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신평 세계헌법학회 한국학회 2008 세계헌법연구(世界憲法硏究) Vol.14 No.2
The current constitution was a product of `Year of 87 Regime`, which means an overall social phenomenon formed throughout the comprehensive uprising by Korean people in the year of 1987. Thereafter Korean society has enormously changed. Globalization based on neo-liberalism has penetrated into it in the opportunity of financial crisis starting 1997, when Korean economic policy was almost entirely mandated to IMF. And multi racial, multi cultural tendency has been promoted. Democratization of internal society done through NGOs` rapid grown-ups and active movements by labor unions, has been a great source of inspiration to Korean people. In addition, inter-Korean relation, the relation between South and North Korea has been dramatically improved, which resulted in the wide range of easing of tensions. These changes were not on the hole imaginable at the time of the `Year of 87 Regime`. It means that the alienation between Constitution-Norm and Constitution-Reality is so deep that Constitution-Norm can`t accommodate Constitution-Reality adequately. In such a time we naturally fall into a consideration of the amendment of constitution. Many social scientists agree on that. And many leaders in Korean society especially in political area seem to start voicing the necessity of constitutional amendment. If we must consider the amendment of constitution, what should be the contents of it? I`d like to mention them divided in 3 categories. First of all, it should be considered we have to indulge ourselves in the wave of globalization, which is not an option but is an dispensible must for Koreans. And it is desirable for us to do our best for international responsibilities imposed upon us. In internal matters, we should dare to take a sword to cut out cronyism that is unfortunately prevalent in Korean society enough to make many examples of injustice. And the defeated in the market system are also beings with dignity to be respected at all times. So in our actual policies such a person always is taken care of in a way of implementation of `Warmer Free-Market Economy`. Furthermore, the problems of local autonomy and the style of government system, the latter of which always has been a hot potato in the discussions of constitutional amendment, are also seriously to be deliberated. And the conspicuous social changes, one of which is so-called `digital revolution` are sure to be included in the contents of amendment. We could say these days are in the process of union of South and North Korea undoubtedly. In this point of view, we need to be looking into the constitutional amendment, specifically to say, in the matter of the style of government system. If so, the parliamentary cabinet system might be preferred than that of the presidential government. Needless to say, the amendment of constitution is not a resolver for all the social problems. But we could say that setting up the national agendas by installation in constitution is the most effective way to solve them. Therefore we should tackle the constitutional amendment in this opportunity of time when social consensus for it is in general being made to make a true advanced country.
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한국에 있어서 바람직한 집행권과 사법권의 상관관계 연구
신평 경북대학교 법학연구원 2017 법학논고 Vol.0 No.59
National powers in modern law-abiding country are divided into, generally speaking, executive, legislative, and judicial power. In our constitutional history, executive and judicial powers, the former is central power and the latter is peripheral power, have often conflicted, so the co-relation of two powers need to be studied. The confliction of two powers were mainly represented in the so-called ‘Judicial Shock’, in which judges protested the unjustified interferences into judicial power by executive power. At times it was present at several ‘Judicial Reforms’ done by the initiative of executive power, which has been tenaciously claimed in the governments that adopted a slogan of democracy. This Moon, Jae-in government that was the result of 2016’s citizen revolution naturally seems to give priority to Judicial Reform. In the confliction of two powers judges commonly asserted Judicial Independence, which is actually essential part to gain judicial creditability, but it has a danger of reaching at collectivism leaning too much towards the interests of judges. Therefore under democratic country, we have to say that Judical Responsibility is also an essential part. When two get a harmony, we could say the confliction above gain a possibility of proper adjustment. In a long-range, in Korean government, Judicial Independence and Responsibility will be altogether prosperous, which will give judicial power more democratic legitimacy. Also executive power will have more discretion in wielding its power and express respect toward judicial power, which will lead into mutual homage. 근대법치국가에 있어서 권력분립론은 삼권분립이 보통이어서 집행권, 입법권, 사법권의 3자로 나뉜다. 우리 헌정사에서 그 중 중심권력이라고 할 수 있는 집행권과 주변권력이라고 할 수 있는 사법권이 갈등현상을 빚는 경우가 적지 않았는바, 양자의 바람직한 상관관계에 관하여 연구할 필요가 있다. 양자의 갈등은 주로 과거 법원 판사들이 주동이 되어 집행권의 부당한 간섭을이겨내고자 한 소위 ‘사법파동’에서 분명하게 살펴볼 수 있고, 또 김영삼 정부 이후 줄기차게 추진된 사법개혁의 과정에 있어서 잘 나타난다. 현재 새롭게 들어선문재인 정부에서도 사법개혁을 분명하게 추진한다는 강력한 신호를 보내고 있으며, 그 구체적 양상은 곧 표면화할 예정이다. 집행권과 사법권의 갈등 양상에서 법원의 판사들은 흔히 사법의 독립을 강조하였는데, 이것은 사법의 신뢰성을 얻기 위한 본질적으로 중요한 사항이나, 이것은어떤 면에서 집단이기주의에 흐를 위험이 있다. 그러므로 민주주의 하에서 사법권에 부여된 책임, 즉 사법의 책임을 어떻게 구현해나가야 할 것이라는 관점에서 양자의 갈등을 조화롭게 조정해나갈 필요가 생긴다. 장기적으로 보면 한국에서 사법의 독립과 책임이 함께 번성하고 이것은 사법권에 보다 많은 민주적 정당성을 부여할 것이며, 또 집행권은 더욱 사법권을 존중하여 상호존중의 기틀을 마련할 것으로 본다.
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