우리말의 성조는 방점으로

김차균 한글학회 2023 한글 Vol.- No.341

In Hunminjeongum, there are twenty-eight letters for segmental sounds and three tone codes for even tone □, rising tone :□, high tone ·□. They have been used for more than 100 years since its creation. Even tone □ was unmarked, rising tone :□ and high tone were marked. ·□ was a light-marked. :□, a heavy-marked. The measures they represent were explained separately in. The pitch values of the four tones were in the Hunminjeongeum version, the code of the Hunmongjahoe, and the code of the Sohakeonhoe. In modern tonal dialects, constituents of morphemes, words or phrases have the base side-dots, and sidedot patterns by the opposition and neutralization between them. There are three side-dot patterns in Gyeongsang and Gangwon dialects: even-marked tone pattern □1·□ⁿ and rising tone patterns :□ⁿ and high tone patterns ·□1 are marked, while in the Hamgyeong and the Yanbian dialects, there are two tones: one is even and the other is marked. three side-dot patterns. the Hamgyeong and the Yanbian dialect have only one even-marked tone pattern □₀·□ⁿ. There are three tonemic patterns in Gyeongnam dialect, which are L1, M1, and H1Mⁿ, Seongju dialect of a Gyeongbuk-Daegu dialects has three tonemic patterns, 1, M1, and H1Mⁿ, while in the Hamgyeong and the Yanbian dialects, there are two tones: one is even and the other is marked. The Hamgyeong and the Yanbian dialect have only one even-marked tone pattern □₀·□ⁿ, which is of two subclass patterns, even □1 and marked ·□1. For surface pitch forms, we need five degrees [L, м, M, н, H] in order to describe national dialects, including the Changwon dialect. The conclusion is that the tones of the tone dialects of the Korean language have to be written with side-dot representations □, ·□, and :□.

쿠쉬어 통사관계 표시의 유형적 특성, 시다마어를 중심으로

권명식 한국아프리카학회 2019 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.56 No.-

In contrast to head-initial type of the three groups of Afro-asiatic, namely Berber, Old Egyptian and Semitic, the remaining two groups, Cushitic and Omotic show the relative stable typological pattern of head-final construction. So at level of clause the transitive sentence shows SOxV with postpositional phrase if the adjunct phrases are realized as adposition instead of peripheral concrete cases. As typological literatures point out, the order modifier and its head noun in noun phrase seems to be less consistent with the order of head and dependent. According to the basic concepts of constituents order and the notions of head and dependents, Cushitic can be described and further compared each other, how they follow the general principle of typological ordering in one hand and also morphological marking in other. For example there are many languages like Somali, Arbore, Elmolo, Alagwa, Burunge and Sidaada which recruit the head-marking strategy for encoding the subject function in addition to the nominative case marking. There is one language, namely Rendille among our Cushitic sample, which has neither case marker nor pronominal agreement marker at verb. What is more idiosyncratic phenomenon which are out of basic concept of head vs. dependent, is the use of the so called "selector", which is composed of subject nominal category like person and of verbal one like aspect, polarity, mood. The 'selector' is neither head of the clause, nor dependent. In this respect we can conclude that this construction can be regarded as one of peculiar types of African languages. In this line we introduced further unique phenomena like converb construction with switching reference marking which distinguish the same subject or the different subject in clause chaining constructions. The last peculiar typological feature of Cushitic is the so-called marked nominative or extended ergative pattern which is mostly spread over the area including north-eastern branches of Nilo-Saharan. Probably this unique marking of nominative in the subject of intransitive clause and also in the subject of transitive clause leaving the object of transitive (P) as unmarked argument, it comes from the process of declining the extensive cases of canonical dependant marking type. In the case of Kemantney, which is endangered minority group surrounded by the larger Ethiopia-Semitic Amharic, has an accusative case assignment pattern. In marked nominative system, the unmarked accusative has more functions than the nominative, for example for subject before verb, nominal predicate in copula clause, and so on. This means many case forms for these functions are eroded in form, and the unmarked accusative, that's why we call now absolutive, takes these functions. In comparing with the neighboring Nilo-Saharan, more concretely the Nilotic and Surmic, we could be able to explain the origin and the development of this peculiar alignment system, which will be the topic of future research, even though there are already some hypothesis on this problem are available. 아프로-아시어 어족에 속하는 쿠쉬어는 중심선행 유형인 고대 이집트어, 베르베르, 셈어와 달리 중심 후행 패턴을 보인다. 절의 어순은 SOV이며 명사구에서는 이 원칙을 벗어나는 다양한 변이가 나타나긴 하지만 부치사구에서는 후치사구조를 보인다. 중심후행 패턴언어들이 격표시를 주로 하고 있고, 나일-사하라 북부어들처럼 동사 연결(converb, coverb)이 나타나 술어부를 구성하기도 한다. 이 논문에서는 격할당 패턴이 대격패턴과 유표 주격패턴으로 나뉘는 것을 케만트네와 다세네치 같은 언어들을 바탕으로 살펴보았고, 더욱이 동부 고지 쿠쉬어인 시다마어의 유형적 특성을 남부 다토가를 비롯한 다양한 언어들과 상호비교 하였다. 셈어 유입과 인근 나일-사하라어들, 그리고 오모어와 수르마 및 토착 잔류어들의 영향으로 기본적 유형패턴의 다양성과 변이들을 개개 언어들을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 지리적 분포와 역사적 발전과정, 그리고 인근 언어들과의 접촉 양상을 이해한다면 이같은 유형 다양성의 원인까지 설명될 수 있음을 암시하였다.

창원 방언과 중세국어에서 입성 한자 형태소의 성조에 대하여

김세진 한글학회 2008 한글 Vol.- No.281

The purpose of this paper is how the tone of the rapid closing morphemes of Sino-Korean words is reflected in Middle Korean and Changwon dialect, a dialect of Gyeongnam Province. I extracted Middle Korean data from Sohag-eonhae published at the end of the 16th century, and Changwon dialect data from professor Gim's own handriting which consists of about 10,000 Sino-Korean words. He has also much helps to me directly as a informant of Changwon dialect. There are three tones, the even tone, corresponding to Chinese ping (平; ‘high-level’), the rising tone, Chinese shang (上; ‘rising’), and the departing tone, Chinese qu (巨; ‘falling’) tone. But according to dichotomy, in Korean, the three tones are divided into one marked/plain tone corresponding to Chinese ping (平) and two unmarked tones Chinese tse (仄). And the two unmarked tones are divided into a simple level tone corresponding to Chinese qu (巨) and a long rising tone corresponding to Chinese shang (上) according to phonetic complexity. In Middle Korean the even tone is the low tone which is represented as no dot (□), the departing tone is the high tone, represented as one dot (·□), and the rising tone is rising, represented as two dots (:□). In Changwon dialet, the way representing the three tone is the same as in Middle Korean. The pitch form of the former underwent remarkable change. Thus the even tone is the high, the departing tone, and the rising tone, low. The even tone (□) allows contrast of marked tone (·□) and unmarked (□), but the not departing tone (·□) and rising tone (:□) are neutralized into 1 dot(·□, marked tone) in its following syllable because its neutralization effect is weak. However, the two marked tones does not allows any tonemic contrast in the following syllable because their neutralization effect is strong, in which any kind of tones are neutralized into 1 dot(·□, marked tone). The most Sino-Korean rapid closing morphemes mid level pitch, in Changwon dialect, neutralize any tone into 1 dot (·□, marked tone) obligatorily. Therefore we conclude that the under lying tone of them is departing tone (·□). Several exceptional Sino-Korean rapid closing morphemes seems to be the underlying even tone, which have high pitch and allows only the contrast of marked tone (·□) and unmarked (□). And only two Sino- Korean rapid closing morphemes appeared as underlying low tone (:□) in our data. The most Sino-Korean rapid closing morphemes in our data can neutralize any tone into 1 dot (·□, marked tone) optionally in Middle Korean, so that the underlying tone of them is departing tone (·□). Several Sino-Korean rapid closing morpheme appeared as even tone, and a few, as rising tone. 이 연구에서는 중세국어 문헌들의 검토와 해석을 통해 입성은 성조가 아니며, 입성 한자 형태소는 기본적으로 중세국어 및 현대 국어 성조 방언(창원 방언)의 세 가지 성조 가운데 거성과 동일한 성조적 특질을 가진다는 논지를 마련하고 중고한음, 중세국어, 창원 방언의 한자음 성조를 비교 연구하여 그를 입증하였다. 대립 가능한 위치에서 나타나는 성조를 기본으로 『소학언해』와 창원 방언 자료에 나타난 한자어에서 개별 한자 형태소의 성조를 판별ㆍ확정한 기초 위에서 표본 추출의 방법으로 중고한음, 중세국어, 창원 방언의 한자음 성조를 비교하였다. 그 결과, 중고한음 가운데 입성 한자음의 거의 대부분이 중세국어에서 거성에 합류되어 중세국어에서 기본적으로 거성과 동일한 성조적 특성을 가지게 되었고, 그 밖의 몇 가지 이유로 중세국어 거성 한자음의 주류로 되었다. 그리고 이러한 입성 한자음의 기본적 성조와 거성 한자음에서 차지하는 비중은 중세국어의 성조 체계를 계승한 현대 국어 성조 방언(창원 방언)에도 그대로 이어졌다는 사실을 확인할 수 있었다.

Understanding of An Adjunct in L2 English Is Marked?

이은경 대한영어영문학회 2023 영어영문학연구 Vol.49 No.3

This paper aims to shed light on examining the understanding of an marked adjunct among English L2 learners for Korean. In general, while unmarked concept is normal and straightforward, marked one is special and unique. From unmarked view, most of adjuncts are excluded in deciding traditional sentence patterns. However, marked view on adjuncts suggests that situational adjuncts are included in naming sentence patterns. It is anticipated that L2ers may face challenges in understanding marked adjuncts. Through the analysis of survey data, three key findings have emerged. First, L2ers have trouble telling sub-adjuncts from unsub-adjuncts. Second, a c-selected N and A represent relatively higher acquisition rate than an adjunct. Last, one-word Ad demonstrates higher understanding level than a lengthy PP. Based on mean values, the order is as follows: N > A > unsub-Ad > one-word Adv > all-Ad > PP > sub-Ad. And from SPSS, while N, A and sub-Ad indicate no difference, all-Ad, unsub-Ad, one-word Adv and PP show significant or moderate difference. Thus, the perception of marked adjuncts warrants further study.

The Relativity of Marked Case in English Sentences

( Eun Kyeong Lee ) 한국현대영어영문학회 2010 현대영어영문학 Vol.54 No.2

This paper delves into the relative distribution of Case markedness depending on kinds of sentences. According to the subjects, KSs(Korean Speakers) and NSs(Native Speakers), it is shown that types of the sentences have an important impact on Case markedness: Firstly, simple sentences and embedded sentences present little difference between KSs and NSs. Secondly, coordinations note considerable markedness in that KSs are quite conscious of Case assignor and NSs, locality. Lastly, in case of cleft sentences and extra sentences having no Case assignor, whereas KSs reflect the syntactic position or mutually linked form of subject, NSs prefer Acc more remarkably than Nom. This paper proposes that Case markedness in English is relative in that two Cases, Nom and Acc can both be marked in different situations. (Chonbuk university)

The Relativity of Marked Case in English Sentences

이은경 한국현대영어영문학회 2010 현대영어영문학 Vol.54 No.2

This paper delves into the relative distribution of Case markedness depending on kinds of sentences. According to the subjects, KSs(Korean Speakers) and NSs(Native Speakers), it is shown that types of the sentences have an important impact on Case markedness: Firstly, simple sentences and embedded sentences present little difference between KSs and NSs. Secondly, coordinations note considerable markedness in that KSs are quite conscious of Case assignor and NSs, locality. Lastly, in case of cleft sentences and extra sentences having no Case assignor, whereas KSs reflect the syntactic position or mutually linked form of subject, NSs prefer Acc more remarkably than Nom. This paper proposes that Case markedness in English is relative in that two Cases, Nom and Acc can both be marked in different situations.

Contrastive Focus and Variable Case Marking: A Comparison between Subjects and Objects

이한정 한국언어정보학회 2009 언어와 정보 Vol.13 No.2

This paper examines the (a)symmetries in the realization of focused subjects and objects in Korean. Through rating experiments, we demonstrate that native speakers' judgments of acceptability of sentences containing case-marked or case-ellipsed subjects and objects are sensitive to the contrastiveness strength and the discourse accessibility of focused arguments. However, our experiments also show that focused subjects exhibit stronger preference for explicit case marking over case ellipsis and that contrastiveness strength and discourse accessibility have weaker influence on the case marking and ellipsis of focused subjects compared to focused objects. We propose an account of variable case marking that is capable of subsuming both the similarities and differences between focused subjects and objects under the universal theory of markedness. In particular, it is shown that the similarities between focused subjects and objects are predicted by the proposed account based on the contrastiveness strength and the discourse accessibility of focused arguments and that the differences between focused subjects and objects follow naturally from the relative markedness of focus as subjects.

Contrastive Focus and Variable Case Marking: A Comparison between Subjects and Objects

Lee, Han-Jung Korean Society for Language and Information 2009 언어와 정보 Vol.13 No.2

This paper examines the (a)symmetries in the realization of focused subjects and objects in Korean. Through rating experiments, we demonstrate that native speakers' judgments of acceptability of sentences containing case-marked or case-ellipsed subjects and objects are sensitive to the contrastiveness strength and the discourse accessibility of focused arguments. However, our experiments also show that focused subjects exhibit stronger preference for explicit case marking over case ellipsis and that contrastiveness strength and discourse accessibility have weaker influence on the case marking and ellipsis of focused subjects compared to focused objects. We propose an account of variable case marking that is capable of subsuming both the similarities and differences between focused subjects and objects under the universal theory of markedness. In particular, it is shown that the similarities between focused subjects and objects are predicted by the proposed account based on the contrastiveness strength and the discourse accessibility of focused arguments and that the differences between focused subjects and objects follow naturally from the relative markedness of focus as subjects.

교사 자격증 표시과목 ‘기술’의 기본 이수과목 또는 분야의 문제점 분석 및 개선 방안

이상봉(Yi, Sangbong),김규원(Kim, Kyuwon) 표준인증안전학회 2020 표준인증안전학회지 Vol.10 No.4

이 연구의 목적은 현재 적용되고 있는 교원 자격증 표시과목 ‘기술’의 기본이수과목 또는 분야의 문제점을 파악하고 개선안을 도출하기 위한 것이었다. 이를 위하여 표시과목 ‘기술’의 기본이수과목(또는 분야)의 변천 내용을확인하고, 기본이수과목(또는 분야) 가운데 표시과목 ‘기술’과의 관련성을 분석하였다. 이와 함께 현재 적용되고있는 2015 개정 실과(기술·가정)과 ‘기술의 세계’ 분야의 교육과정의 내용과 비교 분석하였다. 이 연구에서 밝혀진 교사 자격증 표시과목 ‘기술’의 기본이수과목(또는 분야)의 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 현행 2015 개정 ‘기술·가정’과 기술 분야 교육과정과 관련이 없거나 종래의 공업 교육에 속하는 과목으로 다수 존재하였다. 둘째로, 현행 ‘기술·가정’과 기술 분야 교육과정 내용과 관련이 없고 미래에 활용되기 어려운 내용을 다루는과목이 존재하였다. 셋째, 현행 ‘기술·가정’과 기술 분야의 기술 활용 영역과 관련된 기본이수분야 또는 과목이 존재하지 않는다는문제점을 발견했다. 이 연구에서는 이러한 분석 결과를 바탕으로 ‘기술’ 교사 자격종별·표시과목별 기본이수과목(또는 분야)에 대한 대안으로 7개의 기본이수분야로 이루어진 개선안을 개발하였다. 앞으로 개선된 ‘기술’ 교사 자격종별·표시과목별 기본이수과목(또는 분야)를 통하여 직전 교사들이 현행화된 교육과정에 따라 기술 교육의 목표를 효과적으로 달성할 수 있는 수업을 진행할 수 있는 능력 함양에 이바지할 수 있을 것이다. The purpose of this study was to identify the problems of the basic courses or fields of the currently applied teacher certificate labeling subject “technology” and to derive improvement plans. To this end, the change of the basic courses (or fields) of the marked subject ‘technology’ was checked, and the relevance to the marked subject ‘technology’ among the basic courses (or fields) was analyzed. In addition, it compared and analyzed the contents of the curriculum in the field of ‘Technology World’ and the 2015 revised Practical Arts (Technology/Home) currently applied. The analysis results of the basic courses (or fields) of the “technology” subject to indicate teacher qualifications in this study are as follows. First, there were many subjects that were not related to the current 2015 revised “Technologyㆍ Home” and technical curriculum or belong to the conventional industrial education. Second, there were subjects dealing with contents that were not related to the current “technology/family” and technical curriculum contents and were difficult to use in the future. Third, we found the problem that there is no basic completion field or subject related to the current “technology/home” and technology application areas in the technology field. In this study, based on the results of this analysis, an improvement plan consisting of seven basic courses was developed as an alternative to the basic courses (or fields) for each ‘technical’ teacher qualification type and mark. Developing the ability to conduct classes that can effectively achieve the goal of technical education in accordance with the current curriculum through the improved ‘technical’ teacher qualification type and basic courses (or fields) for each marked subject. Will be able to contribute to.

“是+N施+VP” 형식과 “有+N施+VP” 형식의 비교연구

최성은 한국중국학회 2017 중국학보 Vol.80 No.-

The “shi(是)+Nag+VP” type and the “you(有)+Nag+VP” type are frequently used, and sometimes the function and meaning of “shi(是)” and “you(有)” are confused. However, these two forms have their respective syntactic and semantic functions. In the “shi(是)+Nag+VP” type, “shi(是)” represents a unique existence and is used as a definite mark. If “Nag” having an indefinite marking function is placed, “shi(是)+Nag+VP” type is not established. On the other hand, the “you(有)+Nag+VP” type combine with a non-specific existence and and is used as an indefinite mark. If “Nag” having a definite marking function is placed, “you(有)+Nag+VP” type can not be established. Therefore, if the indefinite “Nag” is located after “shi(是)”, the meaning of “shi(是)” changes, and if “Nag” is located after “you(有)”, the function of “you(有)” changes. Also, the verb in “you(有)+Nag+VP” type is very restrictive. In short sentences, they should be expressed as verbs representing mutual ownership relations, which can be recognized as sentence patterns. However, the “shi(是)+Nag+VP” type is not restricted by the verb. Even in the sentence pattern, “you(有)+Nag+VP” type can not be expressed as a question sentence or a negative sentence. The “shi(是)+Nag+VP” type and the “you(有)+Nag+VP” type have a marker function. “shi(是)” is a marker that emphasizes the subject of action. Contrary to “you(有)”, it contains the function of active, while “you(有)” is used as a marker to represent relationship of ownership and it has the function of passive. Also, in the complex sentence, “you(有)+Nag+VP” type can be established when the speaker obtains a psychological benefit such as satisfaction or comfort. “shi(是)” and “you(有)” are the same in that they have existed and possessed meaning, but the in-depth meaning function is different, which affects the Grammaticalization and subjectivisation of “shi(是)” and “you(有)”. In conclusion, “shi(是)” is used as the focus of operation subject in the “shi(是)+Nag+VP” type and in the “you(有)+Nag+VP” type, “you(有)” is used as a relationship mark of ownership relationship. “是+N施+VP” 형식과 “有+N施+VP” 형식은 사용빈도가 높으며, 때로는 두 형식에서 “是”와 “有”의 기능과 의미가 혼동되기도 한다. 그러나 이 두 형식은 각각의 통사적 기능과 의미 기능을 지니고 있다. “是+N施+VP” 형식에서 “是”는 유일 존재, 한정성을 내포하며, 비한정 지칭의 “N施”이 놓이면 비문이 된다. 반면 “有+N施+VP” 형식은 비유일 존재, 비한정성과 결합하며, 한정 지칭의 “N施”이 뒤에 위치하면 비문이 된다. 이로 인해 “是” 뒤에 비한정 지칭의 “N施”이 위치하면 “是”의 의미가 변하게 되며, “有”는 반대로 한정 지칭의 “N施”이 뒤에 놓이면 “有”의 기능이 변화한다. 또한 “有+N施+VP” 형식에서 동사는 한정적으로 쓰이는데, 단문에서는 소유관계를 나타내는 동사를 사용해서 표현해야 성립할 수 있다. 그러나 “是+N施+VP” 형식은 동사의 제한을 받지 않는다. 문형에 있어서도 “有+N施+VP”은 의문문, 부정문으로 표현할 수 없다. “是+N施+VP” 형식과 “有+N施+VP” 형식은 각각 표지 기능을 가지고 있는데 “是”는 동작 주체를 강조하는 표지로서 “有”와 달리 능동의 기능을 내포하고 있는 반면, “有”는 관계성 소유관계를 나타내는 표지로 쓰이고 있으며, 수동의 기능을 내포하고 있다. 또한 복문에서 “有+N施+VP” 형식은 화자가 만족, 안위 등의 심리적 이득을 얻을 경우에 성립할 수 있다. “是”와 “有”는 존재, 소유의미를 지닌다는 점에서 동일하지만 심층적 의미기능은 차이를 보이고 있으며 이것은 “是”와 “有”의 어법화 와 주관화에 영향을 미치고 있다. 요컨대, “是+N施+VP” 형식과 “有+N施+VP” 형식에서 “是”는 동작 주체 초점 표지로 쓰이고 있으며 “有”는 관계성 소유관계 표지로 역할을 하고 있다.