1950년대 후반 이승만정권의 ‘권력복합체’ 형성과 운영

이혜영(Yi Hye-young) 한국역사연구회 2019 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.112

Examined in this article is a core power group which supported and sustained Rhee Syngman’s one-man ruling of the country in the late 1950s. So far, this issue was mostly examined within studies that focused on the ruling party Jayu-dang(Liberal Party). According to those studies, coming into the late 1950s an oligarchy-type elite group -composed of several officials including Yi Ki-bung was formed within the Liberal Party, and from 1959 till the next year(when the regime collapsed), the party practically run the country from a dominant status, even sidelining the executive(administrative) branch. This kind of approach allowed us to view the Liberal Party which had only been considered as a tool for Rhee Syngman’s governing so far as yet another political entity that composed the very structure of governance. Yet at the same time, such studies -which also tended to ‘narrow’ the examination to the Liberal Party itself- ended up only discussing whether the party was able to serve as an actual ruling party or not, or emphasizing the existence of oligarchic elite group connecting the party and the cabinet and the expansion of the party"s influence in the operation of the state. In this article a larger focus will be placed on all three sources of power: the Liberal Party, the government’s Cabinet and the Presidential residence, Gyeongmudae[secretariat]. How they connected themselves with each other, and functioned within a singular structure, will be examined. Results indicate that there was a core power group -with Yi Ki-bung at the center- that connected all the above three sources, featuring a radial human network originating from Yi. Also confirmed is that there was a limit to the party’s control over the cabinet, and that the party and the cabinet had quite a ‘checks and balance’ sort of dynamic between them.

제헌의회기 한민–민국당의 집권 전략과 헌법 갈등

이혜영(Yi Hye-young) 한국사학회 2016 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.124

이 논문은 정부수립 후 한민당(1949년 2월 10일 민국당으로 개편)의 집권 전략을 헌법 갈등과 연관시켜 분석하는 것이 목적이다. 이승만과 함께 단독정부 수립을 주도한 한민당은 처음에는 내각책임제 헌법을 채택함으로써, 그리고 이것이 실패한 뒤에는 각료직의 다수를 확보함으로써 정권을 장악하려 했다. 하지만 이승만은 ‘초당파주의’를 내세우며 내각에서 이들을 배제했고 한민당의 집권 구상은 실패로 끝났다. 이후 한민당은 ‘내각 개조’를 공식 방침으로 정하고 이범석, 윤치영, 임영신 등 내각의 핵심 인물을 상대로 공세를 펼쳤다. 이 과정에서 한민당은 의회의 정부 비판 분위기를 활용했는데, 특히 내각책임제 개헌론은 내각 개조를 압박하는 강력한 수단이었다. 결국 이승만은 한민–민국당 인사들로 내각을 교체했고, 1949년 6월이 되면 이들 계열이 내각의 반 이상을 차지했다. 그러나 이것으로 민국당이 ‘여당’이 된 것은 아니다. 새롭게 내각에 등용된 인물들은 민국당 안의 이승만 직계 그룹, 즉 ‘안국동구락부’에 국한되었고, 또한 의회에는 친이승만 집단인 일민구락부가 조직되어 민국당을 견제했다. 결국 민국당은 1950년 1월 27일 내각책임제 개헌안을 의회에 제출했다. 내각 침투의 타협적 방식을 포기하고 행정수반으로서 이승만의 권한을 박탈해 사실상 정권을 교체하려 한 것이다. 개헌안이 제출되자 이승만은 의회 안팎의 지지세력을 총동원해 이를 부결시켰다. 그리고 그와 동시에 직선제 ·양원제 개헌 추진을 공식화했다. 그 결과 내각책임제 對직선제 ·양원제의 헌법 갈등 구도가 명확해졌고, 이는 1952년 여름 피난 수도 부산을 정치파동으로 몰아넣은 뒤 끝이 났다. 이승만은 직선제 개헌에 성공함으로써 1인 집권의 제도적 기반을 마련했으며, 반면 민국당은 야당으로서 그 위치가 고정되었다. 또한 권력 연합의 공간이 사라지는 대신 선거를 통한 권력 교체만이 집권의 수단으로 남게 되었다. The purpose of this study is to analyze the strategy for assuming the reins of government of the Korean Democratic Party(KDP, reorganized as the Democratic National Party[DNP] on February 10, 1949) in connection with constitutional conflicts after the establishment of the government. KDP that led the sole government establishment with Rhee Syng-man at first tried to adopt the parliamentary cabinet system Constitution, and after it failed to take control of the government by taking more than half of the cabinet to come into power. However, Rhee declared bipartisanism and excluded them from the Cabinet. Afterwards, KDP designated ‘Reorganizing Cabinet’ as the official policy and launched an offensive against key figures in the Cabinet, including Yi Bum-suk, Yun Chi-young and Im Young-sin. In this process, KDP used the parliamentary criticism of the government. In particular, the constitutional amendment to the parliamentary cabinet system was a powerful means of pressing Rhee Syng-man. In the end, Rhee replaced the Cabinet with the KDP-DNP line, and in June 1949, DNP occupied more than half of the Cabinet. However, this did not imply that DNP became the ruling party. The new members of the Cabinet were confined to the An-dong Group, a direct group of the Rhee Syng-man in DNP, and Il-mingroup, a company of pro-Rhee forces to curb DNP in the parliament. Eventually, DNP submitted the constitutional amendment to the parliamentary cabinet system on January 27, 1950, which implied that the Party abandoned the compromising method of infiltration of the Cabinet and tried to deprive Rhee as the head of administration. It could be actually considered as regime change. When the constitutional amendment was submitted, Rhee Syng-man voted down it by mobilizing his supporters inside and outside of the parliament. But conflict was not end. Since Rhee formalized the promotion of the Constitutional Amendment in direct presidential election and bicameral System simultaneously with the reject of the Constitutional Amendment bill on March 14. As a result, the constitutional conflict structure of the parliamentary cabinet system versus direct presidential election and bicameral System became clear, and such conflicts ended after putting the evacuation capital Busan into a political turmoil in the summer of 1952. By succeeding in rectifying the direct election system, Rhee strengthened the power structure of the presidential system and solidified the foundation of one-person power regime. On the other hand, DNP fixed as an opposition party, and only the replacement of power through elections remained as their ruling means.

제헌의회기 이승만의 정당설립 시도와 대한국민당

이혜영(Yi, Hye-Young) 한국사연구회 2016 한국사연구 Vol.- No.173

1950년대 후반 자유당 개헌 논의의 내용과 성격

이혜영(Yi Hye-young) 한국역사연구회 2011 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.80

In the late 1950s, the Liberal party constantly proposed for a Constitutional amendment. Jang Myeon, as an opposition party leader who was elected as Vice President in the third presidential election, was the direct cause for the Liberal party’s decision to initiate such a scheme. According to the Constitution, the Vice President was the primary candidate in case of absence of the President. The Liberal party wanted to propose a Consitutional amendment which would prohibit Jang Myeon from assuming the seat of President, in case the aging Rhee Seung-man was not able to complete his term. The second reason was the Liberal party’s deteriorating popularity. The results of both the 1956 Presidential election and the 1958 General election not only showed the growing disaffection against the ruling party, but also suggested the people’s very low expectations on the upcoming election in 1960. The Liberal party sought to shift to the Indirect election system, in order to secure the ruling party’s power. While initiating a debate for a Constitutional amendment, the ruling party intended to reform the political system by adopting a parliamentary cabinet system, in an attempt to delete the position of Vice President and shift away from the Direct Presidential election system. The Liberal party’s pursuit of a parliamentary cabinet system was partly due to the opposite Democratic party’s own suggestion, which proposed a parliamentary cabinet system too, criticizing Rhee’s dictatorship. By appearing to embrace the opposite party’s suggestion, the Liberal party could evade any criticism upon the amendment which would definitely call it as another scheme of the Liberal party to seize power, and also expect a minimized opposition from the Democratic party. The Liberal party’s proposal was, however, encountered with the party leader Rhee Seung-man’s fierce objection. President Rhee was concerned that the parliamentary cabinet system would undermine his presidential rights. The Democratic party as well, while some of its members did initiate an informal negotiation with the Liberal party, was mostly critical, and accused the ruling party’s scheme as an ’ill political attempt.’ And most of all, the general public was not warm to the idea of the amendment either. The Liberal party’s plan, which initiated a constitutional amendment, eventually failed and led to an unprecedented Presidential election fraud in 1960. As a result, the Rhee regime collapsed during the April Revolution, which was fueled by the people’s intense resistance.

논문(論文) : 4,19 직후 정국수습 논의와 내각책임제 개헌

이혜영 ( Hye Young Yi ) 이화사학연구소 2010 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.40

제1공화국기 장면 세력의 형성과 노선·활동

이혜영(Yi Hye-young) 한국사학회 2021 史學硏究 Vol.- No.142

이 논문은 제1공화국기 장면 세력의 형성 과정과 활동을 분석하는 것이 목적이다. 장면 세력은 제2공화국의 정권 담당층이었고, 1950년대 후반에는 자유당, 민주당 구파와 함께 제도권 정치를 이끌었다. 장면 세력은 이승만 독재에 대항하는 ‘反이승만 연합전선’을 토대로 형성되었다. 여기에 참여한 장면 측근 그룹과 의회내 非민국당계 야당 세력이 바로 장면 세력의 주축이었다. 이들은 2대 국회 때 장면 대통령 추대 공작을 통해 처음 연결되었고, ‘사사오입’ 개헌 후 야당통합운동에 참여하면서 하나의 세력으로 규합했다. 장면 세력을 묶어주는 것은 지도자로서 장면의 존재와 민국당 계열(민주당 구파)에 대한 집단적 구별의식이었다. 야당통합운동의 결과 탄생한 민주당 안에서 ‘신파’로 정립한 장면 세력은 1950년대 후반 밖으로는 반독재투쟁, 안으로는 구파와의 당권 경쟁을 벌이며 활발한 정치활동을 전개했다. 이들의 활동에서 전제가 되는 것은 장면 부통령의 존재였다. 특히 장면이 보유한 ‘대통령 계승권’의 수호는 이들의 정치활동의 핵심이었고, 이 과정에서 장면 세력의 기본 특징인 비타협 강경노선이 확립되었다. 장면 세력은 개헌을 통해 부통령의 대통령 계승권을 삭제하려는 자유당의 기도를 철저히 봉쇄했다. 또한 자유당과 민주당 구파와의 접촉을 극도로 경계하고, 일체의 타협을 거부한 채 당을 강력하고 선명한 대여투쟁의 방향으로 이끌었다. 그 결과 1950년대 후반 장면 세력의 활동은 유연성이 결여되었고 다소 소극적이며 단조로웠다. 하지만 이들의 비타협 강경노선은 정권의 폭주 속에서 반독재투쟁 전선을 지켜내는 중요한 보루였으며, 4월항쟁 후 집권의 기반이 되었다. This study analyzes the formation process and activities of Chang Myon group during the First Republic. Chang Myon group was more commonly known as the leading political force of the Second Republic, leading institutional politics together with the Liberal Party(LP) and the old faction of the Democratic Party(DP) in the late 1950s. The group was formed as ‘the united front against the Syngman Rhee dictatorship.’ They were consist of two groups. One was Chang Myon and his close aides. The other was a variety of groups in the opposition forces excluding the Democratic National Party(DNP). These were a mainstay of Chang Myon group. They were first connected through political maneuvering making Chang president during the 2nd National Assembly, and uniting as a group by participating in the opposition unification movement after the upheaval in 1954 for the constitutional amendment. What bound Chang Myon group was the presence of Chang as a leader, and a collective sense of distinction against the old faction of DP. In the DP, which was born as a result of the opposition unification movement, Chang Myon group was called the ‘new faction’ against from the DNP(‘old faction’) In the late 1950s, they engaged in active political activities, fighting for anti-dictatorship outside and competing for party leadership against old factions inside. The main objective of these activities was to maintain Chang in the position of the vice president. In particular, the core of their political activities was the protection of Chang’s “presidential succession rights”. In the process, an intransigent hard-line course was established, which is the basic characteristic of the Chang Myon group. The group sealed off the LP’s attempts to remove the vice president"s succession rights through constitutional amendment. They were also extremely wary of contact with the LP and the old faction of the DP, rejecting any compromise and leading to clear strife against the LP. As a result, the activities of the Chang Myon group in the late 1950s lacked flexibility, were somewhat passive and monotonous. However, their intransigent hard-line course became a critical bastion of defending the anti-dictatorship front at the end of the Rhee regime and also served as the basis for them to take power after the April Revolution.

새터민 아동과 남한 아동의 친사회성과 대인폭력에 대한 도덕추론과 도덕판단

이혜영 ( Hye Young Rhee ),이순형 ( Soon Hyung Yi ) 대한가정학회 2007 Family and Environment Research Vol.45 No.3

Analysis of the genetic diversity and population structure of Lindera obtusiloba (Lauraceae), a dioecious tree in Korea

김호방(Ho Bang Kim),이혜영(Hye-Young Lee),이미선(Mi Sun Lee),이이(Yi Lee),최용태(Youngtae Choi),김성열(Sung-Yeol Kim),최재영(Jaeyong Choi) (사)한국식물생명공학회 2023 JOURNAL OF PLANT BIOTECHNOLOGY Vol.50 No.4

고등학교 家政科 교과서에 나타난 의복구성 분야 내용 분석

이경화,이혜영 한국의류학회 2002 한국의류학회지 Vol.26 No.8

The purposes of this study are to help the authorized textbooks on home economics be selected and used effectively, to provide basic data that are needed to improve the quality of home economics textbooks, and to suggest a next curriculum on home economics. In the study, eight high school home economics textbooks for "6th Curriculum developed by Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development" were used for the analysis. The results are summarized as follows: there were wide differences in degrees of diversity and accomplishment in the contents of textbooks. In comparison, it was unfolded that three areas, "family", "home resource management" and "consumer", occupied much larger portions than other areas. About 81 percent of the authors of home economics textbooks were professors. A contents analysis on the clothing area showed that every textbook includes costume culture, clothing materials, clothing maintenance, and clothing construction. The presentation coverages and relative difficulties of textbooks were, however, diverse. It is somewhat noticeable that, while fewer professors majoring in clothing construction participated in writing, generally more pages were allocated to clothing construction than other areas. While presentations on anthropometrics method, construction theory, draft theory, usage of sewing machine and fitting theory were insufficient, most textbooks were dealing with drafting of basic slopers and sewing procedure, etc. Making-up techniques on the apparels items such as Korean traditional men s pants, pajamas, shirt, vest, skirt, pants, apron and Korean pouch were handled closely in each textbook