영어 역행 결속구문의 이동분석에 관한 연구

김경미(Kim Kyoung-mi),안동환(An Dong-hwan) 새한영어영문학회 2009 새한영어영문학 Vol.51 No.1

This study deals with backward binding constructions involving psych and causative verbs in English. It particularly focuses on what appear to be cases of backward anaphora that have raised several problems in the area of the binding theory, with concomitant violations of c-command and weak crossover. This study also discusses how movement out of the subject (or adjunct) is indeed possible in the backward binding constructions in English without violating the Condition on Extraction Domain (CED). This paper shows that it is possible to explain the relation of backward binding phenomena between the anaphora and their antecedents if we adopt a movement approach. This study shows that backward binding constructions are the residues of the overt sideward A-movement (Copy plus Merge) by the derivationa1 approach. However, it points out that sideward movement resulting in overgeneration, locality, and Minimal Link Condition would pose theoretical implications that have yet to be explained. Nonetheless, this paper argues that sideward movement without c-command relationship is an unavoidable necessity in order to derive the backward binding constructions successfully, showing that the subject (or adjunct) is not intrinsically an island and that the timing in a derivation decides whether the subject (or adjunct) is an island. Thus, this paper concludes that sideward movement provides the only viable approach to backward binding phenomena.

Remarks on English Non-Restrictive Relative Clauses

이재근,홍성심 한국영어학회 2015 영어학 Vol.15 No.4

Lee Jaekeun and Hong Sungshim. 2015. Remarks on English Non-Restrictive Relative Clauses. Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics 15-4, 639-662. The purpose of this paper is two folds: one is to examine the controversies among the existing research over the syntactic properties of English non-Restrictive Relative Clauses (hereafter, NRRCs) as opposed to Restrictive Relative Clauses (hereafter, RRCs). Secondly, the internal structure of English NRRCs is proposed in order to accommodate the disputes from the previous research such as Quirk, et. al. (1985), Borsley (1992, 1997), Smits (1988), McCawley (1998), Lobeck (2000), Huddleston & Pullum (2008), Vries (2002, 2006), Aoun & Li (2003), Arnold (2004), and Arnold & Borsely (2008), we argue that English NRRCs, unlike RRCs, are XP-adjuncts, (contra Lobeck 2000, Aarts 2001, 2008, among others), arriving at a conclusion that NRRC involves a discontinuous constituent. Furthermore, this Wh-CP in English NRRC enters into the syntactic derivation via Sidewards movement (hereafter, SM) in the sense of Hornstein (2001, 2009) in order to eventually form a single-rooted tree. The kind of architecture we advocate for English NRRC in this study is on a par with what Newson (2006) has argued for: English RRC is an X’-Adjunct and NRRC is an XP-Adjunct. Most of the troublesome properties that have long been discussed in literature receive a new analysis under the current study. For example, the obviation of WCO effect or ‘weakest crossover’ (Lasnik & Stowell 1991) observed in English NRRC, unlike in RRCs (Authier & Reed 2005), can be straightforwardly accounted for, if the two distinct structures are to be adopted. The theoretical implication of this proposal is that there are two types of adjuncts, one is X’ adjunct and the other is XP-adjunct, contra Hornstein (2009).

D-Linking Effects of Scrambling

Min Jegal(제갈민) 현대문법학회 2019 현대문법연구 Vol.102 No.-

This paper asks why scrambling is recognized as transparent movements in showing the remedy effect on the intervention phenomenon (e.g. LF -intervention effects, island effects, Weak Crossover effects). Focusing on the non-trivial fact that scrambling induces D-linked interpretation in wh -questions, I analyze scrambled elements with the same perspective to D-linked ones. When a wh -word is scrambled, as a D-linking effect, its base copy is inactive (incomplete before [+D] is realized) and its higher copy is active as the complete copy (complete at the outer vP,Spec or TP,Spec). Under this new analysis, we can account for well why scrambling across offending interveners is legitimate. Further, it provides a new perspective on scrambling.

국어의 어순 뒤섞기 현상과 형상성

김윤신 동남어문학회 2009 동남어문논집 Vol.1 No.28

The aim of this paper is to observe scrambling in Korean and suggest the configurationality of Korean. Scrambling reflects the free word order in Korean because Korean has case markers such as ‘i/ga'(‘이/가’), ‘eul/reul’ (을/를). This phenomenon can be classified into the local scrambling and the long-distance scrambling with syntactic and semantic restrictions. Also, this has the pragmatic functions such as topic and focus. The restrictions and functions of the Korean scrambling are related to the configurationality of Korean. Based on the Korean scrambling and its restrictions and functions, we can suggest that the Korean syntax has the flat VP structure with Topic slot and Focus slot in the upper nodes. This structure shows that the Korean syntax has the very close relation with pragmatic feature.

Scrambling and Parasitic Gaps in Korean

박종언 서강대학교 언어정보연구소 2019 언어와 정보 사회 Vol.37 No.-

The main aim of this paper is to answer long-standing questions surrounding parasitic gaps in Korean: First, does Korean have genuine parasitic gap constructions?; secondly, if there are PGCs in Korean, what kind of movement licenses PGs?; and third, do a PG and an real gap form a single chain or separate chains? We argue that Korean has not only an adjunct type but also a subject type of PGs, contra S. Park's(2018) view that only the latter type is available in the language. As for the second question, building on K.-H. Lee(1988, 1998), we maintain that it is scrambling that licenses PGs in both types of PGs, and that the operation must apply in those configurations to obviate weak crossover effects. Finally, we present data that support the non-separate chain view, namely that both real gaps and PGs are licensed by the same instance of scrambling. In particular, we adopt the sideward movement approach (Hornstein & Nunes 2002) as a viable way of deriving the properties of PGs in Korean under the non-separate chain view.

Scrambling and Parasitic Gaps in Korean

( Jong Un Park ) 서강대학교 언어정보연구소 2019 언어와 정보 사회 Vol.37 No.-

The main aim of this paper is to answer long-standing questions surrounding parasitic gaps in Korean: First, does Korean have genuine parasitic gap constructions?; secondly, if there are PGCs in Korean, what kind of movement licenses PGs?; and third, do a PG and an real gap form a single chain or separate chains? We argue that Korean has not only an adjunct type but also a subject type of PGs, contra S. Park's(2018) view that only the latter type is available in the language. As for the second question, building on K.-H. Lee(1988, 1998), we maintain that it is scrambling that licenses PGs in both types of PGs, and that the operation must apply in those configurations to obviate weak crossover effects. Finally, we present data that support the non-separate chain view, namely that both real gaps and PGs are licensed by the same instance of scrambling. In particular, we adopt the sideward movement approach (Hornstein & Nunes 2002) as a viable way of deriving the properties of PGs in Korean under the non-separate chain view.

Sub-denotationality as a Way of Accounting for English Wh-dependency

Gunsoo Lee 한국영미어문학회 2008 영미어문학 Vol.- No.87

  The purpose of this paper was to theoretically derive the precise conditions for long vs. local wh-dependencies in A-bar movements out of both wh- and strong islands. To accomplish this, two correlations were established among the novel notion of sub-denotationality, varying degrees of strength in non-local A-bar dependency, and barrier defiability: 1. Between two non-adjunct-marked wh-phrases A and B, A is regarded as being more narrowly sub-denotational than B if and only if the set from which the denotation of A comes is a subset of the set from which the denotation of B comes. The more narrowly sub-denotational a wh-phrase is, the longer & stronger the A-bar dependency. 2. Barrier Defiability: The more narrowly sub-denotational a wh-phrase is, the stronger the barrier defiability. It was also shown how the theory proposed in relation to the multi-way argument-adjunct contrasts can be extended to another local wh-dependency, namely, wco phenomena. The three-way contrasts of weak, weaker, and weakest effects were derived using the same notion of sub-denotationality: Between a wh-phrase (A) and an overt pronoun (B), if A locally binds B, B cannot be more narrowly sub-denotational than A. A locally binds B if and only if A is coindexed with and c-commands B, and there is no such C that does not bind A but binds B. A is regarded as being more narrowly sub-denotational than B if and only if the non-singleton set from which the denotation of A comes is a proper subset of the set from which the denotation of B comes. The wider the sub-denotationality gap between binder and bindee, the more optimal the local binding relation is.

Remarks on English Non-Restrictive Relative Clauses

Jaekeun Lee,Sungshim Hong 한국영어학회 2015 영어학 Vol.15 No.4

Sub-denotationality as a Way of Accounting for English Wh-dependency

이건수 한국영미어문학회 2008 영미어문학 Vol.- No.87

The purpose of this paper was to theoretically derive the precise conditions for long vs. local wh-dependencies in A-bar movements out of both wh- and strong islands. To accomplish this, two correlations were established among the novel notion of sub-denotationality, varying degrees of strength in non-local A-bar dependency, and barrier defiability: 1. Between two non-adjunct-marked wh-phrases A and B, A is regarded as being more narrowly sub-denotational than B if and only if the set from which the denotation of A comes is a subset of the set from which the denotation of B comes. The more narrowly sub-denotational a wh-phrase is, the longer & stronger the A-bar dependency. 2. Barrier Defiability: The more narrowly sub-denotational a wh-phrase is, the stronger the barrier defiability. It was also shown how the theory proposed in relation to the multi-way argument-adjunct contrasts can be extended to another local wh-dependency, namely, wco phenomena. The three-way contrasts of weak, weaker, and weakest effects were derived using the same notion of sub-denotationality: Between a wh-phrase (A) and an overt pronoun (B), if A locally binds B, B cannot be more narrowly sub-denotational than A. A locally binds B if and only if A is coindexed with and c-commands B, and there is no such C that does not bind A but binds B. A is regarded as being more narrowly sub-denotational than B if and only if the non-singleton set from which the denotation of A comes is a proper subset of the set from which the denotation of B comes. The wider the sub-denotationality gap between binder and bindee, the more optimal the local binding relation is.

Double Object Constructions in Korean : Asymmetry between Theme and Goal

Baek, Judy Yoo-Kyung,Lee, Jung-Mo 서울대학교 어학연구소 2004 語學硏究 Vol.40 No.3

Much of the generative studies on the double object constructions in English have shown that there exists an asymmetrical c-command relation between the Theme argument and the Goal argument: the Goal uniformly c-commands the Theme at D-structure. This paper attempts to prove that Korean also exhibits an asymmetric relation between the Theme and Goal in double object constructions, but it is the Theme that asymmetrically c-commands the Goal at D-structure in Korean.