고려-몽골 간 使臣들의 활동 양상과 그 배경

이명미 한국중세사학회 2015 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.43

Envoy trips between Goryeo and the Mongol Empire had huge differences from the previous period in terms of their goals and the activity patterns of envoys. The Mongolian envoys dispatched to Goryeo for the political goal of grievance mediation, in particular, performed specific duties beyond the “delivery” of wishes of the monarch that dispatched them to the country under their comprehensive mission. The scope of their works expanded from the diplomatic affairs between the two countries to the political affairs of Goryeo. The Mongolian envoys mediated political disputes in which the Goryeo kings were an axis and it was difficult for them to mediate the disputes for themselves. In most cases, the envoys’ activities started with the accusation by the Goryeo subjects, which clearly shows the status of Mongolian emperors represented by the Mongolian envoys during the period. The political envoy trips of the Mongol Empire had something to do with its state system based on enfeoffment(分封). They attract attention in that they were in the same context as the elči of the Mongol Empire, who served as an important means of politics and rule through mutual political communication under the state system of Mongolia, in which its politics and rule took place in the relations between royal families(宗王, 諸王, 駙馬) and Royal Court and the emperors made a regular royal tour between two capitals, Sangdo(上都) and Daedo(大都). The patterns of envoy trips of Goryeo also changed in its relations with the Mongol Empire. Those changes to the patterns of envoy trips and the roles of envoys altered the selection criteria of envoys. The figures equipped with the Mongolian command, direct connections to the operational goals of envoy trips, and performance capabilities rather than learning and writing skills increased their participation in envoy trips. As the status of the kings became relativized in Goryeo-Mongol relations with blurry boundaries between politics and diplomacy, in the middle of frequent disputes over the throne, the figures close to the Goryeo kings were selected as envoys in concerned envoy trips. That is, the envoys of Goryeo and the Mongol Empire that traveled between the two countries were envoys in a more comprehensive meaning to serve as political media in the expanded political space unlike their predecessors that usually performed diplomatic roles in the previous periods. The existence of those envoys and the patterns of their envoy trips reveal a characteristic aspect of Goryeo-Mongol relations during the period.

19세기 연행록에 표현된 연행활동 -춤을 중심으로-

최성애 한국무용사학회 2010 한국무용사학 Vol.0 No.6

본 논문의 목적은 조선 후기 문학 중 19세기 연행록(燕行錄)에 표현된 공연양상을 살펴보고, 춤 종목의 분류와 성격을 파악하고자 하는 것이다. 19세기 연행록에는 사신들을 위로하는 연향(宴饗)을 베풀 때 행해진 다양한 연희(宴戱)를 보고 느낀 것들이 기록되어 있으며, 작가들이 당시 사행노정에서의 예인들의 공연 활동을 특히 사실적이면서 생동감 있게 묘사하고 있다. 또한 연행록에는 사행원이 연희 종목들을 감상하고 느낀 감흥과 흥취를 자유로운 글쓰기 형태로 다양하게 기록하고 있는데, 이 글들을 통해 사행의 길목에서 연희된 공연활동과 춤 종목과 목적 및 성격을 살펴볼 수 있다. 19세기는 많은 연행록 있지만, 이 중 각 지방의 연행활동과 춤 종목을 자세히 기록한 이해응(李海應, 1775-1825)의 『계산기정(薊山紀程)』(1803), 박사호(朴思浩, 1784 -1854)의 『심전고(心田稿)』(1837) 「연계기정(燕薊紀程)」(1828), 김경선(金景善, 1788-?)의 『연원직지(燕轅直指)』(1832), 이우준(李遇駿, 1801-1867)의 『몽유연행록(夢遊燕行錄)』(1848), 홍순학(洪淳學, 1842-1892)의 『연행가(燕行歌)』(1866), 유인목(柳寅睦, 1839-1900)의 『북행가(北行歌)』(1866), 저자미상의 『연원일록(燕轅日錄)』(1889) 등을 살펴보았다. 그 결과 19세기의 연행록에 표현된 춤 종목에는 궁중에서 유입된 춤 및 지방에서 연희된 춤 그리고 연행자인 기녀들이 스스로 창작한 춤이거나 기녀 자신만이 배워 전승되고 있는 춤들이 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 이러한 춤 종목은 사행원을 위한 유희적․무사귀환을 목적으로 흥취적(興趣的)이고 풍류놀이의 성격과 송축(頌祝)․축수(祝壽), 그리고 태평성대의 성격으로 파악할 수 있었다. 또한 <검무>는 사행에서 빠지지 않고 연행된 춤 종목으로 사행원의 사기를 고조시키는 것을 목적으로 공연되어 애국심과 상무정신(尙武精神)을 고양시키는 성격으로 중요한 역할을 하였음을 파악할 수 있었다. 본고는 관찰기록에서는 느낄 수 없는 공연 현장의 생동감을 상세히 전달하고 있는 문예적 표현을 기록한 연행록을 살펴본 것으로서, 19세기 춤의 다양한 공연양상을 파악하는 데뿐만 아니라 조선 후기에 추어졌던 춤을 복원하는 데 앞으로도 큰 기여를 할 것이라고 생각한다. 또한 문학적 측면에서 무용에 관한 사료를 연구하여 미흡하나마 성과를 얻을 수 있었다는 점도 가치를 갖는다고 할 수 있다. Envoys’ visits to Peking expressed in records on envoys’ visits to Peking in the 19th century -centering on a dance- Sengae Choi* The purpose of this thesis is to explore the aspect of performance expressed in records on envoys’ visits to Peking in the 19th century among the literary works in the latter period of the Josun dynasty, and understand the classification and character of dancing items. The records include impressions on the various performances at a banquet for comforting envoys. The authors described particularly realistically and vividly the performances of artistes on envoys’ visits at that time. Also, the records include envoys’ inspirations and interests after appreciating performing items which were variously recorded in the form of free writing. The texts reflect the purposes and characters of the performances and dances performed on envoys’ visits. Among many records on envoys’ visits to Peking in the 19th century I have explored Haeeung Lee(李海應, 1775-1825)’s Gyesangijung(薊山紀程, 1803), Saho Bak(朴思浩, 1784-1854)’s Simjungo(心田稿, 1837) and Yungyegijung(燕薊紀程, 1828), Gyungsun Gim(金景善, 1788-?)’s Yunwonjikji(燕轅直指, 1832), Woojun Lee(李遇駿, 801-1867)’s Mongyuyunhaengnok(夢遊燕行錄, 1848), Sunhak Hong(洪淳學, 1842-1892)’s Yunhaengga(燕行歌, 1866), Inmok Yu(柳寅睦, 1839-1900)’s Bukhaengga (北行歌, 1866) and anonymous “Yunwonillok”(燕轅日錄, 1889), which recorded in detail the visits to Peking and dancing items in each area. As a result, I could confirm that the items of dance expressed in records on envoys’ visits to Peking in the 19th century involved a dance flowing in from court, a dance performed in local areas and dances created personally by prostitutes as performers or dances which prostitutes themselves learnt and handed down. I could understand such items of dance as playful for envoys, tasteful for the purpose of their safe return, a play of writing a poem, singing a song, drinking and dancing, blessing, wishing a long life and wishing a peaceful reign. Also, I could understand that Sword Dance as an item of dance performed necessarily on envoys’ visits for the purpose of enhancing their morale played an important role with the character of promoting patriotism and militarism. This thesis explored records on envoys’ visits to Peking including the literary expressions conveying in detail the vividness of a performing scene which cannot be felt at a record of my observations. I think that also in the future it will greatly contribute not only to understanding the various performing aspects of the dances of the 19th century but also restoring the dances performed in the latter period of the Josun dynasty. Also, it can be said to be valuable that I could obtain insufficient but good results by studying historical material about dancing at a literary aspect.

초기 고려-명 관계에서 사행로 문제: 요동 경유 사행로의 개통 과정

구범진,정동훈 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2021 한국문화 Vol.- No.96

It is widely known that envoys going to Beijing during the Joseon dynasty traveled along the land route via Liaodong: They crossed the Yalu River to reach Liaoyang, and then went through the Shanhai Pass to arrive in the capital of Ming and Qing empires. Then what kind of travel route did the envoys take during the period when the capital of Ming was Nanjing, not Beijing? In the early years of Goryeo-Ming relations, envoys who visited the other country’s capital had no choice but to take the Yellow Sea route crossing the open sea at the risk of shipwreck. In the mid-1370s when the Ming troops were advancing into the Liaodong region, however, Goryeo envoys were granted permission, after many twists and turns, to take the alternative Liaodong-Shandong route, which was far more safer than the Yellow Sea route: They were allowed to cross the Yalu River to reach Liaoyang by land, set sail from the Liaodong peninsula to the Shandong peninsula, and then traveled to Nanjing by land. In this paper, we analyze the relevant sources in great detail to track how and why the change in the travel route of envoys occurred. It was Ming Taizu Zhu Yuanzhang’s ‘speech of denunciation’ that first triggered the twists and turns that, in the end, led to the change in travel routes. In this speech the emperor, suspecting that Goryeo was attempting military espionage activities in the Liaodong region, forbade Goryeo envoys from traveling along the Liaodong-Shandong route, and demanded that Goryeo greatly reduce the frequency and scale of the dispatch of envoys. However, ambiguous and even contradictory words in the emperor’s speech led the Goryeo court to misinterpret his intentions when the speech was actually delivered in the summer of 1373. The Goryeo court mistakenly thought that the emperor demanded envoys be sent to Liaodong by land, not by sea. This misunderstanding led Goryeo envoys to undergo many troubles including a fatal shipwreck as they tried to alternately take the Liaodong-Shandong and the Yellow Sea routes. In June 1374, when Goryeo envoys managed to arrive in Nanjing via the Yellow Sea route in their fourth attempt of travel to the Ming capital, the emperor finally accepted Goryeo’s request and designated the Liaodong-Shandong route as the official travel route for envoys. Goryeo preferred taking the Liaodong-Sandong route as it was far safer than the Yellow Sea route. While permitting Goryeo to use this route, the Ming emperor ensured that Ming could closely control and monitor Goryeo envoys all the way from Liaodong to Nanjing. He could deny their entry into Liaodong whenever deemed necessary. Therefore, the change of travel routes for envoys from the Yellow Sea to the Liaodong-Shandong required that Goryeo envoys be under strict control and surveillance by the Ming authority although it ensured their travel safety and on-time arrival. .

근대 이전 사행 관련 지리공간의 사행노정전자문화지도 구축 방안 : 동팔참(東八站) 지역을 중심으로

신춘호 동국대학교 한국문학연구소 2017 한국문학연구 Vol.0 No.55

An envoy trip in the traditional era was the stage of diplomatic activity and the space of literature creation. As Myeonginjaesa (名人才士), those who travelled around the world sublimated the knowledge of a cruise into travel literature. Poetry and prose that they left such as diplomatic travel record (使行錄), Yeonhaengrok (燕行錄), Yeonhaenggasa (燕行歌辭), novel, etc. became literature. Diplomatic envoy journey (使行路程) is characterized by literature space, which allowed just the envoy travel literature (使行文學) to be born. The envoy travel literature to China crossed the Yalu River, headed for Shenyang-Shanhai-kuan-Beijing (up for Rehe (熱河) far away), went across the Yalu River again, and then returned to Joseon. The space from the Yalu River to Shenyang means to be the beginning and the end of envoy travel literature to China. This was called Dongpalcham. The close-relation feature and the geographic cognition of being contained in this region was as if having faced mountains and streams in Joseon. Thus, the space in imaginative geography and imaginary history is just the Dongpalcham region. This study aimed to establish ‘Envoy Journey Culture Atlas’, which is a digital culture map, through making it archive with recording the images (photos․video․GPS) of diplomatic envoy journey, which is the space of historical․cultural․geographical background in envoy travel literature Owing to the recent development in ICT (information and communications technology), even a research methodology of humanities is getting diverse. As a research methodology or an educational methodology of humanities, an attention to cultural informatics and ‘digital humanities’ tends to be growing. ‘Envoy trip digital map’, which is suggested in this study, may be considered to be an introductory case that tries to realize the section of Dongpalcham, which is the literature space and the diplomatic envoy journey, as the electronic culture atlas that is a research methodology of digital humanities. A map, which ‘digitalized’ cultural information, is called ‘electronic culture map’. Electronic culture atlas can be said to be ‘a knowledge production method that creates new information’ in that it itself is database, which was organized with the three-dimensional structure of focusing on time, space and theme. As ‘new research methodology of humanities,’ the possibility of electronic culture atlas' has been brought up. In that regard, this study aimed to seek a method of implementing electronic culture atlas after examining the applicability of ‘electronic culture atlas’ as a methodology of inquiring into the space of envoy travel literature, into the hero's traffic line (journey), and into the contents of a work. This study analyzed a case of 2 web sites (travel-record history journey, story theme park) of having made envoy-trip culture (journey) archive, referred to the outcome of a previous research, and then attempted the application of archive materials to the envoy-trip-culture digital map. With regard to being various in the envoy-trip culture and to being thick in historical literature, the feasibility is high even as the implementation of electronic culture atlas by diverse sub-themes such as Yeolha Ilgi (热河日记), Seaway Route Journey (海路路程), Byeongjahoran (丙子胡亂)-Pironojeong (被虜路程). 전통시대 사행(使行)은 외교활동의 무대이자 문학창작의 공간이었다. 조선의 명인재사로서 세계를 여행한 이들은 유람의 견문을 기행문학으로 승화시켰다. 사행록(연행록), 연행가사, 산문, 소설 등 그들이 남긴 시문은 문학이 되었다. 사행노정은 바로 사행문학(使行文學)을 탄생케 한 문학공간으로서의 특징을 갖고 있다. 중국지역 사행노정은 압록강을 건너 심양-산해관-북경(멀리 열하까지)으로 향하였고, 다시 압록강을 건너 조선으로 돌아왔다. 압록강에서 요양 혹은 심양에 이르는 공간은 중국지역 사행노정의 시작과 끝인 셈이다. 이곳의 여덟 개 역참을 동팔참(東八站)으로 불렀다. 이 지역에 내포된 역사문화적 친연성과 자연지리에 대한 사신들의 인식은 마치 조선의 산하를 대하듯 했다. 연구자는 사행문학의 역사․문화․지리적 배경 공간인 사행노정(使行路程)을 영상기록(사진․동영상․GPS기록)하고 아카이빙 해 왔다. 본고에서는 동팔참지역을 중심으로 디지털 문화지도인 ‘사행노정 전자문화지도’를 구축하고자 하였다. 최근 정보통신기술(ICT)의 발달로 인문학 연구방법론도 다양해지고 있다. 인문학의 연구방법론 혹은 교육방법론으로서 인문정보학과 ‘디지털인문학’이 대두되고 있다. 본고에서 제시하는 ‘사행노정전자문화지도’는 문학공간이자 사행노정인 동팔참구간을 디지털인문학의 연구방법론인 전자문화지도로 구현해 보기 위한 시론적 연구이다. 전자문화지도는 인문학 연구방법론으로 그 가능성이 제기되고 있는 분야이다. 그런 점에서 본고는 사행문학 작품의 공간, 동선, 내용을 연구하는데 있어 전자문화지도의 활용성을 제시하고, 전자문화지도 구축 방안을 기획한다는 점에 의미가 있다. 본고에서는 사행문화(노정)정보를 아카이브화 한 웹사이트 2곳(<사행록역사여행>, <스토리테마파크>)의 사례를 분석한 후, 선행연구의 성과를 참고하여 사행노정 전자문화지도에 아카이브 자료의 적용을 시도하였다. 사행문화 정보가 매우 다양하고 역사문적 층위가 두텁다는 점에서 『열하일기』, <해로노정>, <병자호란피로노정> 등 다양한 소주제별 전자문화지도 구축으로도 파생가능성이 높다.

江戶時代 通信使登城行列圖

車美愛(Cha Mi-ae) 미술사연구회 2006 미술사연구 Vol.- No.20

Korean Envoys’ Procession to Edo Castle, a theme that will be dealt in this article occupies the great portion of paintings of Korean Envoys’ Procession. This subject was painted by both Japanese official painters according to the order of the shogunate bafuku and popular ukiyo-e painters. In the discussion, its periodical stylistic changes throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and the relationship between the choice of pictorial languages and the purpose of production would be examined. A significant number of seventeenth and eighteenth-century paintings that portray this particular subject survived today in the form of folding screen, handscroll, and ukiyoe painting and print. As a subject matter, Korean Envoys’ Procession to Edo Castle illustrates a ceremonial parade of Korean envoys who carried the royal letter of the Korean King to Edo castle where the Japanese shogun resided. In the early seventeenth century, Korean Envoys’ Procession to Edo Castle was initially painted by Japanese official painters on the commission of shogun. Korean envoys’ procession to Edo Castle is depicted in the Edozu byobu, in the collection of the National Folk History Museum in Chiba prefecture. The scene depicted in this folding screen emphasizes luxurious gifts bestowed by the Korean king to the Japanese shogun in order to exhibit the political power of the shogunate bafuku. A folding screen in the collection of Sennyuji temple at Kyoto, titled Reception of Korean Envoys of 1655 focuses on the moment of Korean envoys entering Edo Castle and delivering the royal letter of the Korean king to the Japanese shogun. Interestingly, Korean envoys were portrayed like Portuguese of Nanban byobu. Probably, it was because the foreign elements of Korean envoys and ceremonial objects were unfamiliar to the eyes of Japanese painters. Moreover, the sequence of the parade and ceremonial objects were not correctly illustrated. It seems that early seventeenth-century Japanese official painters combined reality with fantasy in visualizing the awe-inspiring procession of foreign envoys. Beginning in 1682, ukiyo-e painters began to notice Korean Envoys’ Procession to Edo Castle as their new artistic subject. Their pictorial interests were more concerned about Korean participants of the parade rather than Japanese spectators. In this period, some new pictorial expressions were employed. First of all, the direction of the procession were proceeded from left to right. Secondly, the name-bearing cartouche was added next to the figures of important participants. Also, the number of participants of the parade was considerably abbreviated, but every ceremonial stage of the parade were accurately illustrated. For example, the ambassador, the Korean king’s representative to the shogun, riding in a roofed and open-sided palaquin occupies the center of the field of vision, preceded by pennant-bearers, a drummer, and a giant flag displaying a firebreathing dragon. Also, it is worth noticing that the portrayal of Korean envoys was not portrayed any more in the southern barbarian style(南蠻風), but instead were depicted more like those of Chinese. In 1711, Korean Envoys’ Procession to Edo Castle was executed on the order of the shogun. Tawara Kizaemon and other forty painters who participated in this commission, produced a total of fourteen pieces. Among those fourteen pieces, the one now in the collection of the National History Compilation Committee in Korea, explicitly shows that those painters closely observed this magnificent parade and sketched it in a highly realistic manner. Not only the sequence of the procession and ceremonial objects were correctly described, but also the cartouche that bears the names of various official posts was accurately recorded. Indeed, this work may be considered to be a well-executed documentary painting as well as a genre painting that vividly depicts diverse facial expressions of more than two thousand individuals. From 1682 to the eighteenth century, Korean Envoys’ Procession to Edo Castle became increasingly reproduced by ukiyo-e painters in the form of wood-block print and was sold to a larger population. The production of ukiyo-e painters aimed to serve as a illustrative pamphlet that provides spectators with basic information about this spectacular foreign parade and its participants. Unlike the highly realistic 1711’s work of Japanese official painters, those reproduced in the form of wood-block print portray the parade in either the southern barbarian or Chinese styles.

1763년 대일통신사선의 건조 -사행록 계미수사록을 중심으로-

김재승 ( Jae Seung Kim ) 한국해운물류학회 2004 해운물류연구 Vol.42 No.-

‘Kyemisusarok’(계미수사록: the envoy mission account in 1763) is one of the newly disclosed diplomatic envoy`s account, relating to envoy visits to Japan, which were written in 1763. In this account, we can find out some mysterious matters regarding the building of envoy ships and a navigation system during the Yi Dynasty. Many new disclosures were obtained from this account. especially the building specifications and crew list of the ships, these being the most important records ever obtained, such information never having been seen in previous records and articles, excepting `Zeungjeongkyorinji`(增正交隣志 : diplomatic envoy records with Japan) edited by Kim Geun Se, a Japanese interpreter and published in 1802. Furthermore, we have learnt of some mistakes regarding the ship`s specification in `Zeungjeoungkyorinji` compared with the `Kyemisusarok`. The `Kyemisusarok` consist of 8 parts. 1) The building specification of the diplomatic mission fleet in 1763. 2) Building record, 3) Envoy record, 4) Diplomatic records after landing at Osaka, Japan, 5) Itinerary while at sea and on land in Japan, 6) Diplomatic document form for the courtesy visit, 7) Member lists of the diplomatic envoy and crew listings, and 8) Gift list for Bakufu(幕府). The items 1), 2) and 7) are the most important records, which have been seen for the previous cases, amongst these or others records. The Diplomatic envoy fleet to Japan was basically composed of 6 vessels, 3 ships for transportation of the envoy members, and 3 ships for their foods at the sea and the carrying of gift to Japan. Among the 6 ships, 4 ships were builded in Tongyoung, while the other 2 ships were built in Jwasuyoung, Busan. The main specification of the senior envoy ship named ‘Jeongsa-Kisun(正使 騎船)’ WRY was her length of about 30 meter, width of 9.5 meter, with a depth of 3.0 meter and deadweight of approximately 150 tons. This type of vessel compares favorably with the western ships of the `Schooner` type in the middle of the 18th century. During the period 1607 to 1811, diplomatic envoy fleets despatched from Korea to Japan 12 times in all, this was in order to promote diplomatic relationship between Korea and Japan. One envoy unit consists of about 500 persons: they left from Seoul to Busan on foot, Busan to Osaka by ship, and then Osaka to Tokyo on foot. For each visit sea transportation took about 2 months for a round voyage, and about 5 to 6 months for Land travel on the journey between Seoul to Tokyo. During the travelling in Japan, they experienced interchange with many Japanese people, even scholars. However, there had been many cultural exchanges in Japan with books, fine arts, medicines, music, acrobatics, etc. Thus Korea bestowed advanced cultures to Japan through these envoy visits and the envoy member`s activities. Many envoy members wrote various accounts relating to their travelling, both in the official reports and private diaries. But these lacked records on the envoy vessels, crew, the ship building records, and method of navigation. `Kyemisusarok` would now supply us with useful information about these facts.

조선 전기 對明 陸路使行의 형태와 실상

구도영 진단학회 2013 진단학보 Vol.- No.117

본 글은 조선 전기 對明 使行의 종류와 파견 횟수, 사행단의 구성과 여정, 그리고 북경에서 이루어지는 공식절차 및 비공식 외교 활동 등을 파악하여 조선 전기 대명 사행의 형태와 사행 활동의 실상을 이해하는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 조선의 대명외교가 사행을 통해 이루어졌으므로 사행의 구성과 형태에 대한 제도적 접근은 대명외교를 이해하는 데에 근간이 되며, 사행록을 통한 사행과정의 민낯을 확인하는 것은 당시 외교 활동의 실상을 보다 현실적이고 면밀하게 접근할 수 있는 계기를 마련한다는 점에서 주목된다. 사행은 크게 정기 사행인 節行과 비정기 사행인 別行으로 나뉜다. 특히 기존 연구에서는 節行 중에 冬至使가 中宗代에 추가되어 1年 3使에서 1年 4使로 이행되었다고 파악하여 왔다. 그러나 본 연구에서는 동지사는 추가된 것이 아니라, 정조사가 동지사로 대체된 것이므로 국초 이래의 1년 3사가 계속 유지되고 있었음을 확인하였다. 사행의 유형에 대한 면밀한 검토는 기본적인 사실 확인에서 그치는 것이 아니라 조선의 ‘사대’적 성격과 특징을 이해하는 주요한 전거가 되기 때문에 더욱 정확한 확인이 요구된다. 別行 파견은 국초 긴박했던 外交的 難題가 해결되고 進獻使 등이 폐지되자 15세기 후반 성종대 이후 급격히 감소하였다. 결국 조선은 사행을 더욱 많이 파견하고자 한 움직임이 없었으며, 오히려 16세기가 되면 사행파견이 15세기에 비해 절반 이하로 감소하였다. 사행단에는 正使, 副使, 書狀官의 三使臣을 중심으로 從事官, 從人, 護送軍으로 이루어졌다. 사행단은 외교문제 해결, 정보습득, 공무역 등 주요현안 해결과 통사의 중국어 능력을 배양하기 위한 조처가 안배되는 등 다양한 목적을 동시에 달성하기 위한 구성으로 이루어졌다. 사행단의 여정에 대한 구체적인 확인은 權橃의 『朝天錄』을 主本으로 하여 동 시기 여타의 『조천록』도 참고하였다. 사행단은 한양에서 압록강까지 국내 이동과정에서 각 지방의 감사, 판관, 수령, 찰방 등이 내알하여 베푸는 각종 연회와 성심스러운 대접를 받았으며, 각 지방의 관광지를 둘러보는 여유도 누렸다. 그렇지만 압록강을 건너 명 지역으로 들어가면 사정은 달라졌다. 사행단은 外國人으로서 스스로의 안위를 지켜야 했고, 驛舍의 피폐함으로 겨울에는 난방이 전혀 없는 곳에서 잠을 이루기도 하였으며, 각종 자연재해로 곤란을 겪기도 하였다. 또한 요동 관리들이 차량을 제 때 지급하지 않아 이들에게 뇌물을 바치면서 북경에 도달해야 했다. 어렵게 북경에 입성하면 조공국 사행단이 수행해야 할 공식 일정을 소화하였다. 사행단은 공식 절차를 치르는 가운데, 외교사안을 해결하는 데에 대부분의 시간을 할애하고 있었다. 양국의 공식적인 외교는 사대문서의 진상과 칙서의 화답이라는 외피로 이루어져 있었으나 조선의 사신들은 명의 문서를 마냥 기다리고만 있지 않았다. 그들은 조선의 이득에 부합하는 회답서를 받기 위해 명의 예부 관리들과 지속적으로 접촉하여 조선의 입장을 역설하였을 뿐만 아니라 조선에게 우호적인 朝鮮 出來 明使들의 집을 찾아가 조선의 외교문제가 잘 해결될 수 있도록 도움을 요청하였다. 명 예부 문서를 謄書해 와서 명 조정에서 논의되는 문서 내용을 꼼꼼하게 체크하며 수정사항을 요구하기도 하였다. 공식적인 외교는 양국의 문서 교환을 통해 이루어졌지만, 그 이면에는 원하는 회 ... The purpose of this article is to understand the types and historical facts of envoy activities to Ming dynasty in the early Joseon by examining the types and dispatch frequency of envoy, composition and journey of envoy and formal as well as informal diplomatic activities in Beijing. Envoy can be divided into periodic and non-periodic envoys. In particular, previous studies identified that Dongji envoy(冬至使) was added to previous 3 periodic envoys during Jungjong regime, which led to total 4 periodic envoy dispatch. However, Dongji envoy was not added to previous envoy dispatch. In fact, it replaced the existing Jeongjo envoy(正朝使). Thus, 3 envoy dispatch system had been maintained since the early period of Joseon. This is not only the basic truth of envoy but also indicates that the theories asserting Joseon attempted to expand envy dispatch along with the enhanced idealization of China in the 16th century should be modified. Non-periodic envoy was abruptly decreased during Seongjong regime in the late 15th century when the emergent diplomatic problems of early period were solved and the tributary envoy was abolished. Thus, there was no attempt to dispatch envoys more frequenty in Joseon. Instead, the frequency of envoy dispatch in the 16th century was less than half of those in the 15th century. An envoy team consisted of three envoys (Jeongsa(正使), Busa(副使), Seojanggwan(書狀官)), Jongsagwan(從事官), Jongin(從人) and convoy. The composition of envoy team was the combination of the missions such as solving diplomatic issues, information gathering and public trade and the measures to enhance Chinese language skills of the translators. To identify specific journey of envoy team, this article referred to 『Jocheonrok(朝天錄)』by Gwon Beol(權橃) and other similar 『Jocheonrok』at that time. During the domestic route from Hanyang(漢陽) to Aprok River(鴨綠江), the head officer of each local region provided various kinds of banquets and entertainments to consol the envoy team who would take a long journey to Beijing. The also provided the envoy team with the opportunity to visit famous attractions in their jurisdiction. However, once the envoy team entered into Ming territory crossing Aprok River, everything has changed. The envoy team has to protect themselves as foreigners and sometimes had to sleep without any heating because the posthouse condition was very poor. They sometimes suffered from natural disasters. In addition, the officers in Liadong region did not provide any vehicles timely so that they had to give bribes to obtain them for the journey. When they entered from the tough journey, they had to do formal schedules for a tributary envoy. While they fulfilled formal schedules, they spent most of times in solving diplomatic issues. Although the formal diplomacy of both countries appeared to consist of offering todayding documents and Royal letter for their return on its surface, there were many active lobbies of Joseon envoy to receive such Royal letters under the surface. In other words, Joseon envoys did not just passively wait for Ming's answer. They made active contacts with the officers in Yebu and appealed Joseon's position. They also visited Ming's high officers who had visited Joseon as Ming's envoy to ask for help to solve diplomatic issues smoothly. They even copied Ming's documents and checked how Joseon was discussed in Ming's government to ask for corrections, if any. Although the formal diplomacy was processed by exchanging formal documents between two countries, the key to problem-solving lied in the active lobbies and diplomatic activities of envoys and translators.

제 10차 朝鮮通信使 관련 자료 朝鮮人來聘記

이재정 국립중앙박물관 2014 미술자료 Vol.- No.86

This paper introduces a collection of historical materials related to Joseon-era Korean 10th envoy to Tokugawa Japan (第10次朝鮮通信使), which is in the possession of the National Museum of Korea. The 10th Korean envoy led by Hong Gyehui (洪啓禧), the chief delegate, in 1748 was sent to congratulate Ieshige Tokugawa (德川家重) on his appointment as shogun. This collection consists of three scrolls, one set of four books and one unmounted leaf. The first scroll (M2) depicts a ceremonial procession of members of Tsushima-han (對馬藩) who led the procession of Korean envoys. The second scroll (M3) shows the ceremonial procession of Korean envoys to Yodojo˗wCastle (淀城). The unmounted leaf depicts the reception of Korean envoys at Yodojo˗Castle. These three paintings are supplements to the Record of Korean Envoys to Tokugawa Japan (朝鮮人來聘記) recorded by Watanabe Zenyuemon Moriari (渡辺善友衛門守業), a lower samurai of Yodo-han (淀藩) who was in charge of preparing the reception for the Korean envoys. The set of four books, in the possession of the Library of the National Museum of Korea, records in detail the process of preparing the reception of the Korean envoys as well as the author’ observations of the envoys themselves. In particular, the fourth book even records the menu for the envoys. The last scroll depicts a scene of martial horsemanship, which was performed in front of the shogun at Edo. Although this scroll is not believed to be a part of the Record of Korean Envoys to Tokugawa Japan, it is still regarded as a historical source pertaining to Korean envoys to Tokugawa Japan. Upon investigation, these documents have been identified to be an exact copy of Watanabe’ originals. With the exception of the second scroll, the rest of the originals were deposited with the Kyoto City Archives of History by the owner, one of Watanabe’ descendants. It is unknown when and how these historical materials came into the possession of the National Museum of Korea. However, if we consider the fact that a copy, made in 1919, of the Record of Korean Envoys to Tokugawa Japan was in Kyoto University’ Library of the Graduate School of Letters around that time and that some Kyoto University researchers were working in the Government-General Museum of Korea around the same period, it is likely that the National Museum of Korea’ copy might have come into the museum’ possession during that period, when the copy in Kyoto University’ Library of the Graduate School of Letters was done. The fact that the Record of Korean Envoy to Tokugawa Japan and its supplementary pictures was based on the direct experiences and observations of someone who was in charge of preparing the reception as well as a participant makes this a rare collection of historical materials, and the National Museum of Korea’ copy possesses the same amount of importance as the original.

영조대 종반사신(宗班使臣)에 관한 일고(一考)

안소라 인문예술학회 2018 인문과 예술 Vol.- No.5

One of the outstanding features of dispatchings in the late Joseon Dynasty is that Jongban envoys were sent prominently. Although Jongbans had limited participation in domestic politics, they were able to participate as envoys in diplomacy. While the number of Jongbans decreased sharply in the late Joseon Dynasty, Jongban envoys increased even more, and the proportion of Jongban envoy dispatchings in the King Yeongjo period reached 70%. Moreover, since King Yeongjo’s time on the throne was 52 years, the number of envoy dispatching was not small. In other words, the study of Jongban envoys can be said to be important to know which Jongban was active at the time and what his accomplishments were. As a part of this study, I examined Jongbans who were active at that time by examining the reason why Jongban envoys were frequently dispatched, in which case Jongbans were appointed as envoys, and the pedigree of Jongbans who were dispatched as envoys in the King Yeongjo period. It was during the King Yeongjo period when both the Joseon Dynasty and the Qing Dynasty began to stabilize, so Jongbans were no longer sent as hostages, for political motives, or due to custom. Instead, King Yeongjo sent envoys for diplomatic purposes of showing great relationship. This was because of King Yeongjo’s past, which made the treatment of Jongban envoys in the Qing Dynasty more significance. According to the regulations for the envoy appointment in ‘Tongmungwanji(通文館志),’ there was no obligation to send Jongbans as envoys. However, the reason Jongban envoys were frequently sent in the late Joseon Dynasty was because they had a role to play. When ministers were unable to leave their posts or when there was a diplomatic matter that a Jongban envoy had dealt with capably before, Jongban envoys were sent. Because Jongbans were relatives of the king, they were given special treament and held greatest status in the Qing Dynasty court. Special treatment often included meeting the Qing Emperor directly. By sending the king’s relatives as envoys, the Joseon Dynasty was also able to show that the Qing Dynasty was being treated in a special way. According to the record of dispatches in the King Yeongjo period, 25 Jongbans were sent to 61 different posts. There were a few notable Jongban envoys including the descendants of King Seonjo’s 5th son Wonjong, his 7th son Inseong-gun, and his 12th son Inheung-gun. The rest of the Jongbans were adoptees from royal families who had no descendants. 조선 후기 사행(使行)에 눈에 띄는 특징은 종반사신(宗班使臣)이 두드러지게 차출되었다는 점이다. 종반은 국내의 정치에서는 참여가 제한되었지만, 외교에 있어서는 사신으로서 참여할 수 있었다. 후기로 갈수록 전체 종반의 수는 급격하게 줄어들지만, 오히려 종반사신은 더욱 증가해 영조대에 종반 파견의 비율은 70%에 이르렀다. 더구나 영조는 재위 기간이 52년이나 되므로 사행 횟수도 적지 않았다. 즉, 종반사신의 연구는 당시 어느 종반이 활동했었는지, 그리고 그가 이룬 성과는 무엇인지 알 수 있는 중요한 일이라고 할 수 있겠다. 본고에서는 이러한 연구의 일환으로 그 기초 작업인, 종반사신이 영조대에 빈번하게 차출된 까닭과 어떤 경우에 종반이 사신으로 임명되었는지, 그리고 영조대 차출된 종반의 가계를 살펴봄으로써 당시 활동한 종반을 알아보았다. 영조대는 조선과 청 모두 안정기에 접어든 시기였기 때문에, 청이 중국을 차지한 직후에 있었던 볼모로서의 이유가 아니었다. 또 그렇다고 정치적인 이유나 관행적으로 이루어진 것도 아니었다. 여기에는 영조의 출신이 연관되었으며, 그 때문에 종반에 대한 대우도 더욱 애틋하고 남달랐던 것이다. 『통문관지(通文館志)』의 사신 임명 규정을 보면, 사행에 반드시 종반을 보내야 할 의무는 없었다. 하지만 조선 후기에 빈번하게 종반사신을 차출한 것은 종반사신이 가지고 있던 역할이 있었기 때문이다. 대신(大臣)이 사정상 자리를 비울 수 없는 경우 대신해서 보내졌고, 해당 외교 사안을 종반사신이 이전에 사신으로 잘 수행했던 전례가 있을 때 임명되었다. 또, 왕의 친족이라는 종반의 신분도 종반사신의 역할을 특별하게 하였다. 종반사신이 청에 갈 경우 청은 황제가 직접 대면하는 등 특별히 대접하였고, 조선에서도 마찬가지로 청을 남달리 대하고 있다는 모습을 보일 수 있었다. 영조대 종반사신의 사행을 확인해본 결과 25명의 종반이 61회의 사행을 담당하였으며, 선조의 제5자 원종(元宗), 제7자 인성군(仁城君), 12자 인흥군(仁興君)의 후손이 영조대 종반사신으로 많이 임명되었고, 나머지의 종반사신의 경우는 후손이 없어서 양자로 입적된 집안이었다.

신라 中代의 唐 사신 영접 절차와 운용

최희준(Choi Hee-joon) 한국사연구회 2011 한국사연구 Vol.153 No.-

The process of receiving envoys from Tang China during the mid-Silla era can be summarized as follows. First. the king of Silla was made aware of the arrival of Tang envoys within Sill a territory. Thereafter. the king of Silla dispatched a welcome party to meet the envoy and safely escort him to the capital. Once the Tang envoy had arrived in an area on the outskirts of the capital. the king of Silla dispatched another envoy who was responsible for conducting a ceremony called kyoy?ng(郊迎) in which deference was shown to the envoy. The envoy was then put up in a guesthouse located in the capital. Once an appropriate date was selected. the king of Silla received an imperial edict from the Tang envoy. along with symbolic items (sinmul) which he received fromthe Tang emperor. After the envoy had completed his official schedule. he was provided with a memorial essay (p’omun) from the king of Silla as well as gifts to bring back to Tang.In addition to such exchanges of official documents and gifts between the two states. privategifts were also exchanged between the envoy of Tang and the king of Silla. Once all of this had been completed, the king of Sill a took measures to ensure that the Tang envoy returned safely home, travelling the same road he had taken to enter the capital of Silla. This process through which Tang envoys were received during the mid-Silla era was based on Confucian rites. In 651 (5th year of King Chind?k), Silla transformed the Y?nggaekch?n(Office of Ambassadorial Receptions). which was in charge of receiving foreign envoys. into the Y?nggaekpu(Ministry of Ambassadorial Receptions) a move that resulted in the quantitative and qualitative improvement of this institution’s roles and functions. This move was taken as part of the measures taken by Kim Ch’nch’ to introduce a Confucianism-based ruling ideology and establish the institutional basis during the reign of King Chind?k. As a result. a Confucian rites-based reception system was established in Silla for foreign envoys that eventually became accepted as the method of receiving Tang envoys. The Silla-Tang relationship during the mid-Silla period was managed based on the diplomatic principle of tribute-investiture. The king of Silla was viewed as a vassal of the Tang emperor. In this regard. Silla s reception system for Tang envoys was focused on rites related to a vassal state’s reception of envoys from the emperor. The reception system of Silla is characterized by its unique interpretation and management of the Confucian rite system based on its standing as a vassal state.