베트남 학계의 남,북한 연구 동향 및 쟁점: -베트남 전쟁 시기(1954~1975년)를 중심으로

도미엔 ( Mien T. Do ) 이화사학연구소 2015 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.50

Following the end of the World War II, both Vietnam and Korean peninsula ware divided. Since the 1950s, South Korea (the Republic of Korea) and SouthVietnam (the Republic of Vietnam), North Korea (the Democratic People`s Republic of Korea) and North Vietnam (the Democratic Republic of Vietnam) started to establish official diplomatic relations. The Park Chung-Hee government from 1964 sent South Korean combating troops to Vietnam War battle fields and North Korea from this moment also started its assistance for Vietnam officially. This study examines and analyzes research trends in Vietnam so far on North and South Korea during the Vietnam War, which covers: ① South Korean participation in this war; ② North Korean assistance; and ? North-South Korean relationship. Firstly, the studies in Vietnam have formed discussion issues regarding the motivation of war participation, the fighting role on the battles and the results of sending South Korean troops to Vietnam. The views of Vietnamese academia are divided into "subjective" and "objective" motivations, that is to say South Korean government`s decision to dispatch troops to Vietnam was for national interest or followed the request by the US. The latter point of view is in fact in more accordance with the official standpoint of current Vietnamese government. It at last argues that the US was the one that took greater responsibility in sending South Korean combating troops to Vietnam. In reality, this point of view reflects the characteristics of the Vietnam War, at the same time reflects the current standpoint of Vietnam that the Vietnam War was indeed the "resistance war against the Americans." On the fighting role and the importance of South Korean troops, changes of perception are happening now among Vietnamese scholars. There exists research trend that recognize the importance of South Korean troops in the battle fields based on their special fighting and operating capacity. Yet while mentioning the combating process of South Korean troops, these researches could not overlook the main leading-commanding role of the US. Studies of the results of sending troops mainly focuses on analyzing the interests that South Korean government received by participating in the war, surrounding military-economic, South Korea-South Vietnamese relations, US-South Korean relations, and politico-social aspects. Most of the studies mention the negative consequences of South Korean participation in the Vietnam War, such as strained North-South Korean relations, the anti-war movement within Korean society and all over the world which South Korean government had to face. Among the consequences that mentioned, the worst can be said the civilian massacres done by South Korean army during the Vietnam War. This has been seen leaving painful marks for Vietnam and the darkest chapters in the history of Vietnam-Korean relations. Secondly, this study analyzes the issue of assistance from North Korea during the Vietnam War, starting from the moment of formation of the solidarity community spirit between North Korea and North Vietnam. Through the books published since the 1950s, we are able to see North Vietnam`s interest in the Korean War which left lessons and experiences for Vietnam, at the same time the characteristic of North Korea-North Vietnam relationship at the moment ? the Anti-American solidarity community spirit and Socialist solidarity community spirit. It was during the period of formation of the solidarity community spirit that North Korea paid attention to the Vietnam War and started to assist North Vietnam since the mid-1960s. In Vietnam in 2000 appeared researches on the assistance of North Korea and the dispatch of its air-force to North Vietnam. It can be argued that the announcement of North Korean assistance by Vietnamese government was thanks to the improvement of North Korea-North Vietnam relationship at the moment (follows Vietnam War`s end, the relationship between the two countries was worsen). In general, researches on the assistance by North Korea to Vietnam so far remain limited. Thus, the clarification of North Korea-China-North Vietnam relations with macro-level approach, as well as digging up material sources from the Vietnam side with micro-scope approach, is truly needed. Last but not least, to be brief, the research results in Vietnam on the North-South Korean relations during the Vietnam War affirm that the opposition and complexity of North-South Korean relations was stemmed from both inside and outside factors, especially the dependence on great powers. Among the outside factors that influenced the division of the Korean peninsula, current Vietnamese point of view sees the role of the US as crucial. In fact, with the perspective that the origin of the Vietnam War was due to US containment strategy in Asia, the division of Korean peninsula was seen in the same standpoint by Vietnamese scholars. Moreover, Vietnam - whose unification was achieved after a long resistance war - is insisting that the issue of division and unification of North-South Korea could only be achieved in a peaceful way.

남북 관계의 성찰과 발전방향 모색

주봉호 한국통일전략학회 2014 통일전략 Vol.14 No.4

This paper reviews South Korea’s previous governmental policies to North Korea and the dynamics of South Korea-North Korea relations. Then, it investigates future policy options of South Korea to North Korea. Specifically, the distinctions between policies to North Korea by Dae-jung Kim/ Moo-hyun Rho and by Geun-hye Park, and the changes caused by the shifts in policies are explicated. Potential future North Korea policies directed by Geun-hye park are discussed. This study offers following conclusions on future directions of South Korea-North Korea relations. Taking divergence among public opinions collectively, the current South Korean government needs to establish sustainable North Korea policies. The issue of nuclear disarmament in Korea is not likely resolved in short term, thus it requires a long-term perspective. Reestablishing the South-North Korea economic cooperation and the Mt. Kumkang tour route, the South Korean government can pursue simultaneous improvements in both South-North Korea relationships and North Korea-US relationships. While meeting all the above conditions is complicated, the South Korean government needs to actively engage with improvements in relationships with North Korea. Implementing “Korean Peninsula Trust Process” in a substantive manner, the South Korean government may direct North Korea to participate in the global community. South Korea-North Korea economic cooperation is going to mitigate arms race and eventually leads to a peace regime, ameliorating paradoxes embedded in the separation between South and North Korea. 본 연구는 역대 남한 정부의 대북정책과 남북관계의 변화를 고찰한 다음 새로운 남북관계를 정립하기 위한 남한의 대북정책 방향을 검토해 보는데 목적이 있다. 구체적으로 그동안 김대중·노무현 정부와 이명박 정부의 대북정책의 차이점과 이로 인한 대북관계의 변화를 설명하고, 박근혜 정부가 나아가야 할 정책방향을 모색하고 있다. 따라서 이글은 남북관계의 방향을 다음과 같이 결론으로 마무리 하고 있다. 현 정부는 남남갈등이 심화된 상황에서 광범위하게 국민적 여론을 수렴해 정권교체와 관계없이 지속 가능한 대북정책을 만들어낼 수 있도록 힘을 쏟아야 한다. 북핵문제 해결을 통한 한반도비핵화는 단기간에 해결할 수 있는 과제가 아니라 장기적인 시간을 필요로 한다는 인식을 가질 필요가 있다. 또 정부는 남북경협과 금강산관광 재개를 통해 남북대화를 복원함으로써 남북관계와 북미관계가 선순환구조로 동시에 발전할 수 있도록 노력해야 한다는 것이다. 이러한 조건들을 모두 충족하기는 어렵지만, 남한 정부는 북한을 안정적으로 관리하면서 남북관계를 개선해 나가는 적극적인 대북정책을 추진해 나가는 것이 바람직하다. 박근혜정부의 대북정책인 ‘한반도 신뢰프로세스’를 계속 가동하여 북한으로 하여금 국제사회의 일원으로 나설 수 있도록 적극 유도할 필요가 있다. 남북한간 경제 협력은 남북한의 이질적인 체제를 그대로 둔 채 소모적인 군비경쟁을 종식시키고 평화를 정착시키는 데 기반이 될 뿐만 아니라 분단으로 인해 심화된 남북한 체제가 안고 있는 모순을 완화, 해결하는 데도 긴요하다는 것을 강조하고 있다.

남북관계의 현황과 과제에 따른 발전방향 : 이명박 정부의 출범 이후를 중심으로

하영애,윤황 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2011 평화학연구 Vol.12 No.3

The purpose of this study is to seek the developmental direction for the relations of North and South Korea by analyzing the current situation and problems between the two. The findings of this study are summarized as follows. First, in general, a firm confrontation rather than reconciliation and cooperation is prominent in the relations of North and South Korea since the launching of Lee Myung-bak's government. Specifically two patterns, the phase of determined confrontation and the phase of moderate exploration, has been repeated in the area of contact and dialogue between the two Koreas. In the aspect of the economic exchanges and cooperations for two Koreas, the outstanding issues are the crisis of three major economic cooperations, restrictions of trade between North and South Korea, and the deepening of North's dependence on the Chinese economy. Second, the outstanding issues to resolve in the relations of North and South Korea are the recurrence of the political and military tensions, the restrictions of the transportations, telecommunications, and customs for economic cooperation, the overdue recovering the national homogeneity and mutual trust, and the structurization of confrontation and cooperation. Regarding the above mentioned issues, the most important and basic tasks are the resuming the six party talks for solving the North's nuclear issue and the reopening the dialogues between North and South Korea. Third, the desirable developmental directions for the relations of North and South Korea are to build a structure for upgrading the relations from tension to cooperation, to promote the trade and economic cooperation, and to spread the awareness of national homogeneity and mutual trust. To conclude, the relations of North and South Korea since the launching of Lee Myung-bak's government has been altered its direction to extremes such as conflict and distrust, severance and confrontation rather than reconciliation and trust, exchange and cooperation. Even if there are so many problems accumulated to work on between North and South Korea, the first priority should be given to reconciliation and trust, exchange and cooperation over conflict and distrust, severance and confrontation in order to accomplish the dream of unified Korea. 본 연구의 목적은 이명박(李明博) 정부의 출범이후 2011년 현재까지 남북관계의 현황과 특징을 분석하여 남북관계의 해결과제와 발전방향을 모색하는 데에 두고 있다. 그에 따라 본 연구의 분석결과는 다음과 같이 요약된다. 첫째, 이명박 정부의 출범이후 2011년 현재까지 남북관계의 현황과 특징에서는 남북접촉ㆍ대화 분야의 남북관계가 전반적으로 ‘강경대결국면’과 ‘온건탐색국면’을 오가는 패턴을 반복하면서 전반적으로 ‘화해협력’보다 ‘강경대결’로 진행되고 있다는 점, 남북경제교류ㆍ협력 분야의 남북관계는 남북경협3대사업의 위기, 남북교역의 한계, 북한경제의 중국경제의존도 심화를 보이고 있다는 점을 분석했다. 둘째, 남북관계의 해결과제에서 기본적 해결과제는 정치적·군사적 긴장관계의 재발문제, 경제교류협력관계의 3통(통행, 통관, 통신)제한문제, 사회문화교류의 남북 간 상호신뢰와 민족동질성 회복문제, 남북관계의 ‘대결’과 ‘협력’ 구도화문제 등이 지적되었다. 이의 과제들과 동시에 연계된 당면 해결과제는 북핵문제 해결의 6자회담재개문제, 북한의 천안함・연평도도발사건 사과문제, 북한의 대남전략문제, 남한의 대북전략문제, 남북상호신뢰회복문제 등이라고 보면서 현재 남북관계의 가장 중요한 기본적이고 당면한 해결과제는 크게 북핵문제 해결과 관련된 6자회담의 재개문제, 한반도 통일을 위한 남북관계 발전과 관련된 남북대화의 재개문제로 정리하였다. 셋째, 남북관계의 과제들을 해결하기 위해 한국정부의 정책차원에서 향후 남북관계가 적극 발전되는 방향을 제안하였고, 이명박 정부의 출범 이후 현재까지 장기적 경색구도에 처해 있는 남북관계의 과제들을 해결하고 남과 북이 장차 한반도 통일의 길로 들어서기 위한 남북관계의 발전방향은 정치적·군사적 긴장관계를 협력관계로 구축시키는 남북관계 개선의 제도화 구축, 남북교역과 남북경협사업의 적극적 진행, 상호신뢰와 민족동질성 회복의 의식과 인식 확산 등에 주력할 것을 제안하였다. 결론적으로, 본 연구의 분석결과를 종합하여 이명박 정부의 출범 이후 2011년 현재까지 남북관계는 ‘화해와 신뢰회복, 교류와 협력’보다 ‘갈등과 불신, 단절과 대결’로 치달았다고 총평하였다. 그에 따라 비록 남북관계의 발전을 위한 해결과제들이 산재ㆍ누적돼 있으며 이의 해결방향도 아직도 험준한 계곡 속에서 미로를 해매고 있는 상황이지만, 우리가 통일코리아의 꿈을 이루기 위해 ‘화해와 신뢰회복, 교류와 협력’이 ‘갈등과 불신, 단절과 대결’ 보다 우선시되고 우위에 서는 남북관계의 통일ㆍ대북정책 선택에 적극 나서야 한다고 주장하였다

베트남 학계의 남ㆍ북한 연구 동향 및 쟁점: 베트남 전쟁 시기(1954~1975년)를 중심으로

DOTHANHTHAOMIEN 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2015 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.50

Following the end of the World War II, both Vietnam and Korean peninsula ware divided. Since the 1950s, South Korea (the Republic of Korea) and SouthVietnam (the Republic of Vietnam), North Korea (the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) and North Vietnam (the Democratic Republic of Vietnam) started to establish official diplomatic relations. The Park Chung-Hee government from 1964 sent South Korean combating troops to Vietnam War battle fields and North Korea from this moment also started its assistance for Vietnam officially. This study examines and analyzes research trends in Vietnam so far on North and South Korea during the Vietnam War, which covers: ① South Korean participation in this war; ② North Korean assistance; and ➂ North-South Korean relationship. Firstly, the studies in Vietnam have formed discussion issues regarding the motivation of war participation, the fighting role on the battles and the results of sending South Korean troops to Vietnam. The views of Vietnamese academia are divided into “subjective” and “objective” motivations, that is to say South Korean government’s decision to dispatch troops to Vietnam was for national interest or followed the request by the US. The latter point of view is in fact in more accordance with the official standpoint of current Vietnamese government. It at last argues that the US was the one that took greater responsibility in sending South Korean combating troops to Vietnam. In reality, this point of view reflects the characteristics of the Vietnam War, at the same time reflects the current standpoint of Vietnam that the Vietnam War was indeed the “resistance war against the Americans.” On the fighting role and the importance of South Korean troops, changes of perception are happening now among Vietnamese scholars. There exists research trend that recognize the importance of South Korean troops in the battle fields based on their special fighting and operating capacity. Yet while mentioning the combating process of South Korean troops, these researches could not overlook the main leading-commanding role of the US. Studies of the results of sending troops mainly focuses on analyzing the interests that South Korean government received by participating in the war, surrounding military-economic, South Korea-South Vietnamese relations, US-South Korean relations, and politico-social aspects. Most of the studies mention the negative consequences of South Korean participation in the Vietnam War, such as strained North-South Korean relations, the anti-war movement within Korean society and all over the world which South Korean government had to face. Among the consequences that mentioned, the worst can be said the civilian massacres done by South Korean army during the Vietnam War. This has been seen leaving painful marks for Vietnam and the darkest chapters in the history of Vietnam-Korean relations. Secondly, this study analyzes the issue of assistance from North Korea during the Vietnam War, starting from the moment of formation of the solidarity community spirit between North Korea and North Vietnam. Through the books published since the 1950s, we are able to see North Vietnam’s interest in the Korean War which left lessons and experiences for Vietnam, at the same time the characteristic of North Korea-North Vietnam relationship at the moment – the Anti-American solidarity community spirit and Socialist solidarity community spirit. It was during the period of formation of the solidarity community spirit that North Korea paid attention to the Vietnam War and started to assist North Vietnam since the mid-1960s. In Vietnam in 2000 appeared researches on the assistance of North Korea and the dispatch of its air-force to North Vietnam. It can be argued that the announcement of North Korean assistance by Vietnamese government was thanks to the improvement of North Korea-North Vietnam relationship at the moment (follows Vietnam War’s end, the relat...

시진핑 시대 중국의 국가전략과 한반도 정책 연관성 연구: 미중·북중·한중 관계의 상호작용을 중심으로

이재영 계명대학교 국제학연구소 2023 국제학논총 Vol.38 No.-

본 연구의 목적은 시진핑 시기 국가전략과 한반도 정책의 연관성을 파악하기 위해 쟁점을 도출하고, 이러한 쟁점 속에서 미중관계, 한중관계, 북중관계의 상호작용을 분석하는 것이다. 시진핑 시대 국가전략의 쟁점인 북핵 문제 속에서 미중 전략경쟁이 북중 관계에 미치는 영향을 살펴보고, 대만 문제를 통해 미중 전략경쟁과 한중 관계의 연관성을 고찰한다. 그리고 동아시아 지역 안보에 대한 분석을 통해 한미동맹의 강화와 한중관계 사이의 상호작용을 살펴보고, 신냉전 구도 속 북중러와 한미일의 진영 대립을 고찰한다. 한반도 정책의 쟁점인 한반도 3원칙과 쌍중단·쌍궤병행을 분석하면서 중국이 북한을 두둔할 때 사용하는 북한의 합리적 안보 우려 해결이 한반도 비핵화 목표를 대체할 수 있는지와 기존 한반도 문제 해법의 한계와 대안 모색 가능성을 살펴본다. 그리고 대북 제재 완화와 중국의 역할론을 고찰함으로써 미중 전략경쟁 속 북중 밀착의 의미를 분석한다. 마지막으로 한국의 중국 배제 소다자주의 참여가 한중관계에 미치는 영향을 살펴본다. 결론적으로 도출된 쟁점을 분석한 결과, 미중 전략경쟁은 주로 북중관계와 한중관계에 영향을 미치고, 한미동맹 강화와 한미일 협력 역시 한중관계 및 북중관계와 상호작용을 일으킨다. The purpose of this study is to derive important issues in order to understand the relationship between grand strategy and Korean Peninsula policy during the Xi Jinping period, and to analyze the interaction between US-China, South Korea-China, and North Korea-China relations within these issues. This paper examines the impact of U.S.-China strategic competition on North Korea-China relations amidst the North Korean nuclear issue during the Xi Jinping era, and explains the connection between U.S.-China strategic competition and South Korea-China relations through the Taiwan issue. Through analysis of regional security in East Asia, this study examines the strengthening of the ROK-US alliance and the interaction between South Korea-China relations, and explains the confrontation between North Korea-China-Russia and South Korea-US-Japan in the new Cold War structure. In terms of the issue of Korean Peninsula policy, this paper analyzes China’s three principles on the Korean Peninsula and dual suspension/dual track parallelism policies, whether resolving North Korea’s reasonable security concerns that China uses when protecting North Korea can replace the goal of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, and the limitations and alternatives of existing solutions to the Korean Peninsula problem. And by examining the easing of sanctions against North Korea and China’s role, the meaning of North Korea-China closeness in the US-China strategic competition is explained. Lastly, this study examines the impact of South Korea’s participation in the small groups excluding China, led by the United States. on South Korea-China relations. In conclusion, in these issues, the strategic competition between the US and China mainly affects North Korea-China relations and South Korea-China relations, and the strengthening of the ROK-US alliance and South Korea-US-Japan cooperation also interact with South Korea-China relations and North Korea-China relations.

1970년대 초 남북대화의 종합적 분석 ―남북관계와 미중관계, 남북한 내부 정치의 교차점에서―

홍석률 이화여자대학교 이화사학연구소 2010 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.40

Recently declassified documents showed that the rapprochement between the United States and People's Republic of China in the early 1970s had seriously influenced on Inter-Korean talks. Kissinger and Zhou En-lai had wide range of discussions on Korea issues including withdrawal of US troops in South Korea, peace treaty, and debates on Korea in United Nations. U.S.-PRC talks influenced on every important turning point of two Koreas' talks such as the initiation of the talks, the building of secret communication channel between top leaders of two Koreas, and declaration of North-South Korea for Unification in July 4, 1972. However, it dose not mean that two major powers had unilateral influence on two Koreas to develop inter-Korean talks. North and South Korean governments responded to the sweeping change of international relations in East Asia, U.S.-PRC rapprochement, with their own initiative and purpose. In this context, inter-Korean talks could have some linkage with U.S.-PRC relations at the time. Even though two Koreas' governments started inter-Korean talks to react to the international change, two leaderships in North-South Koreas also utilized inter-Korean talks for internal politics. Park Chung-hee in the South built Yushin Sytem to prolong his presidency permanently. In the North Korea, Kim Jung-il emerged as a successor during inter-Korean talks. These changes of internal politics in two Koreas made harmful effect on inter-Korean talks. Since starting of 1973, inter-Korean negotiations were at an impasse. Two Korean government did not showed sincerity on negotiations. Simultaneously discussions on Korea between US and PRC were at a stand still in the early 1973. Finally inter-Korean talks suspended in August, 1973. Futhermore, modification of diplomatic policies of two Koreas caused to impasse inter-Korean talks. South Korea proposed simultaneous affiliation of North-South Koreas to UN in July 23, 1973 but North Korea which clearly had opposed this idea rejected the proposal from the South and condemned South Korea for its pursuing of permanent division of country. North Korea pursued direct contact with the US for peace treaty but the US had no intention to have direct talks with North Korea without any linkage with inter Korean relations and US-PRC relations. Eventually, two Koreas failed to link harmoniously their inter-Korean policies and diplomatic policies. It became one of reasons for termination of inter-Korean talks in the early 1970s.

Russian Influence on North Korea: Views of Former South Korean Ambassadors to Russia

( Doug J Kim ) 한국국방연구원 2012 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.24 No.3

Russia and North Korea have a historical relationship dating back to the beginning of the Pyongyang regime. The former Soviet Union had participated in the Korean War and its Air Force supported the communist forces on the ground. Moscow was the major donor in the reconstruction of postwar North Korea. The North Korean nuclear program had been initiated with Soviet equipment and training of nuclear scientists. Russia is a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. All of these factors make Russia one of the countries with the most influence over North Korea. However, after Moscow had established diplomatic relations with the Republic of Korea in 1990, there were ups and downs in the relations between Russia and North Korea. First, the period from 1990 to 1995was the worst time for Russia-North Korea relations. Second, Russia`s influence was regained after the new treaty on Friendship, Good-Neighborly Relations and Cooperation with the North was signed. Moreover, the first trip for a Russian leader, Vladimir Putin, to North Korea was made in 2000. Third, since the beginning of the second North Korean nuclear crisis in 2002, Russia became an active participant in the Six-Party Talks. Russia realized that a balanced diplomacy toward the two Koreas works better for the interests of Russia rather than the pro-South Korean stance in the first few years of the early 1990s. In the 2000s, the overall relationship between Moscow and Pyongyang has improved. The railway connections of the TSR and TKR, and the construction of oil and gas pipelines through the Korean peninsula have been under discussion among Russia, North Korea, and South Korea. However, the process has been slow. The author has inter viewed the former South Korean ambassadors to Russia in order to gain first-hand knowledge of Russia-North Korean relations. As to the overall Moscow-Pyongyang relations, the author shares the same views as the Russian experts about South Korea. However, they emphasized one particular point. North Korea`s debt to Russia. This was an issue that was rarely discussed in South Korea. In June 2012, Russia announced that 90 percent of the North Korean debt could possibly be written off. If the Russian initiative is approved, North Korea could join and initiate new projects with Russia. The Seoul government should be able to join the trilateral cooperation among Russia, North Korea, and South Korea. The Ambassadors` advice needs to be taken seriously.

북한의 도전 : 배경, 전망, 한국의 대응

구본학(Bon-Hak Koo) 고려대학교 일민국제관계연구원 2009 국제관계연구 Vol.14 No.2

이명박 정부의 지속된 대화 제의에도 불구하고 북한은 대화를 거부하고 있으며, 장거리 미사일 시험발사와 2차 핵실험으로 남북관계와 미북관계를 더욱 경색시키고 있다. 북한이 강경노선을 견지하고 있는 이유는 이명박 정부의 대북정책 수정을 요구하는 대남용, 오바마 행정부와의 협상에서 유리한 입장 확보를 위한 대미용, 후계체제 구축을 위한 내부결속용, 그리고 체제안전을 보장하기 위한 핵 보유용 등으로 분석할 수 있다. 과거 10년간 8조 원에 달하는 공식적 대북지원도 북한을 변화시키는 데는 실패하였다. 김정일 정권에 대한 무조건적인 지원은 북한 주민의 고통을 연장시킬 뿐이며, 남북관계의 발전에도 바람직하지 않다. 북한을 근본적으로 변화시킬 수 있는 정책이 필요하다. 이를 위해서는 북한의 핵포기를 유도하는 정책, 북한을 개혁과 개방으로 유도하는 정책, 그리고 분배의 투명성이 보장되는 인도적 지원을 추진해야 한다. 상기 세 가지 원칙을 견지해야만 북한의 변화를 기대할 수 있을 것이다. North Korea has refused to talk with South Korea since the Lee Myung-bak administration inaugurated in February 2008. Moreover, it launched long-range missile and exploded second nuclear bomb in April and May 2009 respectively. North Korea’s hard-line policy toward South Korea and the United States can be interpreted by four different aspects: (a) to put pressure on the Lee Myung-bak administration to change its North Korea policy, the so-called “denuclearization, opening, and 3000”; (b) to obtain more desirable position in negotiations with the United States in dealing with its nuclear issue; (c) to consolidate its domestic politics for a stable power succession; and (d) to make its nuclear bomb a fait accompli. Though South Korea provided 6.9 billion dollars officially for the past 10 years under the “Sunshine Policy,” it failed to change North Korea. Unconditional assistance to the Kim Jong Il regime will not only prolong sufferings of North Koreans, but also affect negatively on long-term North-South relations. Therefore, South Korea’s North Korea policy must be a policy that can change fundamental system of North Korea. It must be a policy that can lead denuclearization of North Korea, that can lead reform and opening of North Korea, and that can guarantee transparency in distribution of humanitarian aids. Otherwise, it is impossible to expect changes in North Korea.

South Korea’s Progressives and North Korean Human Rights

Suh, Bo Hyuk Ewha Institute of Unification Studies 2012 Journal of peace and unification Vol.2 No.2

It is necessary to clarify the reality and misunderstandings of South Korea’s progressive groups’ silence on North Korean human rights for a precise evaluation of the human rights policy of South Korea. It is a fact that some of the pro-North nationalist groups have interpreted the concern for North Korean human rights issue as a political offensive and have been silent. However, it is a misunderstanding that all of the progressive forces are negligent on the North Korean human rights issue, and a rather unfair criticism. Excluding the extreme faction, the pro-North National Liberation (NL) group, South Korea’s progressive forces have continuously recognized the seriousness of the North Korean human rights situation, the North Korean government’s responsibility, and the constructive role of South Korea’s progressive forces. The progressive forces therefore have a lot to do. For this, South Korea’s progressives have to 1) recognize in the universal perspective that North Korean human rights is part of the human rights situation on the Korean Peninsula, 2) construct a realistic North Korean human rights improvement roadmap taking into consideration the situation in North Korea and the changing South-North Korean relations, and 3) actively develop international cooperation.

북미관계와 한반도 평화체제: 역사적 고찰

신욱희 한국정치외교사학회 2012 한국정치외교사논총 Vol.33 No.2

This paper explores historical cases in which official or substantial attempts to improve North Korean-US relations were made, and tries to find their relevance in terms of the discussion of a peace system on the Korean peninsula. These cases include 1) North Korea’s proposal of a North Korean-US peace treaty in 1974; 2) The US proposal of trilateral (South Korea-North Korea-the US) talks in 1979; 3) North Korea’s proposal of trilateral talks in 1984; 4) the consideration of crossrecognition within the Northern Policy in 1989; 4) the attempt to improve North Korean-US relations through the Geneva Accord in 1994; 5) North Korean-US talks during the Perry process in 1999. The main questions of the paper are as follows: Under what conditions and intentions were the contacts made?; What were the factors progressing or regressing the talks?; What roles South Korea’s policies towards the US and North Korea played?; How were North Korean-US relations related to peace system issues? The main variables in the analysis are the connection with US-China relations, North-South Korean relations, and South Korean-US relations; the problems of real party rules and US troops in South Korea; the domestic politics of North Korea, the US and South Korea; the matter of threat perception; and the prediction of North Korean regime survival. The paper deals with six cases under the consideration of these questions and variables, and concludes with implications these historical/comparative examination could provide for the present situation and South Korea’s policy decisions. 이 논문은 북미관계의 개선이 형식적, 혹은 실질적으로 모색되었던 역사적 사례에 대한 고찰을 통해서 그것이 한반도 평화체제의 논의에 주는 시사점을 찾아보는 것을 그 목적으로 한다. 다루어지는 사례는 1) 1974년 북한의 북미평화협정 제의; 2) 1979년 미국의 3자(남북미)회담 제의; 3) 1984년 북한의 3자회담 제의; 4) 1989년 북방정책 추진 시 교차승인 고려; 5)1994년 제네바 합의 시 북미관계 개선 모색; 6) 1999년 페리 프로세스 추진 시 북미대화 등의 여섯 사례이다. 논문에서 제기되는 핵심 질문은 다음과 같다. 어떠한 조건과 의도에서접촉이 이루어졌는가? 대화와 협상의 진전과 교착 원인은 무엇이었는가?한국의 대북/대미정책은 어떠한 역할을 하였는가? 북미관계와 평화체제의문제는 어떻게 연결되고 있는가? 이와 관련된 주요 요인으로는 미중관계,남북한 관계, 한미관계와의 연관성, 당사자 원칙과 주한미군 문제, 북한,미국, 한국의 국내정치적 변화, 위협인식에 대한 논의, 냉전 이후 북한정권의 생존에 대한 예측의 문제 등이 있다. 본론에서는 이와 같은 질문과 관련요인을 바탕으로 각 사례에 대한 서술과 분석이 행해지며, 결론에서는 이러한 역사적/비교적 검토가 현재의 한반도 상황과 한국의 정책적 선택의문제에 주는 의미에 대한 고찰이 이루어진다.