의 대상이 되기 시작하였다. 개체변발을 풀고 즉위한 공민왕은 ‘反元’ 개혁을 단행하였고, 곧이어 1357년(공민왕 6년)과 1367년(공민왕 16년)에는 난립하는 호복을 제한하기 위하여 관복제를 정비하기도 하였다. 1368년(공민왕 17년) 明이 등장하자 고려는 그들의 풍속을 바로잡을 수 있는 문화적 모델로 명이 보유한 華制에 주목하여, 공민왕~우왕대에 걸쳐 명에 관복을 요청하여 명과 새로운 외교관계가 구축되었음을 천명하는 동시에 이를 수용하여 자신들의 복식문화를 변화시켰다. 이에 원의 복식문화는 더 이상 ‘상국의 문화’가 아닌 ‘오랑캐의 문화’로 인식되어 각종 금령 조치들이 반포되었다. 이상의 연구를 통하여 고려가 국가의 위기 속에 자신들의 문화정체성을 공고하게 구성하기도 하였으나 동시에 문화의 범주가 고정된 것이 아니라 시대적 변화 및 대외관계 변화에 따라 끊임없이 재구성되는 역동적인 과정임을 확인하였다. 이러한 점은 ‘고려문화’라는 것이 반드시 이분법적으로 ‘외래문화’와 등치・대립되는 개념이 아니라, 둘 사이의 상호작용을 통하여 새로운 고려의 문화가 재정립되었음을 시사한다. 13~14세기 원의 복식문화가 고려사회에 유행하였다가 사라지는 일련의 과정은 고려의 문화 정체성이 시대의 변화에 조응하여 끊임없이 재구성되어 가는 것임을 상징적으로 보여준다.

20대 몽골인들의 인터넷 라이프스타일에 따른 패션 쇼핑성향과 인터넷 패션 쇼핑몰의 서비스 지각

섣치맥바짤떨즈 전북대학교 대학원 2010 국내석사

The purpose of this paper was to identify clothing shopping orientation and service perception of online clothing shopping mall according to twenties Mongolians' internet lifestyle. Paper objectives were divided into several parts: 1.Assessment of internet application current situation of twenties Mongolians. 2.Assessment of fractions composing internet life pattern of twenties Mongolians and classification of Mongolians based on above criteria. 3.Study of internet cloth commercial service, components and cloth lifestyle for the twenties Mongolians. 4.Analysis and examination of statistic population study, survey related with internet application, cloth style and internet cloth commercial main factor perception differences for the twenties Mongolians were studied in order. This study questionnaire was accomplished by interviewing 310 Mongolians in their twenties in Ulaanbaatar city during January 2010 and February 2010. A sample of 330 participants was used for the analysis totaling an 88.9 percent response rate and study questionnaire was distributed to 310 people and conclusion was done based on their responses. 30.6% was male and 69.4% was female out of total survey participants. According to study work result, it’s shown that twenties Mongolians were spent more time on internet application. However due to various reasons and barriers internet cloth trading rate was low. These reasons and barriers were low knowledge on internet trading, absence of online payment card, difficulty to surf on known web sites or don’t know the internet trade web sites even had interest to buy. Since most of survey respondents considered that internet trading saves time, work and showed high interest to use internet trading, it is definite that internet cloth trading business will intensively develop in Mongolia.

Reduced Nominals in Uzbek and Mongolian : 우즈벡어 및 몽골어의 축약 명사구조

강준구 서강대학교 일반대학원 2023 국내석사

This study investigates interaction between nominal structure and prosody in Uzbek, through analyzing prosodic difference between case-marked objects and caseless objects in Uzbek, based on previous literatures about languages utilizing differential case markings (DOM) and pseudo-noun incorporation (PNI). PNI and DOM can become morphologically similar in caseless cases, and this paper sheds light upon this ambiguity for a renewed emphasis on analyzing prosodic cues to further understanding syntactic structure. Such cues help gain deeper understanding of the syntactic structure, and this notion is reinforced through examining DOM and PNI occurence in Mongolian and Uzbek.

An Empirical Study on the M-commerce Usage in Mongolia : 몽골 모바일 상거래 이용에 관한 실증적 연구

Bolorerdene Nergui 강원대학교 대학원 2013 국내석사

모바일 상거래의 수용이 사회의 다양한 분야에서 점차 증가되고 있다. 이용자의 수용성은 모바일 상거래의 개발과 성공을 위한 주요한 요소이다. 이 연구는 ‘기술 수용 및 사용 수정통합이론(UTAUT)모형’에 기초하여, 몽골 모바일 상거래를 제고시키기 위한 모바일 상거래의 특징들을 통합하는 이론적인 구조를 기술하였다. 몽골에서 모바일 전화소통의 역사는 16년 정도밖에 되지 않는다. 그러나 모바일 의사소통은 모바일 상거래 채택에 영향을 미치는 요소들의 연구에 중요하다. 이 연구의 목적은 몽골인들의 중요한 가치를 위해서 모바일 상거래 채택에 영향을 미치는 요소들을 규명하는데 있다. 이 연구는 모바일 상거래 이용의 의사결정과정을 조사하기 위해서 몽골 학생들과 근로자들을 대상으로 조사하는 계량적인 접근방식을 이용하였다. UTAUT모형을 이용한 이 연구의 결과는 성과예측, 노력기대, 무선망 이용, 사회적 영향, 그리고 촉진환경 등의 변수들이 몽골인 행동의도와 모바일 상거래의 이용에 영향을 미치는 중요한 요인들로 나타났다. M-commerce is gaining increasing acceptance amongst various sections of the society. User acceptance is one of the key factors for development and success of M-commerce. Based on the revised and Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT) model, this study describes theoretical framework that incorporates the characteristics of M-commerce to enhance its usage in Mongolia. The use of the mobile telephone communication has only over 16 years history in Mongolia. But the mobile communication is important for the study of factors to M-commerce adoption. The objective of this study has the identification of factors that influence mobile commerce adoption for the significant value of Mongolians. The research uses quantitative approach to survey Mongolian students and employees to examine their decision making processes for M-commerce usage. By using UTAUT model, performance expectancy, effort expectancy, wireless network availability, social influence, and facilitating conditions were found as significant factors to impact on Mongolian behavioral intention and M-commerce usage.

A Smartphone App, which translates Mongolian Cyrillic Scripts into Traditional Mongolian Scripts

소가르수렝 뭉흐에르덴 서울시립대학교 2011 국내석사

The culture is only valuable among the nation. It has been very fragile part of the nation under shadow of globalization. Every nation tries to keep their unique and valuable cultural heritages and inherits to the successors due to make the world colorful. For that reason, we should do a lot of things for our culture. Traditional Mongolian Script is the first of many writing systems that was created and adopted in early centuries of Mongolian nomads, and successfully used and passed down through generations until the introduction of Cyrillic to Mongolia mid-1900’s. In 1941, Mongolian government passed a law to abolish the Traditional Mongolian script but it has been trying to bring Traditional Mongol script back to society since 1994. It is now taught to schools in some extent, however, it is mainly used for decorative purposes by artists, designers, calligraphers, and poets. There is a reason to create Cyrillic to Traditional Mongolian Script conversion tool at effective cost. Smart phone applications are getting more popular these days while iPhone/iPod Touch/iPad has been taking a huge space in market. So, creating this conversion tool on the smart phone such as iPhone/iPod Touch/iPad would be beneficial solution to traditional Mongolian script users. In this thesis, app that translates Mongolian Cyrillic scripts into Traditional Mongolian Scripts is presented in smart phone app market. This app has 1,000 rootwords, which is used to translate inflected words.