초기 고려-명 관계에서 사행로 문제: 요동 경유 사행로의 개통 과정

구범진,정동훈 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2021 한국문화 Vol.- No.96

It is widely known that envoys going to Beijing during the Joseon dynasty traveled along the land route via Liaodong: They crossed the Yalu River to reach Liaoyang, and then went through the Shanhai Pass to arrive in the capital of Ming and Qing empires. Then what kind of travel route did the envoys take during the period when the capital of Ming was Nanjing, not Beijing? In the early years of Goryeo-Ming relations, envoys who visited the other country’s capital had no choice but to take the Yellow Sea route crossing the open sea at the risk of shipwreck. In the mid-1370s when the Ming troops were advancing into the Liaodong region, however, Goryeo envoys were granted permission, after many twists and turns, to take the alternative Liaodong-Shandong route, which was far more safer than the Yellow Sea route: They were allowed to cross the Yalu River to reach Liaoyang by land, set sail from the Liaodong peninsula to the Shandong peninsula, and then traveled to Nanjing by land. In this paper, we analyze the relevant sources in great detail to track how and why the change in the travel route of envoys occurred. It was Ming Taizu Zhu Yuanzhang’s ‘speech of denunciation’ that first triggered the twists and turns that, in the end, led to the change in travel routes. In this speech the emperor, suspecting that Goryeo was attempting military espionage activities in the Liaodong region, forbade Goryeo envoys from traveling along the Liaodong-Shandong route, and demanded that Goryeo greatly reduce the frequency and scale of the dispatch of envoys. However, ambiguous and even contradictory words in the emperor’s speech led the Goryeo court to misinterpret his intentions when the speech was actually delivered in the summer of 1373. The Goryeo court mistakenly thought that the emperor demanded envoys be sent to Liaodong by land, not by sea. This misunderstanding led Goryeo envoys to undergo many troubles including a fatal shipwreck as they tried to alternately take the Liaodong-Shandong and the Yellow Sea routes. In June 1374, when Goryeo envoys managed to arrive in Nanjing via the Yellow Sea route in their fourth attempt of travel to the Ming capital, the emperor finally accepted Goryeo’s request and designated the Liaodong-Shandong route as the official travel route for envoys. Goryeo preferred taking the Liaodong-Sandong route as it was far safer than the Yellow Sea route. While permitting Goryeo to use this route, the Ming emperor ensured that Ming could closely control and monitor Goryeo envoys all the way from Liaodong to Nanjing. He could deny their entry into Liaodong whenever deemed necessary. Therefore, the change of travel routes for envoys from the Yellow Sea to the Liaodong-Shandong required that Goryeo envoys be under strict control and surveillance by the Ming authority although it ensured their travel safety and on-time arrival. .

19세기 연행록에 표현된 연행활동 -춤을 중심으로-

최성애 한국무용사학회 2010 한국무용사학 Vol.0 No.6

본 논문의 목적은 조선 후기 문학 중 19세기 연행록(燕行錄)에 표현된 공연양상을 살펴보고, 춤 종목의 분류와 성격을 파악하고자 하는 것이다. 19세기 연행록에는 사신들을 위로하는 연향(宴饗)을 베풀 때 행해진 다양한 연희(宴戱)를 보고 느낀 것들이 기록되어 있으며, 작가들이 당시 사행노정에서의 예인들의 공연 활동을 특히 사실적이면서 생동감 있게 묘사하고 있다. 또한 연행록에는 사행원이 연희 종목들을 감상하고 느낀 감흥과 흥취를 자유로운 글쓰기 형태로 다양하게 기록하고 있는데, 이 글들을 통해 사행의 길목에서 연희된 공연활동과 춤 종목과 목적 및 성격을 살펴볼 수 있다. 19세기는 많은 연행록 있지만, 이 중 각 지방의 연행활동과 춤 종목을 자세히 기록한 이해응(李海應, 1775-1825)의 『계산기정(薊山紀程)』(1803), 박사호(朴思浩, 1784 -1854)의 『심전고(心田稿)』(1837) 「연계기정(燕薊紀程)」(1828), 김경선(金景善, 1788-?)의 『연원직지(燕轅直指)』(1832), 이우준(李遇駿, 1801-1867)의 『몽유연행록(夢遊燕行錄)』(1848), 홍순학(洪淳學, 1842-1892)의 『연행가(燕行歌)』(1866), 유인목(柳寅睦, 1839-1900)의 『북행가(北行歌)』(1866), 저자미상의 『연원일록(燕轅日錄)』(1889) 등을 살펴보았다. 그 결과 19세기의 연행록에 표현된 춤 종목에는 궁중에서 유입된 춤 및 지방에서 연희된 춤 그리고 연행자인 기녀들이 스스로 창작한 춤이거나 기녀 자신만이 배워 전승되고 있는 춤들이 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 이러한 춤 종목은 사행원을 위한 유희적․무사귀환을 목적으로 흥취적(興趣的)이고 풍류놀이의 성격과 송축(頌祝)․축수(祝壽), 그리고 태평성대의 성격으로 파악할 수 있었다. 또한 <검무>는 사행에서 빠지지 않고 연행된 춤 종목으로 사행원의 사기를 고조시키는 것을 목적으로 공연되어 애국심과 상무정신(尙武精神)을 고양시키는 성격으로 중요한 역할을 하였음을 파악할 수 있었다. 본고는 관찰기록에서는 느낄 수 없는 공연 현장의 생동감을 상세히 전달하고 있는 문예적 표현을 기록한 연행록을 살펴본 것으로서, 19세기 춤의 다양한 공연양상을 파악하는 데뿐만 아니라 조선 후기에 추어졌던 춤을 복원하는 데 앞으로도 큰 기여를 할 것이라고 생각한다. 또한 문학적 측면에서 무용에 관한 사료를 연구하여 미흡하나마 성과를 얻을 수 있었다는 점도 가치를 갖는다고 할 수 있다. Envoys’ visits to Peking expressed in records on envoys’ visits to Peking in the 19th century -centering on a dance- Sengae Choi* The purpose of this thesis is to explore the aspect of performance expressed in records on envoys’ visits to Peking in the 19th century among the literary works in the latter period of the Josun dynasty, and understand the classification and character of dancing items. The records include impressions on the various performances at a banquet for comforting envoys. The authors described particularly realistically and vividly the performances of artistes on envoys’ visits at that time. Also, the records include envoys’ inspirations and interests after appreciating performing items which were variously recorded in the form of free writing. The texts reflect the purposes and characters of the performances and dances performed on envoys’ visits. Among many records on envoys’ visits to Peking in the 19th century I have explored Haeeung Lee(李海應, 1775-1825)’s Gyesangijung(薊山紀程, 1803), Saho Bak(朴思浩, 1784-1854)’s Simjungo(心田稿, 1837) and Yungyegijung(燕薊紀程, 1828), Gyungsun Gim(金景善, 1788-?)’s Yunwonjikji(燕轅直指, 1832), Woojun Lee(李遇駿, 801-1867)’s Mongyuyunhaengnok(夢遊燕行錄, 1848), Sunhak Hong(洪淳學, 1842-1892)’s Yunhaengga(燕行歌, 1866), Inmok Yu(柳寅睦, 1839-1900)’s Bukhaengga (北行歌, 1866) and anonymous “Yunwonillok”(燕轅日錄, 1889), which recorded in detail the visits to Peking and dancing items in each area. As a result, I could confirm that the items of dance expressed in records on envoys’ visits to Peking in the 19th century involved a dance flowing in from court, a dance performed in local areas and dances created personally by prostitutes as performers or dances which prostitutes themselves learnt and handed down. I could understand such items of dance as playful for envoys, tasteful for the purpose of their safe return, a play of writing a poem, singing a song, drinking and dancing, blessing, wishing a long life and wishing a peaceful reign. Also, I could understand that Sword Dance as an item of dance performed necessarily on envoys’ visits for the purpose of enhancing their morale played an important role with the character of promoting patriotism and militarism. This thesis explored records on envoys’ visits to Peking including the literary expressions conveying in detail the vividness of a performing scene which cannot be felt at a record of my observations. I think that also in the future it will greatly contribute not only to understanding the various performing aspects of the dances of the 19th century but also restoring the dances performed in the latter period of the Josun dynasty. Also, it can be said to be valuable that I could obtain insufficient but good results by studying historical material about dancing at a literary aspect.

고려-몽골 간 使臣들의 활동 양상과 그 배경

이명미 한국중세사학회 2015 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.43

Envoy trips between Goryeo and the Mongol Empire had huge differences from the previous period in terms of their goals and the activity patterns of envoys. The Mongolian envoys dispatched to Goryeo for the political goal of grievance mediation, in particular, performed specific duties beyond the “delivery” of wishes of the monarch that dispatched them to the country under their comprehensive mission. The scope of their works expanded from the diplomatic affairs between the two countries to the political affairs of Goryeo. The Mongolian envoys mediated political disputes in which the Goryeo kings were an axis and it was difficult for them to mediate the disputes for themselves. In most cases, the envoys’ activities started with the accusation by the Goryeo subjects, which clearly shows the status of Mongolian emperors represented by the Mongolian envoys during the period. The political envoy trips of the Mongol Empire had something to do with its state system based on enfeoffment(分封). They attract attention in that they were in the same context as the elči of the Mongol Empire, who served as an important means of politics and rule through mutual political communication under the state system of Mongolia, in which its politics and rule took place in the relations between royal families(宗王, 諸王, 駙馬) and Royal Court and the emperors made a regular royal tour between two capitals, Sangdo(上都) and Daedo(大都). The patterns of envoy trips of Goryeo also changed in its relations with the Mongol Empire. Those changes to the patterns of envoy trips and the roles of envoys altered the selection criteria of envoys. The figures equipped with the Mongolian command, direct connections to the operational goals of envoy trips, and performance capabilities rather than learning and writing skills increased their participation in envoy trips. As the status of the kings became relativized in Goryeo-Mongol relations with blurry boundaries between politics and diplomacy, in the middle of frequent disputes over the throne, the figures close to the Goryeo kings were selected as envoys in concerned envoy trips. That is, the envoys of Goryeo and the Mongol Empire that traveled between the two countries were envoys in a more comprehensive meaning to serve as political media in the expanded political space unlike their predecessors that usually performed diplomatic roles in the previous periods. The existence of those envoys and the patterns of their envoy trips reveal a characteristic aspect of Goryeo-Mongol relations during the period.

명(明)·청(淸) 교체기(交替期) 대명(對明) 해로(海路) 사행(使行)의 출항지(出港地) 고찰(考察)

이성형 ( Lee Soung-hyung ) 근역한문학회 2017 한문학논집 Vol.48 No.-

Envoy during sea route envoy travel period was organized by roughly 5 ships boarded by 180 persons and in order to maintain envoy ship, repairmen were boarded and in preparation for a sudden accident, envoys boarded the ship separately with carrying individual diplomatic document and regional special products. During sea route envoy travel period, envoys had generally plural offices or some company because birthday of emperor was winter or early spring, envoy during Dongjisa(冬至使) was easy to take Seongjeolsa(聖節使) as plural offices and as an atmosphere of avoiding selection as sea route envoy was prevalent, it was hard to select travel envoy. Before 1629, envoy took Deungjoo(登州) as stopover in their travel envoy sea route and afterwards, Youngwonwi(寧遠衛). At this time, Gado(?島) was 1st gateway of diplomatic negotiation between Choseon and Ming as Donggangjin(東江 鎭) was installed in 1622 and sea route travel envoys took such place as stopover without fail. Pyeongdo(平島) was major branch of sea route where stopover sea route to Deungjoo(登州) or Youngwonwi(寧遠衛) was divided and in particular, as neighboring Nocheosan Soodo(老鐵山水道) and Yodong Cheontan(遼東淺灘) were risky sailing route, Choseon requested Ming for sea route change persistently. As departure port of Choseon, Anjoomok(安州牧) was first used and it is presumed to be Wondoo port(元頭浦口) in detail but as travel schedule was much delayed by shallow water depth of Cheongcheongang(淸川江), it was operated for just 2 times. As a next port, Seonsapo(宣沙浦) of Gwaksan(郭山) was operated from 1622 to the time before Jeongmyo Horan(丁卯胡亂) and location of Seonsapo(宣沙浦) was sometimes misunderstood as Seoncheon(宣川) or Cheolsan(鐵山). In addition, in sea route travel envoy record painting, it was called as Seonsapo(旋?浦) again but in other literature, Seonsapo(宣沙浦) had been used as general name. Finally, departure port of Seokdasan(石多山) was operated as departure port after Jeongmyo Horan(丁卯胡亂) and during 1628 to 1629, envoy departed from Daedonggang(大同江) of Pyeongyang(平壤) and moved to Seokdasan(石多山). But in case of departing from Daedonggang(大同江), as burden of risk was high and schedule was delayed, envoy departed after moving to Seokdasan(石多山) through land route from 1630. As departure port of Ming dynasty, Deungjoo(登州) was operated from 1621 when envoy travel was first started and operated for 2 times more after route was changed to Youngwonwi(寧遠衛) stopover route. However, DongjiSeongjolsa(冬至聖節使) of 1631 was entered into Deungjoo(登州) port but such envoy departed from Youngwonwi(寧遠衛) when they returned. Youngwonwi(寧遠衛) port was operated by 1637 as envoy sea route was changed by Wonsoonghwan(袁崇煥) in 1629. But as inland of Sanhaegwan(山海關) was exposed to threat of Hoogeum(後金) right after route change, Deungjoo(登州) stopover route was used for just roughly 2 times.

明나라 使臣들의 조선 使行과 조선 문인들과의 교류 -龔用卿, 朱之蕃을 중심으로-

우림걸,왕보하 동방한문학회 2012 동방한문학 Vol.0 No.52

Sending envoys to strengthen mutual communication and exchange was the most important diplomatic channel between ancient countries. China and Korea, as the neighbors, has a long history of cultural exchange. In history, China and Korea were the countries which exchanged the most envoys. With regard to Korea sending envoys to China, the academia has done a lot of research. Korean envoys left some records such as Jo Chun Rok(朝天錄) and Yeon Haing Rok(燕行錄), and relevant research is fruitful. According to statistics, from 109 BC (She He was appointed as an envoy to Korea) to 1840, successive Chinese governments had sent envoys to the Korean Peninsula 969 times. In contrast, rare studies were about the records of Chinese envoys to Korea. The exchange of envoys between China and Korea not only played the role of messengers, also undertook various political missions and cultural exchanges. Therefore, the envoy’s mission had become an important channel for Sino-Korea political, economic and cultural exchanges. Ming Dynasty was the heyday of sending envoys to Korea. The initial dispatch of envoys to Korea was eunuch-based, and later for the sake of strengthening the communication and cultural exchanges, Chinese government began to send civil servants as envoys to Korea. These envoys returned to China, leaving a lot of records about envoys to Korea, such as Ni Qian's Notes of Korea Travel, Zhang Ning's Envoy to Korea, Qi Shun's Records about Korean Mission, Dong Yue's Annals of Korea, Gong Yongqing's Records of Envoy’s Mission to Korea, Huang Hongxian's Records of Korea, Zhu Zhifan's As an Envoy to Korea, Jiang yueguang's The Chronicler of Korea. These records are conducive to our understanding of ancient Korean etiquette system, the customs, geography and transportation, as well as the exchange between China and South Korea intellectuals. 使臣을 통한 소통과 교류는 고대 국가 간의 교류에 있어서 가장 중요한 형식의 하나다. 한중 양국은 이웃나라로서 유구한 문화교류의 역사를 가지고 있다. 오랜 역사 속에서 양국 간의 사신 교류는 어느 두 나라보다도 많았다. 한국에서 중국으로 파견된 사신에 대해서 그 동안 학계에서 이미 많이 연구해 왔다. 특히 조선 시대 중국에 파견된 사신들이 수많은 朝天記와 燕行錄 등 사행록을 남겨져 있어 이들에 대한 연구는 더욱 활발하게 이루었다. 이에 비하면 중국에서 한반도에 파견된 사신과 그들이 남긴 기행록에 대한 연구는 매우 미비한 실정이다. 통계에 의하면 기원전 109년(漢武帝元封2年) 漢나라에서 涉和를 사신으로 고조선에 보낸 것으로부터 시작하여 1840년(淸宣宗道光20年)까지 중국 역대 정부에서 한반도에 使臣을 969회나 파견하였다. 한중 양국에서 서로 파견된 使臣들은 단순히 傳信者 역할만 하는 것이 아니라 다양한 정치적 사명과 문화교류의 사명을 수행하였다. 따라서 사절단은 양국 정치, 경제, 문화 교류의 중요한 채널이 된 것이다. 명나라 때에는 중국에서 조선에 사신을 가장 많이 파견한 시기였다. 초기에 宦官을 사신으로 보냈다가, 조선과의 소통과 문화교류를 강화하기 위해 문신을 사신으로 보냈다. 명나라 사신이 귀국한 후에 작성한 조선사행록으로는 倪謙의 『朝鮮紀行』, 張寧의 『奉使錄』, 祁順의 『使東錄』, 董越의 『朝鮮賦』, 龔用卿의 『使朝鮮錄』, 黃洪憲의 『朝鮮國志』, 霍共美의 『東明聞見錄』, 朱之蕃의 『奉使朝鮮稿』, 姜曰廣의 『輶軒紀事』 등이 있다. 중국 사신들의 사조선록은 조선의 예의제도와 시대상황, 그리고 한중 양국 문인의 교류 양상 등을 고찰할 수 있는 귀중한 자료이다.

근대 이전 사행 관련 지리공간의 사행노정전자문화지도 구축 방안 : 동팔참(東八站) 지역을 중심으로

신춘호 동국대학교 한국문학연구소 2017 한국문학연구 Vol.0 No.55

An envoy trip in the traditional era was the stage of diplomatic activity and the space of literature creation. As Myeonginjaesa (名人才士), those who travelled around the world sublimated the knowledge of a cruise into travel literature. Poetry and prose that they left such as diplomatic travel record (使行錄), Yeonhaengrok (燕行錄), Yeonhaenggasa (燕行歌辭), novel, etc. became literature. Diplomatic envoy journey (使行路程) is characterized by literature space, which allowed just the envoy travel literature (使行文學) to be born. The envoy travel literature to China crossed the Yalu River, headed for Shenyang-Shanhai-kuan-Beijing (up for Rehe (熱河) far away), went across the Yalu River again, and then returned to Joseon. The space from the Yalu River to Shenyang means to be the beginning and the end of envoy travel literature to China. This was called Dongpalcham. The close-relation feature and the geographic cognition of being contained in this region was as if having faced mountains and streams in Joseon. Thus, the space in imaginative geography and imaginary history is just the Dongpalcham region. This study aimed to establish ‘Envoy Journey Culture Atlas’, which is a digital culture map, through making it archive with recording the images (photos․video․GPS) of diplomatic envoy journey, which is the space of historical․cultural․geographical background in envoy travel literature Owing to the recent development in ICT (information and communications technology), even a research methodology of humanities is getting diverse. As a research methodology or an educational methodology of humanities, an attention to cultural informatics and ‘digital humanities’ tends to be growing. ‘Envoy trip digital map’, which is suggested in this study, may be considered to be an introductory case that tries to realize the section of Dongpalcham, which is the literature space and the diplomatic envoy journey, as the electronic culture atlas that is a research methodology of digital humanities. A map, which ‘digitalized’ cultural information, is called ‘electronic culture map’. Electronic culture atlas can be said to be ‘a knowledge production method that creates new information’ in that it itself is database, which was organized with the three-dimensional structure of focusing on time, space and theme. As ‘new research methodology of humanities,’ the possibility of electronic culture atlas' has been brought up. In that regard, this study aimed to seek a method of implementing electronic culture atlas after examining the applicability of ‘electronic culture atlas’ as a methodology of inquiring into the space of envoy travel literature, into the hero's traffic line (journey), and into the contents of a work. This study analyzed a case of 2 web sites (travel-record history journey, story theme park) of having made envoy-trip culture (journey) archive, referred to the outcome of a previous research, and then attempted the application of archive materials to the envoy-trip-culture digital map. With regard to being various in the envoy-trip culture and to being thick in historical literature, the feasibility is high even as the implementation of electronic culture atlas by diverse sub-themes such as Yeolha Ilgi (热河日记), Seaway Route Journey (海路路程), Byeongjahoran (丙子胡亂)-Pironojeong (被虜路程). 전통시대 사행(使行)은 외교활동의 무대이자 문학창작의 공간이었다. 조선의 명인재사로서 세계를 여행한 이들은 유람의 견문을 기행문학으로 승화시켰다. 사행록(연행록), 연행가사, 산문, 소설 등 그들이 남긴 시문은 문학이 되었다. 사행노정은 바로 사행문학(使行文學)을 탄생케 한 문학공간으로서의 특징을 갖고 있다. 중국지역 사행노정은 압록강을 건너 심양-산해관-북경(멀리 열하까지)으로 향하였고, 다시 압록강을 건너 조선으로 돌아왔다. 압록강에서 요양 혹은 심양에 이르는 공간은 중국지역 사행노정의 시작과 끝인 셈이다. 이곳의 여덟 개 역참을 동팔참(東八站)으로 불렀다. 이 지역에 내포된 역사문화적 친연성과 자연지리에 대한 사신들의 인식은 마치 조선의 산하를 대하듯 했다. 연구자는 사행문학의 역사․문화․지리적 배경 공간인 사행노정(使行路程)을 영상기록(사진․동영상․GPS기록)하고 아카이빙 해 왔다. 본고에서는 동팔참지역을 중심으로 디지털 문화지도인 ‘사행노정 전자문화지도’를 구축하고자 하였다. 최근 정보통신기술(ICT)의 발달로 인문학 연구방법론도 다양해지고 있다. 인문학의 연구방법론 혹은 교육방법론으로서 인문정보학과 ‘디지털인문학’이 대두되고 있다. 본고에서 제시하는 ‘사행노정전자문화지도’는 문학공간이자 사행노정인 동팔참구간을 디지털인문학의 연구방법론인 전자문화지도로 구현해 보기 위한 시론적 연구이다. 전자문화지도는 인문학 연구방법론으로 그 가능성이 제기되고 있는 분야이다. 그런 점에서 본고는 사행문학 작품의 공간, 동선, 내용을 연구하는데 있어 전자문화지도의 활용성을 제시하고, 전자문화지도 구축 방안을 기획한다는 점에 의미가 있다. 본고에서는 사행문화(노정)정보를 아카이브화 한 웹사이트 2곳(<사행록역사여행>, <스토리테마파크>)의 사례를 분석한 후, 선행연구의 성과를 참고하여 사행노정 전자문화지도에 아카이브 자료의 적용을 시도하였다. 사행문화 정보가 매우 다양하고 역사문적 층위가 두텁다는 점에서 『열하일기』, <해로노정>, <병자호란피로노정> 등 다양한 소주제별 전자문화지도 구축으로도 파생가능성이 높다.

江戶時代 通信使登城行列圖

車美愛(Cha Mi-ae) 미술사연구회 2006 미술사연구 Vol.- No.20

Korean Envoys’ Procession to Edo Castle, a theme that will be dealt in this article occupies the great portion of paintings of Korean Envoys’ Procession. This subject was painted by both Japanese official painters according to the order of the shogunate bafuku and popular ukiyo-e painters. In the discussion, its periodical stylistic changes throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and the relationship between the choice of pictorial languages and the purpose of production would be examined. A significant number of seventeenth and eighteenth-century paintings that portray this particular subject survived today in the form of folding screen, handscroll, and ukiyoe painting and print. As a subject matter, Korean Envoys’ Procession to Edo Castle illustrates a ceremonial parade of Korean envoys who carried the royal letter of the Korean King to Edo castle where the Japanese shogun resided. In the early seventeenth century, Korean Envoys’ Procession to Edo Castle was initially painted by Japanese official painters on the commission of shogun. Korean envoys’ procession to Edo Castle is depicted in the Edozu byobu, in the collection of the National Folk History Museum in Chiba prefecture. The scene depicted in this folding screen emphasizes luxurious gifts bestowed by the Korean king to the Japanese shogun in order to exhibit the political power of the shogunate bafuku. A folding screen in the collection of Sennyuji temple at Kyoto, titled Reception of Korean Envoys of 1655 focuses on the moment of Korean envoys entering Edo Castle and delivering the royal letter of the Korean king to the Japanese shogun. Interestingly, Korean envoys were portrayed like Portuguese of Nanban byobu. Probably, it was because the foreign elements of Korean envoys and ceremonial objects were unfamiliar to the eyes of Japanese painters. Moreover, the sequence of the parade and ceremonial objects were not correctly illustrated. It seems that early seventeenth-century Japanese official painters combined reality with fantasy in visualizing the awe-inspiring procession of foreign envoys. Beginning in 1682, ukiyo-e painters began to notice Korean Envoys’ Procession to Edo Castle as their new artistic subject. Their pictorial interests were more concerned about Korean participants of the parade rather than Japanese spectators. In this period, some new pictorial expressions were employed. First of all, the direction of the procession were proceeded from left to right. Secondly, the name-bearing cartouche was added next to the figures of important participants. Also, the number of participants of the parade was considerably abbreviated, but every ceremonial stage of the parade were accurately illustrated. For example, the ambassador, the Korean king’s representative to the shogun, riding in a roofed and open-sided palaquin occupies the center of the field of vision, preceded by pennant-bearers, a drummer, and a giant flag displaying a firebreathing dragon. Also, it is worth noticing that the portrayal of Korean envoys was not portrayed any more in the southern barbarian style(南蠻風), but instead were depicted more like those of Chinese. In 1711, Korean Envoys’ Procession to Edo Castle was executed on the order of the shogun. Tawara Kizaemon and other forty painters who participated in this commission, produced a total of fourteen pieces. Among those fourteen pieces, the one now in the collection of the National History Compilation Committee in Korea, explicitly shows that those painters closely observed this magnificent parade and sketched it in a highly realistic manner. Not only the sequence of the procession and ceremonial objects were correctly described, but also the cartouche that bears the names of various official posts was accurately recorded. Indeed, this work may be considered to be a well-executed documentary painting as well as a genre painting that vividly depicts diverse facial expressions of more than two thousand individuals. From 1682 to the eighteenth century, Korean Envoys’ Procession to Edo Castle became increasingly reproduced by ukiyo-e painters in the form of wood-block print and was sold to a larger population. The production of ukiyo-e painters aimed to serve as a illustrative pamphlet that provides spectators with basic information about this spectacular foreign parade and its participants. Unlike the highly realistic 1711’s work of Japanese official painters, those reproduced in the form of wood-block print portray the parade in either the southern barbarian or Chinese styles.

조선 전기 對明 陸路使行의 형태와 실상

구도영 진단학회 2013 진단학보 Vol.- No.117

본 글은 조선 전기 對明 使行의 종류와 파견 횟수, 사행단의 구성과 여정, 그리고 북경에서 이루어지는 공식절차 및 비공식 외교 활동 등을 파악하여 조선 전기 대명 사행의 형태와 사행 활동의 실상을 이해하는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 조선의 대명외교가 사행을 통해 이루어졌으므로 사행의 구성과 형태에 대한 제도적 접근은 대명외교를 이해하는 데에 근간이 되며, 사행록을 통한 사행과정의 민낯을 확인하는 것은 당시 외교 활동의 실상을 보다 현실적이고 면밀하게 접근할 수 있는 계기를 마련한다는 점에서 주목된다. 사행은 크게 정기 사행인 節行과 비정기 사행인 別行으로 나뉜다. 특히 기존 연구에서는 節行 중에 冬至使가 中宗代에 추가되어 1年 3使에서 1年 4使로 이행되었다고 파악하여 왔다. 그러나 본 연구에서는 동지사는 추가된 것이 아니라, 정조사가 동지사로 대체된 것이므로 국초 이래의 1년 3사가 계속 유지되고 있었음을 확인하였다. 사행의 유형에 대한 면밀한 검토는 기본적인 사실 확인에서 그치는 것이 아니라 조선의 ‘사대’적 성격과 특징을 이해하는 주요한 전거가 되기 때문에 더욱 정확한 확인이 요구된다. 別行 파견은 국초 긴박했던 外交的 難題가 해결되고 進獻使 등이 폐지되자 15세기 후반 성종대 이후 급격히 감소하였다. 결국 조선은 사행을 더욱 많이 파견하고자 한 움직임이 없었으며, 오히려 16세기가 되면 사행파견이 15세기에 비해 절반 이하로 감소하였다. 사행단에는 正使, 副使, 書狀官의 三使臣을 중심으로 從事官, 從人, 護送軍으로 이루어졌다. 사행단은 외교문제 해결, 정보습득, 공무역 등 주요현안 해결과 통사의 중국어 능력을 배양하기 위한 조처가 안배되는 등 다양한 목적을 동시에 달성하기 위한 구성으로 이루어졌다. 사행단의 여정에 대한 구체적인 확인은 權橃의 『朝天錄』을 主本으로 하여 동 시기 여타의 『조천록』도 참고하였다. 사행단은 한양에서 압록강까지 국내 이동과정에서 각 지방의 감사, 판관, 수령, 찰방 등이 내알하여 베푸는 각종 연회와 성심스러운 대접를 받았으며, 각 지방의 관광지를 둘러보는 여유도 누렸다. 그렇지만 압록강을 건너 명 지역으로 들어가면 사정은 달라졌다. 사행단은 外國人으로서 스스로의 안위를 지켜야 했고, 驛舍의 피폐함으로 겨울에는 난방이 전혀 없는 곳에서 잠을 이루기도 하였으며, 각종 자연재해로 곤란을 겪기도 하였다. 또한 요동 관리들이 차량을 제 때 지급하지 않아 이들에게 뇌물을 바치면서 북경에 도달해야 했다. 어렵게 북경에 입성하면 조공국 사행단이 수행해야 할 공식 일정을 소화하였다. 사행단은 공식 절차를 치르는 가운데, 외교사안을 해결하는 데에 대부분의 시간을 할애하고 있었다. 양국의 공식적인 외교는 사대문서의 진상과 칙서의 화답이라는 외피로 이루어져 있었으나 조선의 사신들은 명의 문서를 마냥 기다리고만 있지 않았다. 그들은 조선의 이득에 부합하는 회답서를 받기 위해 명의 예부 관리들과 지속적으로 접촉하여 조선의 입장을 역설하였을 뿐만 아니라 조선에게 우호적인 朝鮮 出來 明使들의 집을 찾아가 조선의 외교문제가 잘 해결될 수 있도록 도움을 요청하였다. 명 예부 문서를 謄書해 와서 명 조정에서 논의되는 문서 내용을 꼼꼼하게 체크하며 수정사항을 요구하기도 하였다. 공식적인 외교는 양국의 문서 교환을 통해 이루어졌지만, 그 이면에는 원하는 회 ... The purpose of this article is to understand the types and historical facts of envoy activities to Ming dynasty in the early Joseon by examining the types and dispatch frequency of envoy, composition and journey of envoy and formal as well as informal diplomatic activities in Beijing. Envoy can be divided into periodic and non-periodic envoys. In particular, previous studies identified that Dongji envoy(冬至使) was added to previous 3 periodic envoys during Jungjong regime, which led to total 4 periodic envoy dispatch. However, Dongji envoy was not added to previous envoy dispatch. In fact, it replaced the existing Jeongjo envoy(正朝使). Thus, 3 envoy dispatch system had been maintained since the early period of Joseon. This is not only the basic truth of envoy but also indicates that the theories asserting Joseon attempted to expand envy dispatch along with the enhanced idealization of China in the 16th century should be modified. Non-periodic envoy was abruptly decreased during Seongjong regime in the late 15th century when the emergent diplomatic problems of early period were solved and the tributary envoy was abolished. Thus, there was no attempt to dispatch envoys more frequenty in Joseon. Instead, the frequency of envoy dispatch in the 16th century was less than half of those in the 15th century. An envoy team consisted of three envoys (Jeongsa(正使), Busa(副使), Seojanggwan(書狀官)), Jongsagwan(從事官), Jongin(從人) and convoy. The composition of envoy team was the combination of the missions such as solving diplomatic issues, information gathering and public trade and the measures to enhance Chinese language skills of the translators. To identify specific journey of envoy team, this article referred to 『Jocheonrok(朝天錄)』by Gwon Beol(權橃) and other similar 『Jocheonrok』at that time. During the domestic route from Hanyang(漢陽) to Aprok River(鴨綠江), the head officer of each local region provided various kinds of banquets and entertainments to consol the envoy team who would take a long journey to Beijing. The also provided the envoy team with the opportunity to visit famous attractions in their jurisdiction. However, once the envoy team entered into Ming territory crossing Aprok River, everything has changed. The envoy team has to protect themselves as foreigners and sometimes had to sleep without any heating because the posthouse condition was very poor. They sometimes suffered from natural disasters. In addition, the officers in Liadong region did not provide any vehicles timely so that they had to give bribes to obtain them for the journey. When they entered from the tough journey, they had to do formal schedules for a tributary envoy. While they fulfilled formal schedules, they spent most of times in solving diplomatic issues. Although the formal diplomacy of both countries appeared to consist of offering todayding documents and Royal letter for their return on its surface, there were many active lobbies of Joseon envoy to receive such Royal letters under the surface. In other words, Joseon envoys did not just passively wait for Ming's answer. They made active contacts with the officers in Yebu and appealed Joseon's position. They also visited Ming's high officers who had visited Joseon as Ming's envoy to ask for help to solve diplomatic issues smoothly. They even copied Ming's documents and checked how Joseon was discussed in Ming's government to ask for corrections, if any. Although the formal diplomacy was processed by exchanging formal documents between two countries, the key to problem-solving lied in the active lobbies and diplomatic activities of envoys and translators.

1763년 대일통신사선의 건조 -사행록 계미수사록을 중심으로-

김재승 ( Jae Seung Kim ) 한국해운물류학회 2004 해운물류연구 Vol.42 No.-

‘Kyemisusarok’(계미수사록: the envoy mission account in 1763) is one of the newly disclosed diplomatic envoy`s account, relating to envoy visits to Japan, which were written in 1763. In this account, we can find out some mysterious matters regarding the building of envoy ships and a navigation system during the Yi Dynasty. Many new disclosures were obtained from this account. especially the building specifications and crew list of the ships, these being the most important records ever obtained, such information never having been seen in previous records and articles, excepting `Zeungjeongkyorinji`(增正交隣志 : diplomatic envoy records with Japan) edited by Kim Geun Se, a Japanese interpreter and published in 1802. Furthermore, we have learnt of some mistakes regarding the ship`s specification in `Zeungjeoungkyorinji` compared with the `Kyemisusarok`. The `Kyemisusarok` consist of 8 parts. 1) The building specification of the diplomatic mission fleet in 1763. 2) Building record, 3) Envoy record, 4) Diplomatic records after landing at Osaka, Japan, 5) Itinerary while at sea and on land in Japan, 6) Diplomatic document form for the courtesy visit, 7) Member lists of the diplomatic envoy and crew listings, and 8) Gift list for Bakufu(幕府). The items 1), 2) and 7) are the most important records, which have been seen for the previous cases, amongst these or others records. The Diplomatic envoy fleet to Japan was basically composed of 6 vessels, 3 ships for transportation of the envoy members, and 3 ships for their foods at the sea and the carrying of gift to Japan. Among the 6 ships, 4 ships were builded in Tongyoung, while the other 2 ships were built in Jwasuyoung, Busan. The main specification of the senior envoy ship named ‘Jeongsa-Kisun(正使 騎船)’ WRY was her length of about 30 meter, width of 9.5 meter, with a depth of 3.0 meter and deadweight of approximately 150 tons. This type of vessel compares favorably with the western ships of the `Schooner` type in the middle of the 18th century. During the period 1607 to 1811, diplomatic envoy fleets despatched from Korea to Japan 12 times in all, this was in order to promote diplomatic relationship between Korea and Japan. One envoy unit consists of about 500 persons: they left from Seoul to Busan on foot, Busan to Osaka by ship, and then Osaka to Tokyo on foot. For each visit sea transportation took about 2 months for a round voyage, and about 5 to 6 months for Land travel on the journey between Seoul to Tokyo. During the travelling in Japan, they experienced interchange with many Japanese people, even scholars. However, there had been many cultural exchanges in Japan with books, fine arts, medicines, music, acrobatics, etc. Thus Korea bestowed advanced cultures to Japan through these envoy visits and the envoy member`s activities. Many envoy members wrote various accounts relating to their travelling, both in the official reports and private diaries. But these lacked records on the envoy vessels, crew, the ship building records, and method of navigation. `Kyemisusarok` would now supply us with useful information about these facts.

<어우야담(於于野談)>에 반영된 사행(使行) 관련 이야기 연구

한태문 한국문학회 2020 韓國文學論叢 Vol.85 No.-

This paper examines how the story related to an envoy's journey reflected in the Yu Mong-In's Eouyadam the first unofficial historical storybooks. The story of an envoy's journey in Eouyadam was made through the direct participation of the envoy's journey and indirect reading experience. Direct participation was made in the course of an envoy's journey to China and the reception of Chinese envoys. The indirect experience seems to have been influenced by the reading experience of a record of envoy's journey or Anthology left behind by the envoy who went to China and Japan. The stories related to the envoy's journey to China are largely divided into “divination and faith,” “making money and trade,” “study and literature” and “paintings and calligraphic works and Living Culture.” The story of “divination and faith” contained many fortunes related to physiognomy and death, exchanges of divination through envoy's journey, and criticism of the classical scholar's perception of Buddhism and the Catholic doctrine. The story of “making money and trade” shows that the making money and trade of a member of the envoy brings about the results of happiness and unhappiness depending on whether they are materialistic and especially when combined with the desire for power, the result is tragic. The stories related to “study and literature” dealt with the decline in academic ability caused by the choice of inappropriate learning materials, the Chinese assessment of the Choseon's poetry and the Yu Mong-In's assessment of the Chinese envoys' poetry. The stories related to “The Painting and calligraphic works and Living Culture” dealt with the life culture, including the handwriting of the Cho Maeng-bu, Cursive characters of the Hwang Gi-Ro, the painting connoisseur of the Chinese envoy, and the Chinese garden and customs. The story of envoy's journey to Japan contents about Gyehae- Tongshinsa(1443) Shin Sook-ju, Gyeongin-Tongshinsa(1590) Kim Seong-il, Tamjeoksa(1604) Yu-Jeong. It also the contents of a speech play on the name of a Japanese envoy, Ryukyu without the title of the king, and the Japanese custom of revering murder. Like this, Eouyadam contains many stories about the envoy's journey, even though it is its first unofficial historical storybooks, which makes us expect a new type of suggestion in the story of envoy's journey in research. 이 글은 최초의 야담집인 유몽인의 <어우야담>에 사행(使行) 관련 이야기가 어떻게 반영되어 있는지를 살핀 것이다. <어우야담> 속 사행 관련 이야기는 유몽인의 직접적인 사행 참여와 간접적인 독서 경험을 통해 이루어졌다. 직접적인 참여는 3차례의 중국 사행과 2차례의 중국 사신을 접반하는 과정에서 이루어졌고, 간접적인 체험은 중국이나 일본으로 사행을 떠났던 사행원들이 남긴 ‘사행록’이나 ‘문집’에 대한 독서 경험에서 비롯되었다. 중국 사행 관련 이야기는 크게 ‘점복과 신앙’, ‘致富와 무역’, ‘학문과 문학’, ‘서화와 생활문화’ 등으로 나누어진다. ‘점복과 신앙’ 관련 이야기는 관상 및 죽음과 관련한 점복이 많았고 사행을 통한 점복의 교류 및 불교에 대한 선비의 인식과 천주교의 교리에 대한 비판을 담고 있었다. ‘치부와 무역’ 관련 이야기는 사행원의 치부와 무역이 물욕의 여부에 따라 행복과 불행의 결과를 가져오며, 특히 권력욕과 결부되면 그 결과가 비극적임을 보여준다. ‘학문과 문학’ 관련 이야기는 부적절한 학습교재의 선택이 초래한 학력 저하, 조선 사행원의 시문에 대한 중국인의 평가와 중국 사신들의 시문에 대한 유몽인의 평가, 조선 사행원의 독서벽과 총명강기 등을 다루었다. ‘서화와 생활문화’ 관련 이야기는 조맹부의 서체, 황기로의 초서, 중국 사신 김식의 그림 감식안 등과 중국의 정원, 절부가 없는 湖廣지방의 풍속 등 생활문화를 다루었다. 일본 사행 관련 이야기는 중국 사행에 비해 수도 적고 내용도 다양하지 않지만, 계해통신사(1443) 신숙주, 경인통신사(1590) 김성일, 탐적사(1604) 유정과 관련된 내용과 일본국왕사의 이름에 대한 언어유희, 왕의 칭호가 없는 유구국, 살인을 숭상하는 일본 풍속 등을 내용으로 담고 있었다. 이처럼 <어우야담>은 첫 야담집임에도 불구하고 사행 관련 이야기를 많이 수록되고 있는데, 이후 각종 야담집에서도 자료가 발굴될 가능성이 있으므로 앞으로 야담 연구에서 ‘사행담(使行譚)’이라는 새로운 유형의 출현을 기대하게 한다.