Hegel에 있어서 의식의 변증법에 관하여

이강조(李康助) 대한철학회 1978 哲學硏究 Vol.26 No.-

전문가 인터뷰 - 이강(연세대학교 건축공학과 교수)

이강,이치주 국토연구원 2022 건설경제 Vol.92 No.-

개혁개방과 그에 따른 중국사회 변화에 대한 지아장커(賈樟柯) 영화의 시대적 해석

이강인(Lee, Kang-In)(李康仁) 대한중국학회 2019 중국학 Vol.68 No.-

After reform and opening up, China rapidly developed social conflict and economic differentiation along with economic development. Among other things, the gap between urban and rural areas due to the permit of ownership patterns and the gap between businesses has resulted in China s new conflict as its economic speed is commensurate with that of its economy. In particular, the entry from rural areas into urban areas caused a drastic change in the social hierarchy, resulting in economic disparity and thought-provoking conflicts along with urban and rural gaps. As these problems developed remarkably, many young Chinese directors videotaped the urban poor, the farmers and the wandering young, who had been marginalized. In particular, Ziazhangker was the director who deals with social and hierarchical conflicts internationally with deep reflection in this sense of question. He is conveying the meanings of them to us in his films, not to mention them seriously. 개혁개방이후 중국은 경제적 발전에 따라 사회적 갈등과 경제적 분화가 급속히 일어났다. 그 중에서도 소유형태의 허용으로 인한 도시와 농촌간의 격차, 기업 간의 격차 등이 생기면서 중국은 새로운 갈등문제가 경제속도에 상응하면서 발생하게 된 것이다. 특히 농촌에서의 도시로의 진입은 사회 계층구조에 급격한 변화를 발생시켜서 도농간의 격차와 함께 경제적 격차와 사고적 갈등을 일으키게 되었다. 이러한 문제들이 현저하게 발생하게 되자 많은 중국의 젊은 감독들이 그동안 소외되어 왔던 도시 빈민들, 농공민, 방황하는 젊은이들을 소재로 영상으로 담아내었다. 특히 이러한 문제의식에 깊이 있는 성찰로 사회적, 계층적 갈등문제를 국제적으로 다루고 있는 감독이 지아장커(賈樟柯) 감독이었다. 그는 그의 영화들 속에서 그 의미들을 우리들에게 심각하지 않으면서도 신랄하게 전달해주고 있다.

고려 충선왕대의 관직운용 양상 연구 - 충렬왕대와의 비교 검토 -

이강한(李康漢) 한국역사연구회 2019 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.113

Both Kings Chung’ryeol and Chungseon had Jaeshin and Miljik dignitaries man posts inside the traditional Six “Bu” Ministries(“Yukbu”), the “Eosadae” Monitor office and the “Samsa” office (in charge of financial spending). By having them assume those posts in a specific manner, they tried to run their governments in their own ways. But there were some problems in king Chung’ryeol’s way of linking individual offices with either Jaeshin or Miljik figures. And king Chungseon apparently wanted to fix some of those problems, as he positioned human resources in a fashion different from his own father’s. King Chungseon wanted to expand the group of Jaeshin figures who were allowed to man high-ranking Six ministerial posts (the Advisory “Pansa” post and the Resident “Sangseo” post), from only the first and second Jaeshin figures (as it had been during king Chung’ryeol’s days) to middle and even junior ones, while also broadening the range of Miljik figures from junior and mid-level ones to high-ranking senior ones. This move on Chungseon’s part allowed both the Jaeshin and Miljik figures to increase their influence in the operations of the ‘Bu’ Ministries, but at the same time the Ministries as well were able to reinforce their status and voice in dynastic governing, with [more diverse] Jaeshin figures and [more high-ranking] Miljik figures newly helming the ministries. In the meantime, Chungseon decided not to allow Jaeshin figures to man either the advisory Chief Monitor(Eosadae [called ‘Gamchalsa’ these days] Pansa) seat [except the First Jaeshin] or the resident Head Monitor(Gamchal Daebu) seat, and refrained from appointing junior Miljik figures to the Gamchal Daebu (which was also called Daesaheon some times) seat as well, with the intention of further ensuring autonomous control of the Eosadae (named Saheonbu at the time) office itself. While doing so, he still allowed higher level of Miljik figures to assume the post of resident Head Monitor(Eosa Daebu/Daesaheon), in order to maintain necessary amount of power and influence required by the office to do its original job, monitoring and prosecuting. And in running the Samsa office, Chungseon had both mid-level Jaeshin and Miljik figures to man the resident Head commissioner(Samsa-sa) seat in several occasions. Evidently, he must have reasoned that in the appointment of seats in that office, alternating between Jaeshin and Miljik figures would enable both of them to place their counterparts in check, and prevent the other party from wielding too much power, in deliberations concerning financial spending. All these agendas featured in king Chungseon’s positioning of human resources inside the Goryeo government may have caused inconveniences, discomfort and even dissension among governmental officials. And that may have had something to do with the negative portrayal of king Chungseon’s political governance in Goryeo-sa and other records.

상상의 공동체에 대한 해석-영화<웰컴 투 동막골>의 시선으로 바라본 소설 『邊城』에 대한 斷想

이강인(李康仁) 동북아시아문화학회 2014 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.38

Horizontal relationship between soldiers and village people shown in the movie <Welcome to Dongmakgol> enabled us to discover director’s will to pursue an invisible imagined community through the movie and the village is forming a place of communication for the general public who dream a new world for an ethnic group through it. Also, the novel 『BianCheng』 shows pure and simple appearance of Miaozu(苗族) by forming an ideal world named ‘chatong(茶?): tea village’ as a manifestation of author‘s patriotism, expressing the author’s will to recover invisible horizontal relationship throughout the war-torn China jumping over Xi?ngx?(湘西) area. Evaluating him simply as a revivalist, purist or pacifist is no more than a very glimpse evaluation of his world of art works. Shen congwen‘s will to pursue such an imagined community introduced in this thesis is not reflected in a variety of evaluations on his work. Thus, this thesis inquired into the possibility of his will toward an imagined ethnic community by comparing through a Korean movie.

Hegel의 정신현상학에 있어서 변증법의 본질 1

이강조(李康助) 대한철학회 1982 哲學硏究 Vol.33 No.-

試探曹禺的創作觀

李康仁(이강인) 국제지역연구학회 2010 국제지역학논총 Vol.3 No.1

조우(曹?)는 중국 현대 화극에 있어서 매우 뛰어난 업적을 남긴 작가 이다. 그는 리얼리즘의 창작원칙을 적용하여 〈뇌우(雷雨)〉, 〈일출(日出)〉, 〈북경인(北京人)〉 이라는 위대한 작품을 남겼다. 그의 창작관은 언제나 성실하게 일반인의 생활을 반영하고 평가하여 그것을 작품속에 담아내어 놓는 것이었다. 그의 작품에서는 사상이 생활을 표현하는 형상과 유기적으로 결합하여 깊은 감동력을 자아내었다. 다시 말하면 생활의 피상적인 모방이나 겉치레의 것이 아니라 생활의 진실된 면의 재현이자 이성적인 평가인 것이다. 그의 작품속의 인물들 역시 “人(사람)” 사상의 성격이 잘 드러난다. 작품속의 인물들을 통하여 삶의 방식을 바로 인식할 수 있으며 그 역사의 배경을 이해 할 수 있는 것이다. 그의 이러한 창작관은 서구의 많은 유명한 작가들의 영향이라고도 할 수 있다. 입센에서 체홉에 이르기까지 서구의 리얼리즘영향을 받고 다시 이를 자신의 가치관에 적용하여 작품으로 재생산하게 된 것이다. 그의 화극 창작은 중국의 현대 문학 뿐만 아니라 중국화극의 경지를 한층 더 넓혔다는 평가를 받기에 충분하다.

Hegel의 자기의식의 논리

이강조(李康助) 대한철학회 1980 哲學硏究 Vol.30,31 No.-

모순에 관한 소고

이강조(李康助) 대한철학회 1972 哲學硏究 Vol.15 No.-

13~14세기 고려와 원제국의 ‘탐라(제주) 정책’

이강한 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2017 한국학논총 Vol.48 No.-

Ever since the beginning of the 11th century, Goryeo continued to reinforce its control over Tamra(today’s Jeju-do island). It befriended Tamra aborigines and elevated Tamra’s own status while sending more powerful prefects to the island and increasing economic trades with the people of Tamra. As a result of such increased interactions, in the 13th century Tamra finally became one of the Goryeo Mok units, highly influential local centers of the Goryeo dynasty, and an integral part of the Goryeo society in general. But that time also witnessed the Mongol troops’ invasion of the Korean peninsula. At first, Tamra seems to have been spared from the war. But after a truce was established between Goryeo and the Mongols in 1259, the plight of the Tamra people began. The renegade Sambyeolcho forces, guards of the Military rulers, briefly took control of the region, severely disrupting the people’s original way of life(till 1273), and then the Mongol empire absorbed the Tamra region, by placing Darugachi monitors on the ground the same year. At first the empire used it as a forward base for its Japanese campaign(in 1274 and 1280), then decided to utilize the region as a trade base, as we can see from the imperial government’s efforts to connect the island with several regions on the Goryeo mainland, while not only extracting materials that were being circulated in the Tamra realm, but also eliminating elements that might disturb such imperial policy from the Tamra region. In response, the Goryeo government, which at least in the beginning phase of the Mongol intervention had no other means to stop such policy, only tried to prevent further outflow of resources and workforce from Tamra. Then suddenly, the Yuan imperial government decided to return the Tamra region to Goryeo in 1294, because Tam’ra’s value as a transport base was somewhat diminishing while rice transports between the Chinese Jiangnan and Laioyang regions were decreasing as well. Rather pleased at this turn of events, the Goryeo government, trying to make such arrangement permanent while appeasing its imperial counterpart, began to actively submit Tamra-produced materials to the Yuan court to satiate its needs. This actually turned out to be a fatal mistake, as the Mongol dignitaries who came to newly learn the value of Tamra products started to exact more administrative methods to extract Tamra materials in the longer run. Yuan established a Chong’gwan-bu office on Goryeo, but at Goryeo’s strong objection, it instead placed a Manho-bu unit in 1301. Coming into the 14th century, the Goryeo government resumed its policy over Tamra, in ways that were very much different from earlier times. King Chungseon-wang(1298, 1308-1313), consulting methods earlier employed by the Mongol authorities, concentrated upon strengthening ties between the Tamra island and specific regions in the Southern coastline of the Korean peninsula (by newly designating three regions in the vicinity of Naju [which was one of the original 8 Mok units at the time] as ‘New Mok’ units, and also reactivating the Seungnaju-do traffic route), and increasing protection of economic entities operating in the Tamra area, no matter they were either Goryeo or Mongol in origin (as we can see from Chungseon-wang’s intervention in an incident in which Mongol hunter households in Tamra were stripped and harassed by Goryeo Tamra prefects). Then in the mid-14th century, when King Gongmin-wang was in throne, reflecting his own aspiration to increase the Goryeo government’s voice in Tamra-related issues and matters, he first dispatched Sunmun-sa figures to eliminate the Gi family members in Tamra, and then used his own vassals and Tamra prefects to gain control of the Horse ranches and horse-breeding installations in Tamra, from the Mongol households who remained loyal to the already significantly weakened Yuan empire. 고려는 국초 탐라와의 관계를 단계적으로 강화해 갔다. 현지세력을 포섭한후 현령을 설치했고, 타지역에 비해 높은 위상의 외관 및 안무사 또한 파견했다. 탐라와의 경제적 교류도 그에 조응하여 시간이 지나면서 활발해졌다. 탐라인들의 내륙 방문양상은 단순 방물진상에서 송상형 방문교역 형태로 진화해 갔다. 이후 고려정부는 13세기 전·중반 탐라현을 제주목으로까지 격상시켰지만, 그체제가 정착되기도 전에 몽골침공을 겪었다. 게다가 탐라 현지의 피해는 강화(講和) 이후에 더욱 극심해졌으니, 삼별초의 지배를 받은 데 이어 원제국정부에의해 일본정벌 준비에까지 동원됐기 때문이었다. 원제국은 한걸음 더 나아가 탐라를 교통요충·교역거점으로까지 인식, 다루가치를 파견해 탐라를 한반도 내륙(전라도) 및 중국 연안(수역)과 연결시켰다. 탐라권역내에서 유통되는 물자들을징구하는 한편으로, 교역거점으로서의 탐라현지를 동요시킬 수 있는 변수들을제거해 갔다. 원제국의 이러한 탐라정책에 직면한 고려정부는 인력과 자산의 추가유출을막는 소극적 대응 밖에 할 수 없었다. 그러다가 원제국정부가 내부정책의 변화로 돌연 탐라를 고려에 돌려주면서(1294), 고려정부의 탐라정책 또한 재개될 계기를 맞았다. 그러나 고려는 현상유지 차원에서 1290년대 후반 탐라의 물산을정부중개형식으로 원제국에 빈번하게 방물로 바치기 시작했고, 원제국정부는 이로 인해 탐라의 물산에 새삼 관심을 갖게 됐다. 지역경제기구로서의 ‘총관부’를탐라에 설치하려 한 것도 그 때문이었던 것으로 파악된다. 고려정부는 총관부의 성격을 파악한 후 그에 극력 반대하면서, 절충안으로서군민만호부의 설치를 요구해 관철시켰다. 그리고는 그에 대응하여 탐라에 대한관리를 강화했는데, 그 방식이 이전과는 달랐음이 주목된다. 14세기 전반 충선왕의 경우 [원제국이 그랬던 것처럼] 탐라와 내륙의 연결성을 강화했고(승나주도 강화), 탐라의 외관들에 시달리던 [몽골엽호를 비롯한] 탐라내 경제주체들을보호하였다. 반면 14세기 후반 공민왕의 경우, 기씨세력 척결과정에서 탐라에만큼은 (외관적 성격이 강했던 군관인) ‘순문사’를 파견해 탐라현지에 대한 관리를강화했고, 자신이 임명한 만호(萬戶)와 목사(牧使)들로 하여금 몽골 목호(牧胡) 들을 견제케 함으로써 탐라의 마필자원에 대한 고려정부의 장악력을 복원하고자 하였다.