태연혈(太淵穴)의 유침 시간에 따른 체온 변화 -적외선체열촬영(赤外線體熱撮影)을 중심으로-

이봉효 ( Bong Hyo Lee ),이경민 ( Kyung Min Lee ),박지하 ( Ji Ha Park ),김민서 ( Min Seo Kim ),김산들 ( San Deul Kim ),박병규 ( Byeong Gyu Park ),양현동 ( Hyun Dong Yang ),예성호 ( Sung Ho Yea ),이호정 ( Ho Jung Lee ),최재원 ( Jae 경락경혈학회 2012 Korean Journal of Acupuncture Vol.29 No.2

Objectives: This study was performed to find the desirable remaining time of needle in the acupuncture treatment. Methods: The 21 volunteers were given acupuncture at LU9 vertically and needles were remained for 2 min, 10 min, 15 min, 30 min, respectively. The thermographic change induced by acupuncture was measured with Digital Infrared Thermographic Image at the following acupoints: LU11, LU10, LU9, LU8, LU5, LU1, and PC7. The statistical significance of thermographi change was evaluated using paired t-test and post hoc Wilcoxon test. Results: The most significant changes after acupuncture were produced when needles were remained for 10 min or 15 min. LU11, LU5, LU1, and PC7 were the point at which all of the remaining time produced significant change commonly. At LU11, the biggest change was produced when needle was remained for 15 min, while at LU5, LU1, and PC7, the biggest change was produced when needle was remained for 30 min, and the smallest change was produced when needle was remained for 10 min at all of acupoints of LU11, LU5, LU1, and PC7. The unbalance between left side and right was decreased the most largely in 15 min group. Conclusions: The results of this study suggest that the desirable remaining time of acupuncture needle might be 15 min.

병원급식의 신개축 사례

김민서,Kim, Min-Seo 대한병원협회 1992 대한병원협회지 Vol.21 No.4

컴퓨터 게임 전후 각막 및 안구의 고위수차 변화

김민서,황영훈,송종석,Min Seo Kim,Young Hoon Hwang,MD,Jong Suk Song,MD,PhD 대한안과학회 2012 대한안과학회지 Vol.53 No.11

Purpose: To evaluate changes in corneal and ocular high-order aberration, ocular fatigue, and tear break-up time (TBUT) before and after playing computer games and the correlations among the variables. Methods: Thirty-nine normal healthy subjects played computer games for 1 hour. Ocular fatigue was evaluated with a questionnaire, TBUT was measured with slit-lamp biomicroscopy, and high-order aberrations were measured with a KR-1W aberrometer (Topcon Medical System, Inc., Tokyo, Japan) in each subject before and after playing computer games. The right eye was used for statistical analyses. Results: Subjective ocular fatigue (expressed as the interview score) increased from 4.23 ± 5.35 to 12.05 ± 8.68 after playing games (p < 0.001) and TBUT decreased from 8.03 ± 6.43 sec to 4.90 ± 3.31 sec (p < 0.001). Ocular high-order aberrations in the 4 mm and 6 mm zones were not significantly changed before and after playing games (p = 0.150, p = 0.202, respectively). However, corneal high-order aberrations in the 4 mm and 6 mm zones were significantly increased after playing computer games (p = 0.002, p = 0.002, respectively). Changes in TBUT, interview score, and corneal high-order aberration were not correlated with each other. Conclusions: Playing computer games increased corneal high-order aberrations as well as subjective ocular fatigue and TBUT.

맵고 짠 음식은 좋지 않다

김민서,Kim, Min-Seo 한국건강관리협회 1991 건강소식 Vol.15 No.2

行政府協定과 `飛同意條約`

金民瑞(Kim, Min-Seo) 부산대학교 법학연구소 2007 법학연구 Vol.48 No.1

GATT제11조의 해석과 적용

김민서(Kim Min Seo) 국제법평론회 2016 국제법평론 Vol.0 No.43

In this paper I deal with some basic issues facing the interpretation and application of Article XI of the GATT based on GATT/WTO cases. Article XI prohibits the use of quantitative restrictions on both imports and exports, irrespective of their rationale. Here, quantitative restrictions on trade in goods mean measures that limit the quantity of a product for import or export. The WTO seeks to encourage countries to use tariff duties rather than quantitative restrictions as a means for regulating trade. This article begins with the rationale for why tariffs are preferable to quantitative restrictions. Traditionally it is said that Articles I and II or Article XI applies to border measures while Article III applies to internal ones. But it came to light that it is unclear whether Article XI applies only to border measures in the WTO system. This article covers how to manage this issue. The important issue presented by Article XI lies in defining its scope. Its wording suggests that it applies to all import restrictions other than duties, taxes or other charges. But to what extent does it cover other measures that adversely affect imports? On the other hand, there are many exceptions to Article XI. But this article deals with two exceptions only. One is Article XI, paragraph 2 (Non-BOP exceptions); the other is Article XII or Article XVIII, Section B (BOP exceptions). Those two exceptions are directly related to Article XI. Assuming one of the legal exceptions for the imposition of quantitative restrictions has been met, the adminstration of the quantitative restrictions is subject to further regulation or control through Article XIII of the GATT. This article addresses the rule on non-discrimination, the distribution of trade and the import-licensing procedures in due order.

GATT 제1조의 조의 해석과 적용

김민서(KIM, Min Seo) 국제법평론회 2012 국제법평론 Vol.0 No.35

This paper deals with the interpretation and application of Article I of the GATT based on the WTO case law. Article I provides that Most-Favoured-Nation Treatment is the general principle of the GATT. While Article I clearly casts a wide net, its scope of application is not unlimited. To determine a violation of Article I, it will be first examined whether there are advantages of the types covered by Article I. Secondly, it will be decided whether the advantages are offered (i) to all like products of all other WTO members and (ii) unconditionally. When examining whether products are like within the meaning of Article I, paragraph 1, WTO dispute settlement organs usually consider the characteristics of the products, their end-use, tariff classification or consumers' tastes and habits. It is generally accepted that the concept of ‘like products’ has a different meaning in the different contexts in which it is used. In Japan-Alcoholic Beverages II, the Appellate Body illustrated the possible differences in the scope of the application of the concept ‘like products’. In that case it stated three elements, namely, that the concept of likeness is a relative one that evokes the image of an accordion, that the likeness is therefore determined on a case-by-case basis, that to determine whether products are in fact like always involves an unavoidable element of individual, discretionary judgement which however should not be arbitrary. Spain-Unroasted Coffee and Japan-SPF Dimension Lumber may be good examples for representing this view. What has been said above is why we should pay attention to from whose perspective ‘likeness’ will be judged, along with objective factors, such as the characteristics of the products, their end-use, tariff classification or consumers' tastes and habits.

多國籍企業의 法的 槪念에 관한 硏究

金民瑞(Min-Seo Kim) 대한국제법학회 2003 國際法學會論叢 Vol.48 No.1

법인의 국적은 자연인과 마찬가지로 국제법상 외교적 보호권과 국가관할권의 법적 근거가 된다. 각국의 국내법이 자연인과 별도로 법인을 권리와 의무를 갖는 법의 주체로 인정하면서 기업이 경제활동의 중요한 주체로 등장하였다. 그중에서도 다국적기업이 국제경제관계에서 지배적인 역할을 하면서 여러 가지 새로운 문제가 제기되었는데, 이러한 다국적기업의 법률문제는 다국적기업에 대한 국가관할권의 충돌을 초래하였다. 본 논문은 이러한 문제의 발생이 법인이론을 토대로 한 기존의 법체계가 갖고 있는 근본적인 한계에서 비롯되었다는 인식하에 다국적기업의 구조적 특성을 토대로 다국적기업의 법률문제의 발생원인을 분석하고 이에 대한 해결방안의 모색과 발전방향을 전망하기 위해 다국적기업의 법적 개념을 고찰하였다. 국가가 법인에 대해 외교적 보호권 또는 국가관할권을 행사하기 위해서는 자연인과 마찬가지로 국제법상 국적에 의한 연결이 중요한 법적 근거가 될 수 있는데, 국제법은 법인의 국적결정을 위한 자신의 법적 기준을 갖고 있지 않기 때문에, 결국 이 문제는 법인이론에 기초한 각국의 국내법에 따라 국적이 부여되는데, 다국적기업의 출현으로 인해 이러한 접근방식은 근본적인 한계에 봉착한다. 왜냐하면 ‘법적 또는 형식적으로는 별개의 법인격을 갖고 국적을 달리 하지만 경제적 또는 실질적으로 동일한 소유 또는 경영의 지배하에 전체로서 하나의 경제적 단일체를 이루며 활동하는’ 다국적기업의 구조적 특성이 법인이론에는 제대로 반영될 수 없기 때문이다. 이러한 문제는 다국적기업의 모기업이 외국에 자회사를 설립하는 경우에 선명하게 드러난다. 즉 회사의 국적은 기존의 법인이론에 따라 결정되므로 이러한 외국자회사는 모기업과 법적으로 분리될 뿐만 아니라 국적까지 달라지기 때문에, 외국자회사의 규제와 보호를 둘러싸고 모기업의 국적국인 본국과 외국자회사의 국적국인 소재국간의 국가관할권의 충돌이 발생한다. 예를 들어 본국이 자국의 국가정책을 실현하기 위하여 외국자회사에 대한 국가관할권의 행사가 필요한 경우 외국자회사에 대해 속지주의나 속인주의에 따라 국가관할권을 확보하는 것이 구조적으로 불가능하기 때문에 역외적 관할권을 시도하지만 이는 소재국의 반발을 초래하여 국제분쟁의 원인이 될 수 있다. 또한 국제법은 법인이론에 기초하여 외교적 보호권의 행사여부를 결정하기 때문에 본국의 외국자회사에 대한 외교적 보호권의 행사는 일반적으로 부정된다. 이런 관점에서 본 논문은 다국적기업의 법적 구조를 토대로 다국적기업의 법적 개념을 ‘기업집단으로서의 특성’으로서 1) 지배종속관계 2) 경제적 단일체 그리고 ‘다국적성에 기인하는 특성’으로서 3) 복수의 국적국, 4) 본국과 소재국의 관계로 나누어 고찰하면서 다국적기업의 법률문제의 발생원인과 기존의 법체계가 안고 있는 문제점을 검토하였고 몇 가지 관련문제에 대한 전망을 제시하고자 하였다. Though it has a long history there is no generally accepted legal definition of the Multinational Enterprise(MNE), which has played a significant role in international economic relations. The MNE comprises component corporations which are organized under, and governed by, each country's national laws, but which are controlled and managed day to day according to some business strategy by headquarters in the home state. The separation of control from the situs of the subsidiaries raises some difficult political as well as business and legal problems for the MNE. Political disputes occur when governments attempt to implement national economic policies through MNEs based within their jurisdiction, while countries in which the subsidiaries of the MNE are operating resist those policies. Thus, it is difficult to reconcile an asserted right of the home state to requrie the parent company to direct its global subsidiaries to act in accordance with national policies, with the similar right of the host state to require that subsidiaries operating within its jurisdiction obey its own divergent policies. At the same time, the host state may even attempt to regulate the operations of the parent company in the home state. This leads to inevitable friction between nations, with the MNE as the potential victim of the conflict. The legal problems surrounding the MNE are thought to be closedly invloved in its structural features. What are the structural features of the MNE? They can be divided into three factors: multiple nationalities, controlling-subsidiary relationship and an single economic entity. Among them the first factor is most important because the other things can also be found in "uninational" enterprises or corporate groups such as Konzern. Multiple nationalities fundamentally distinguish MNEs from uninational enterprises and set limits on solving legal matters in the national level and in doing so require co-operation and coordination between states in the international level. MNEs and home states are much concerned to protect foreign subsidiaries while host states may not be willing to exercise their diplomatic protection. Because in general host states only have the right to protect foreign subsidiaries based on their nationaity in international law, home states are required to seek for alternatives to support their substantial interests. On the other hand, the principal legal problem around MNEs arises from the fact that the MNE operates across the limits of national legal jurisdiction. The integrated character of its business activities will result in a gap between the managerial and operational reach of the firm and the jurisdictional reach of the state that seeks to regulate the MNE. This may result in situations where regulation exclusively within the territorial jurisdiction of the regulating entity may be ineffective. The response of the state may be to extend the operation of its laws outside its territorial jurisdiction, that is, to apply its laws extraterritorially. The extraterritorial application of law can have serious political effects. First, it can be seen as an attempt by the regulating state to impose its policies upon others, disregarding the interests of the target state. Secondly, the target state's exclusive territorial sovereignty will have been infringed. This can lead to diplomatic conflict and to retaliatory measures against the regulating state. The perception that the target state's sovereignty has been disregarded can escalate the seriousness of the conflict, regardless of the actual damage inflicted on the economic interests of the target state. Relations between the regulating and target states may deteriorate. On the other hand the corporation is traditionally considered to be a separate legal unit with its own rights and responsibilities separate from those of its shareholders. In case of MNEs this concept may bring about the following legal conclusions deduced logi

알레르기 비염치료에 대한 보중익기탕춘방의 작용 해석

김민서(Min Seo Kim),황윤신(Yun Sin Hwang),채한(Han Chae),권강(Kang Kwon) 한의병리학회 2018 동의생리병리학회지 Vol.32 No.5

헬싱키 프로세스의 대북유용성

金民瑞(Min-Seo Kim) 대한국제법학회 2007 國際法學會論叢 Vol.52 No.2

인권 문제는 보호가 제대로 이루어지지 않는 국가에 대해 제기되는 것이고, 가장 중요하고 대표적인 자유권적 기본권은 소극적 권리(국가로부터의 자유)로서 그 보호에 국가의 재정능력이 요구되지 않음에도 자유권적 기본권이 침해되는 경우는 당해 정부의 체제 유지와 연관되는 경우가 많은데, 이런 상황에서 인권문제 자체만을 대상으로 하는 메카니즘은 그 실효성을 확보하기 어렵다. 현재 북한은 미국으로부터 무력공격을 하지 않겠다는 약속과 자신의 체제를 인정받고 싶어 하며, 나아가 북한이 개혁과 개방으로 나아가기 위해서는 미국을 포함한 선진국의 경제협력도 필요한 실정이다. 이런 점에서 헬싱키 프로세스는 우리에게 시사하는 바가 있다. 헬싱키 프로세스는 헬싱키 선언 제7원칙에서 인권의 보편적 의미를 승인하고 인권 존중이 국가간의 우호관계 발전을 보장하는데 필수적인 평화, 정의, 복지의 본질적 요소라고 선언하여 인권을 평화 및 우호관계에 연결시킴으로써, 인권을 헬싱키 프로세스의 핵심의제로 발전시켰고 인권보호를 군비축소나 무역자유화와 연계시키는 것이 정치적으로 가능해졌다. 북한의 인권상황을 개선하기 위한 방법론의 하나로서 헬싱키 프로세스가 갖는 첫 번째 의미는 인권을 안보 및 경제협력과 연계시킴으로써 인권 보호의 실효성을 확보한 점이라고 판단된다. 헬싱키 프로세스라는 정치적이며 절차적인 메카니즘을 법적 관점에서 분석할 때 주목할 부분의 하나가 의사결정구조와 이행감독절차이다. 헬싱키 프로세스의 또 다른 특징으로 평가되는 바스켓 Ⅳ, 즉 후속회의절차(follow-up process)는 유럽안보협력기구의 인권보호체계를 확립한 제3차 비엔나 후속회의까지 인권 분야에서의 변화와 발전을 이루는 중요한 절차적 수단을 제공한 것으로 평가된다. 이행감독절차의 관점에서 볼 때 후속회의(follow-up meetings)는 참여국이 CSCE 약속을 준수했는지를 검토하고 불이행 국가에 대해 여론의 관심을 집중시킬 수 있는 공론의 장을 제공하였으며, 또한 후속회의에서 채택되는 최종문서(concluding documents)를 통해 헬싱키 최종의 정서를 수정, 보완, 확대하였다. 따라서 후속회의는 실질적으로 참여국의 이행감독기관, 입법기관 및 준사법기관으로 기능하면서 헬싱키 프로세스의 실효성을 확보하고 그 적용범위를 확대하였다. 또한 이 과정에서 비정부단체(NGOs)가 참여국의 CSCE 약속 이행을 감독하는데 중요한 역할을 하였으며, 비동맹 및 중립국가가 헬싱키 프로세스 초기에 동ㆍ서 양 진영간의 조정자 역할을 한 것으로 평가된다. 다른 한편으로 헬싱키 프로세스는 컨센서스를 의사결정방법으로 선택하였는데, 특히 컨센서스가 의사결정의 유일한 수단이었다는 점에서 컨센서스를 통해 유럽안보협력기구의 인권보호체계가 확립되었다는 사실은 헬싱키 프로세스의 성공적인 결과를 더욱 두드러지게 한다. 국가주권의 원칙에 충실하다는 장점은 있지만 반대로 의사결정이 이루어지기 어렵고 합의도 낮은 수준에서 이루어질 가능성이 높은 컨센서스라는 의사결정방법을 통해 그것도 인권분야에서 획기적인 변화와 발전을 이루었다는 사실은 인권을 안보 및 경제협력과 연계시킨 것이 인권보장에 얼마나 중요하고 효과적인지를 새삼 느끼게 한다. 헬싱키 프로세스를 한반도에 적용하는 경우 한국의 역할은 무엇인가? 우선 헬싱키 프로세스는 한국의 입장에서 보면 남북한의 직접대화 창구(양자적 접근방법)와 보완적으로 운영될 수 있는 또 하나의 대화 채널을 확보한다는 의미를 갖는다. 특히 북한의 인권 문제에 소극적인 한국 정부로서는 헬싱키 프로세스(지역적 접근방법)를 통한 북한의 인권신장이 효과적일 수 있다. 또한 독일의 통일이 헬싱키 프로세스 하에서 이루어졌고 남북한의 동질성을 회복하기 위한 통합을 위해서도 헬싱키 프로세스의 인권부문은 좋은 선례가 될 수 있다. 따라서 헬싱키 프로세스를 한반도에 적용하는데 대해 북한을 비롯한 이해당사국의 참여를 촉구하고 이해당사국간의 정치적 협의를 위한 토론의 장을 제공하기 위한 능동적인 참여가 (헬싱키 프로세스를 적용하는 경우)한국의 역할이 아닌가 생각해본다. This is to deal with the legal structure of the Helsinki Process, especially the decision-making procedures and implementing review system, for inquiring into the applicability of the Helsinki Process to the human rights situation in North Korea. The most consequential rule of the Helsinki Process is that all decision of the participating States must be taken by consensus. This feature is the trademark of the Helsinki process, which requires consensus decision-making for each and every decision. The Blue Book defines consensus as “the absence of any objection expressed by a Representative [of a participating State] and submitted by him as constituting an obstacle to the taking of the decision in question.” Tacit agreement-agreement which is implied by the absence of objection but is not necessarily stated-must be achieved before any decision, resolution, or document of either a substantive or procedural nature can be accepted within the OSCE. There is no voting, no majority rule. Any participating State may block consensus on anything it wishes. This method of decision-making has several advantages. As a practical matter, it may be easier to get negotiators to refrain from saying "no" than actually to say “yes” on some issues. Secondly, it protects the smaller, less powerful States from being overwhelmed by more powerful States, as each country-no matter how small-has the right to block or permit the achievement of consensus. Thirdly, it increases the incentives for most countries to participate in this process. That is, it protects the numerical minority for the tyranny of the numerical majority. It is unlikely that many countries, big and small alike, would have participated in this process if decisions could be imposed upon them by a mere majority vote. Finally, it maintains the credibility of the process, as no country can undermine the validity of a document by suggesting the commitments contained therein were imposed upon it. The most significant drawbacks of this mechanism are twofold. First, it slows down the decision-making process as the delegations must hammer out not merely an agreement among the majority but a collective will of the whole. This means not only that decisions usually come only after considerable time and effort, but also that they usually reflect commitments well below the standards which many States can accept on their own. Second, it enables one State to block consensus on anything at all, possibly holding the negotiation’s progress hostage in the process. That is, the consensus rule may be subject to abuse. The important impact that the OSCE has had in the human rights area can be attributed, in part at least, to the follow-up process provided for by the Helsinki Final Act. These follow-up conferences have a dual purpose: they provided a conference forum to review compliance by the participating states and they establish a mechanism for the normative evolution of the OSCE. The existence of this unique negotiating process has permitted the Helsinki Final Act to be amplified, amended, reinterpreted, and extensively revised by succeeding conferences while focusing public attention on the failure of certain states to live up to their human rights commitments. The Helsinki Process made the participating states recognizing “the universal significance of human rights” and acknowledging that respect for these rights “is an essential factor for the peace, justice and well-being necessary to ensure the development of friendly relations” among states. By linking human rights to peace and friendly relations, the participating states transformed human rights from a marginal item on the pan-European political agenda into a subject of central importance to it. Henceforth, it was politically legitimate to link the protection of human rights with arms control and the liberalization of trade relations. This fact explains, in part at least, why human rights as a subject has played such a ce