한국전쟁기 남북한 만화삐라의 프로파간다 성격비교

이재웅,윤기헌 한국애니메이션학회 2020 애니메이션연구 Vol.16 No.2

The 20th century was an era of propaganda. Fascist, communist, and even the liberalist camp used propaganda to glamorize the ruling power or ideologies. Rulers recruited artists to make exaggerated slogans as realistic as possible using propaganda techniques but exaggerated unrealistic portrayals with heroic characters led to unpersuasive images that ultimately failed. During the Korean War, propaganda was still the vanguard of the ideological conflict between the North and South. Talented artists were force fed Cold War mentality and turned into new propagandists who became hostile towards each other. Propaganda during the Korean War unfolded around comic propaganda bills. Comic propaganda bills were produced under the strict instructions and controls of the superior authorities both in North and South Koreas, but there were differences in the method of expression as well as in the attitudes in using the medium of comics between the North and the South. While South’s comic propaganda bills accepted the artistic expressiveness such as wit, humor, metaphors, etc. of the artist as much as possible and used these elements actively, comic propaganda bills from the North were only focused on depicting the party’s orders accurately and did not expect other factors as comics. Because of such perceptive differences, in the South, comic propaganda bills not only had propaganda effects but became the foundation of the development of the comics industry before and after the Korean War. In this sense, comic propaganda bills during the Korean War period became an extremely useful propaganda medium for the South, whereas comic propaganda bills in the North were quite ineffective as propaganda. After the Korean War, the collective propaganda sector became more developed and the role of comics was reduced for mainly children in the North. In the South however, the tradition of entertainment comics grew, advancing to a new platform called webtoons. This study will conduct a comparative analysis of the characteristics ofcomic propaganda bills during the Korean War which brought about significant differences in the formation of comics culture in North and South Koreas, and take a detailed look at how propaganda mediums were used during the Korean War by the two countries. The valuable experience gained from the above research has clearly shown that a more superior social system is not an oppressive society that forces artists to produce propaganda, but a society that provides an environment where creativity can be exercised more freely. 이십 세기는 프로파간다의 시대였다. 파시즘이든 공산주의든, 심지어 자유주의 진영에서조차도 지배 권력이나 이념을 미화하기 위한 방법으로 프로파간다를 이용했다. 과장된 구호를 프로파간다 기법으로 현실감 있게 극대화시키기 위해 지배자들은 예술가들을 동원하였지만 영웅적인 캐릭터로 과장된 비현실적인 묘사는오히려 설득력이 부족한 그림으로 전락하고 말았다. 한국전쟁기에도 여전히 프로파간다는 남북한 이념대결의선봉장이었다. 뛰어난 예술가들은 냉전적 사고방식을 주입받고 서로를 적대시하는 새로운 프로파간다 선전원들로 변해 갔다. 한국전쟁기의 프로파간다는 만화삐라를 중심으로 전개되었다. 만화삐라는 남북한 모두 상부의 엄격한 지시와 통제를 받으며 제작되었지만, 그 속에서도 표현방법의 차이가 있었고 만화매체를 활용하는 남북한의 태도에도 많은 차이가 있었다. 남한의 만화삐라는 만화가의 재치나 유머, 은유 등의 예술적 표현력을 최대한수용하고 이를 적극적으로 활용해 나간 반면, 북한은 당의 지시를 정확히 그려내는 것 이외에 다른 만화의 역할은 기대하지 않았다. 그런 인식 차이 때문에 남한에서는 만화삐라를 통해 선전효과를 거두었을 뿐 아니라 한국전쟁기가 전후(戰後)의 만화산업이 발전하는 기반으로 작용되었다. 그런 점에서 한국전쟁기의 만화삐라는 남한에게는 아주 유용한 프로파간다 매체가 되었고, 북한에게는 프로파간다로서의 역할이 다소 부족하였다. 한국전쟁 이후 북한에서는 집체 선전화 분야가 더 발달하며 만화는 어린이용 정도로 역할이 축소된 반면, 남한에서는오락만화의 전통이 성장하며 웹툰이라는 새로운 플랫폼을 발전시키는 결과로 이어졌다. 이 연구에서는 남북한의 만화문화 형성에 큰 차이를 가져온 한국전쟁기 만화삐라의 특성을 비교 분석하여 남북한이 한국전쟁기에서프로파간다 매체를 어떻게 활용하였는지를 구체적으로 밝혀 보고자 한다. 이상의 연구를 통해 얻은 소중한 경험은 더 우월한 사회체제라는 것이 예술가들에게 프로파간다 제작을 강요하는 억압적인 사회가 아니라 더 자유롭게 창의성을 발휘할 수 있는 환경을 제공하는 사회라는 것을 명확하게 이해하게 된 것이다.

한국전쟁기 북한에서 미술인의 전쟁 수행 역할에 대한 연구

조은정 미술사학연구회 2008 美術史學報 Vol.- No.30

This essay examines North Korean art as part of the preparation for the Korean War, which North Korea had been geared for since Kim Il-Sung took power, by focusing on the artists who were active in North Korea during the Korean War. As a way of mobilizing the public, art served as a powerful means of propaganda in socialism. In North Korea, art education for art's sake was prohibited; instead, art education as part of the preparation for war was encouraged and the activities of artists during the war were an outcome of such education. With this as a premise, this essay explores art education in North Korea right before the Korean War and the role of North Korean artists during the Korean War. During the war, the government exercised its power, emphasizing its authority to take retaliatory actions against its people, and the nation submitted themselves to the government in a state of national emergency. During the Korean War, many North Korean artists came to South Korea and equally many South Korean artists went to North Korea. However, even right after the liberation of Korea from Japan and before the war when the 38thparallel was already established, some artists chose to work in North Korea by crossing the 38th parallel. Therefore, the artists who went to North Korea can be divided largely into three groups: those who went to the northern peninsula before the war, those who went after the restoration of Seoul, and those who went after the war. There were also artists who grew up and lived in North Korea. They were affiliated with many socialist organizations and leagues and devoted to socialist art. There was also a group of artists who did not have professional education in art but allied themselves and worked as artists after North Korea established itself as a nation. Finally, there was another group of artists which was newly identified during this study. They were artists who studied art in the Soviet Union and were included in the talent education program after the war. Even during the period of the Korean War, artists in North Korea produced many works with Kim Il-Sung as the major theme, including Kim's portrait. Also, they were actively engaged in propaganda more than ever before, as art was a critical means of propaganda during the war.In fact, the flyers and posters produced by North Korean artists far outnumbered those by Korean armies and the U.N. forces. Newspapers and publications by North Korea were widely distributed across the peninsula, which included 7,000 posters of "Kim's Portrait" and 4,000 posters of "the Portrait of Stalin." One group of artists produced and distributed 15,000 fliers of "Actions for the Expulsion of the U.S. Forces," 80,000 flyers of the "Expulsion of the U.S. Forces," and 8,000 posters of the "Statement for the Expulsion of the U.S. Forces." The propaganda paintings for victory in the war were considered a privilege only the artists loyal to the communist party or with a strong sense of patriotism could produce and artwork produced during that period was also limited to propaganda. The posters and flyers seen in the pictures in South Korea tend to inspire military actions through the portrayal of military soldiers or by highlighting cruelty by the U.S. forces through the depiction of South Korean people inpain. Propaganda paintings during wars require persuasive power and incitement more than any other art genre, especially when the illiteracy rate was high and the public did not have access to printed matter like newspapers and magazines. Propaganda paintings should be readily understandable and convincing to the public. Accordingly, North Korean art at that time focused heavily on simplicity so that the public could easily understand the message it attempted to convey. As a result, it is speculated that the artists who produced propaganda paintings during the Korean War had been obsessed with the conception that art based on socialist realism should be readily understandabl... This essay examines North Korean art as part of the preparation for the Korean War, which North Korea had been geared for since Kim Il-Sung took power, by focusing on the artists who were active in North Korea during the Korean War. As a way of mobilizing the public, art served as a powerful means of propaganda in socialism. In North Korea, art education for art's sake was prohibited; instead, art education as part of the preparation for war was encouraged and the activities of artists during the war were an outcome of such education. With this as a premise, this essay explores art education in North Korea right before the Korean War and the role of North Korean artists during the Korean War. During the war, the government exercised its power, emphasizing its authority to take retaliatory actions against its people, and the nation submitted themselves to the government in a state of national emergency. During the Korean War, many North Korean artists came to South Korea and equally many South Korean artists went to North Korea. However, even right after the liberation of Korea from Japan and before the war when the 38thparallel was already established, some artists chose to work in North Korea by crossing the 38th parallel. Therefore, the artists who went to North Korea can be divided largely into three groups: those who went to the northern peninsula before the war, those who went after the restoration of Seoul, and those who went after the war. There were also artists who grew up and lived in North Korea. They were affiliated with many socialist organizations and leagues and devoted to socialist art. There was also a group of artists who did not have professional education in art but allied themselves and worked as artists after North Korea established itself as a nation. Finally, there was another group of artists which was newly identified during this study. They were artists who studied art in the Soviet Union and were included in the talent education program after the war. Even during the period of the Korean War, artists in North Korea produced many works with Kim Il-Sung as the major theme, including Kim's portrait. Also, they were actively engaged in propaganda more than ever before, as art was a critical means of propaganda during the war.In fact, the flyers and posters produced by North Korean artists far outnumbered those by Korean armies and the U.N. forces. Newspapers and publications by North Korea were widely distributed across the peninsula, which included 7,000 posters of "Kim's Portrait" and 4,000 posters of "the Portrait of Stalin." One group of artists produced and distributed 15,000 fliers of "Actions for the Expulsion of the U.S. Forces," 80,000 flyers of the "Expulsion of the U.S. Forces," and 8,000 posters of the "Statement for the Expulsion of the U.S. Forces." The propaganda paintings for victory in the war were considered a privilege only the artists loyal to the communist party or with a strong sense of patriotism could produce and artwork produced during that period was also limited to propaganda. The posters and flyers seen in the pictures in South Korea tend to inspire military actions through the portrayal of military soldiers or by highlighting cruelty by the U.S. forces through the depiction of South Korean people inpain. Propaganda paintings during wars require persuasive power and incitement more than any other art genre, especially when the illiteracy rate was high and the public did not have access to printed matter like newspapers and magazines. Propaganda paintings should be readily understandable and convincing to the public. Accordingly, North Korean art at that time focused heavily on simplicity so that the public could easily understand the message it attempted to convey. As a result, it is speculated that the artists who produced propaganda paintings during the Korean War had been obsessed with the conception that art based on socialist realism should be readily understandable...

논문(論文) : 중국(中國) 동북(東北)에서의 만철(滿鐵)의 정보선전활동(情報宣傳活動)

전경선 ( Kyoung Sun Jeon ) 중국사학회 2010 中國史硏究 Vol.69 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to find out the progress and details of propaganda activities of the Mantetsu(滿鐵) which was organized with the features of the state-run corporation. The Mantetsu has already started its propaganda activities by 1923 with the establishment of the departments in charge of propagandas. Upon the outbreak of Manchurian Incident(滿洲事變) in 1931, the Mantetsu got actively involved Public Relations Section(弘報係) in supporting the military actions for Guandong Army(關東軍). There are many propaganda activities, such as producing documentaries, dispatching propaganda teams to the inland of Japan, publishing and distributing the periodicals, extra. Soon followed by the founding of Manchukuo(滿洲國) in March of 1932, it commenced the public relations, the legitimacy of the establishment of Manchukuo according to the national policy of Manchukuo. In October of 1936, the Mantetsu has founded Public Relations Departmentn(弘報課) solely in charge of information and propagandas. The corporation, centered on the Public Relations Department(弘報課) of the head quarter in Dalian(大連), built the networks for propaganda information which was extensive ranging from Manchukuo, inland of Japan, inside of China, Paris to New York. In 1937, even after Public Relations Agency(弘報處) was set up as the administrative agency in charge of propaganda policies in Manchukuo, the Mantetsu`s propaganda activities continued consistently and actively under the concerted efforts with Public Relations Agency of Manchukuo. As it mentioned, the accumulated experiences and technologies by the Mantetsu passed on to Manchukuo and provided the fundamental framework for policies on propaganda for Manchukuo. In particular, it is safe to say that it has replaced the role of propaganda agency for Manchukuo which was vulnerable in terms of foreign propaganda.

1920년대 전반 조선총독부의 선전영화 제작과 상영

배병욱(Bae Byoung-wook) 역사문화학회 2006 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.9 No.2

In the first half 1920s, imperialist Japan decided to put administrative propaganda first to eliminate severe resistance by people of Joseon following the '3ㆍ1 Independence Movement' and escape from its international isolation. In relation to the move, 'Joseon Information Committee(朝鮮情報委員會)' was established. Consisting of high-ranking officials of the Japanese government-general in Joseon and influential civilians, the committee collected information about the national movement by people of Joseon and international situations and deliberated and controlled ways of administrative propaganda. The purpose of administrative propaganda by Joseon Information Committee was to inform situations of Joseon and Japan and works by the Japanese government-general in Joseon. Notably, the committee used the most advanced medium, film as a main means of the propaganda. Propaganda films were records that showed situations of Joseon, Japan and Manchuria, the recent state of Japanese imperial families, the visit of national guests, customs of Joseon and industrial developments of Joseon and Japan. As a whole, the films propagated key slogans of so-called 'cultural politics' of imperialist Japan, assimilation into Japan and the civilization of Joseon. The main audiences of propaganda using film were people of Joseon and Japan. If viewers of propaganda films were people of Joseon, the films had the ultimate goal of eliminating the people's will to national independence and making them submit to Japanese colonial rule. While, if their audiences were Japanese people, propaganda films had the ultimate purpose of receiving more budgets from the home government and attracting Japanese business investment and Japanese immigrants by inciting Japanese civilians advance to the colonial land. Propaganda films faced some resistance because of problems like forced audience mobilization and their themes. Nevertheless, they greatly impacted people of Joseon, having considerable effects of information. Though given favorable responses superficially, propaganda films actually had no such good effects on Japanese because of lack in propagandistic workers or agencies and too many regions to be propagated. No matter how its conflicting effects were, however, the use of propaganda film by imperialist Japan as a means of colonial rule shows the very nature of so-called 'cultural politics' of the Japanese colonial period.

해방 이후 북한의 선전선동조직과 활동(1945-1950년)

박창희 한국민족운동사학회 2021 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.- No.107

This paper is a study of propaganda-agitation activities by North Korean socialist forces, 1945~1950. The facts explained throughout this study are as follows. First, North Korean socialists carried out propaganda-agitation activities through the party's propaganda-agitation department. The propaganda- agitation department was located at the peak of the propaganda-agitation system. This department served as a command organization for propaganda- agitation projects while guiding administrative organizations and various social organizations. Second, Korean socialists with various experiences participated in the propaganda-agitation department. Based on their own experience and expertise, they argued for propaganda-agitation routes and policies necessary for the construction of the country, and cooperated and competed. Thirdly, the core project of propaganda-agitation department was ideological education. The purpose of this project was to unify party members ideologically. Specifically, party members learned about Marks, Leninism and the Soviet Communist Party's experience and applied it to Korean revolutionary projects. Furthermore, it was to establish Korea's revolutionary experience after liberation in 1945 as an independent revolutionary theory. The independent revolution theory was embodied in the theory of Democratic National Culture in the cultural sector. Kim Chang-man was a representative figure who maintained his independent stance on Marxism-Leninism and the experience of the Soviet Communist Party based on Korea's revolutionary reality. He was the first head of the propaganda-agitation department. In conclusion, it proves that North Korea's propaganda campaign did not proceed under the unilateral influence of the Soviet Communist Party. 이 논문은 해방 이후 북한 사회주의세력의 선전선동활동을 연구한 것이다. 이 연구를 통해 밝혀진 사실은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 북한의 사회주의자들은 당 선전선동부를 중심으로 선전선동활동을 전개하였다. 북조선로동당 선전선동부는 행정기구와 여러 사회단체를 직‧간접적으로 지도하거나 협력하면서 선전선동사업에 대한 총괄적인 지휘기구로서 역할을 수행하였다. 북로당 선전선동부는 선전선동체계의 정점에 위치하면서 선전선동사업에 체계성과 통일성을 담보하려고 했다. 둘째, 북로당 선전선동부에는 다양한 경험을 가진 조선인 사회주의자들이 참여하였다. 이들은 출신에 따라 크게 연안계, 소련계, 문학예술인 등으로 구분되며, 각자의 경험과 전문성을 바탕으로 해방 조선의 국가건설에 필요한 선전선동노선과 정책을 내세우며, 협력·경합하였다. 셋째, 선전선동부의 활동 중 가장 중요한 것 중 하나는 당원들의 사상교육을 의미하는 당내사상사업이었다. 이 사업의 목적은 당원들을 사상적으로 통일시키려는 것이었다. 초기 당내사상사업의 중점은 마크르스·레닌주의와 소련공산당의 경험을 학습하고, 이를 토대로 해방 이후 조선의 혁명적 경험을 독자적인 혁명이론으로 정립하는 것이었다. 독자적인 혁명이론은 문화부문에서 민주주의민족문화론으로 구체화되었다. 마르크스‧레닌주의와 소련공산당의 경험에 대하여 해방 조선의 혁명적 경험을 근거로 주체적인 입장을 견지했던 대표적인 인사는 초대 북로당 선전선동부장이었던 김창만이었다. 그는 민주주의민족문화론을 너머 총제적인 독자적인 조선혁명에 관한 사상과 이론을 정립하고자 시도했다. 마르크스레닌주의의 조선화를 기치로 한 그의 시도는 소련공산당과 선전선동부의 소련계 인사들에 의해 중단되었다. 이상의 사실들은 해방 초기 북한의 선전선동이 소련공산당이나 김일성 개인의 일방적인 영향력 아래에서 진행되지 않았음을 증명하고 있다.

국제법상 적대적 선전의 위법성과 국가책임

제성호(Seong-ho JHE) 서울국제법연구원 2020 서울국제법연구 Vol.27 No.2

국가의 커뮤니케이션권은 그것이 국제법에 의해 금지 또는 저촉되지 않는 한 자유롭게 행사될 수 있다. 다만 국제평화와 안전을 위협하는 ‘적대적 선전’은 국제법에 반하는 것으로 정당한 커뮤니케이션으로 인정되지 아니 한다. 적대적 선전은 전쟁 선전, 전복 선전, 비방 선전으로 나누어지는데, 각기 그 법적 근거는 차이가 있을지라도 모두 다 위법성을 갖는다는데 대하여 학자들의 견해가 대체로 일치한다. 통상 정부나 준정부기관이 이러한 적대적 선전을 하는 경우 국가가 국제책임을 지도록 되어 있다. 그러나 사인이 적대적 선전을 할 경우 국가가 어느 정도까지 책임을 지는 지에 관해서는 반드시 분명치 않은 점이 있다. 특히 비방 선전과 관련해서는 오늘날 개인에 대해 표현의 자유가 광범위하게 보장되어 있어, 사인의 비방 선전에 대한 국가책임 추궁은 물론 해당 사인의 처벌은 강한 비판과 도전을 받고 있다. 앞으로 유엔 국제법위원회를 중심으로 적대적 선전에 관한 국제법규의 명확화와 함께 성문화 노력이 필요하다고 생각된다. Right of a state to communicate can be freely exercised if it is not prohibited by or contradictory to international law. But “hostile propagandas” endangering international peace and security are against international law norms and regarded as unjust or unlawful communication. They are classified as war-mongering propaganda, subversive propaganda and defamatory propaganda. It is widely accepted by scholars those propagandas are illegal though each of them is different in the basis of wrongfulness. In general, every state should take “international responsibility” for hostile propagandas when not only a governmental organizations but also a quasi-governmental agencies including political parties engaged in them. On the other hand, it is doubtful whether a state is responsible for private persons’ hostile propagandas and if so, to what extent it is. In the contemporary world, freedom of expression is extensively guaranteed. Therefore pursuit of state responsibility or punishment of offenders is seriously challenged especially in relation to defamatory propaganda. It appears that it is necessary for UN International Law Commission to make efforts to clarify and codify international legal rules concerning hostile propagandas in the future.

북한의 선전화와 직관선동: 선전 선동의 내면화 과정 연구

박계리 미술사학연구회 2020 美術史學報 Vol.- No.54

The term ‘jikkwan sondong’ means to directly see and experience the objects of agitation propaganda. Because these performances can be seen everywhere at almost every moment in North Korea, it has been called a country of propaganda by some scholars. This research looks at the inner side of the propaganda system through analyzing the creation of propaganda posters by those that create ‘jikkwan sondong’ as a part of internalizing propaganda. This participation of the people in the creation process links them directly with the narrative and the eventual propaganda posters leading to internalization of the message. ‘Immediate agitation turns the people into the main characters of the propaganda posters to achieve the internalization the posters’ messages. It is this nation-wide participation of that is crucial to the internalization of the propaganda. North Korea is not using a system where excellent art work by professional artists arouses the masses and has them understand the content, but instead the leadership has focused on the direct participation of the people in the production of propaganda to internalize its messages. ‘직관선동’이란 자신의 눈으로 직접 선동·선전물을 본다는 것이다. 북한은 선전 선동의 나라라고도 불린다. 눈을 뜨면 자신의 눈으로 볼 수 있는 ‘직관선동물’들이 이곳 저곳에 끊임없이 배치되어 있기 때문이다. 본 연구에서는 이러한 ‘직관선동’에 종사하는 ‘직관원’들의 선전화를 분석함으로써 선전화 이면의 시스템을 살펴보고자 하였다. 북한은 인민들을 선전화에 참여하게 함으로써, 자신의 서사와 선전화가 관계 맺음으로써 선전 선동이 내면화되는 시스템을 갖고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 인민들은 직관선동을 통해 선전화의 주인공으로 참여함으로써 선전화를 내면화한다. 나라에 곳곳에 퍼져있는 직관원들은, 선전화 만드는 과정에 참여함으로써 선전 선동을 내면화한다. 본 연구를 통해, 북한의 선전화, 즉 교양 체계는 뛰어난 프로 미술가들의 뛰어난 작품을 보고 인민들이 감동 받아서 교양의 내용을 체화하는 시스템이라기보다는, 인민들이 직접 제작과정에 참여함으로써그 과정에서 교양의 내용을 내면화시키는 시스템을 중요시하고 있다는 것을 확인할 수 있었다

임선규의 <빙화>에 나타난 전체주의적 선전의 특성 연구

백승숙(Seung-suk, Baik) 한국문화융합학회 2020 문화와 융합 Vol.42 No.4

본고는 2019년 한국 연극계에서 있었던, 임선규의 <빙화> 공연 취소 사건을 계기로 다시 수면 위로 떠오른 <빙화>의 친일성 논란에 대해 하나의 견해를 제출하고자 하였다. 이 논문은 <빙화>가 지닌 저항적 요소, 혹은 민족주의적 요소에 대한 긍정적 평가에 대해 반론을 제기하면서 이 작품이 어떻게 이런 평가를 이끌어낼 수 있었는지, 그 극적 전략에 대해 분석해보았다. 이를 위해서 쟈끄 엘륄의 저서, <선전>을 그 분석의 방법론으로 삼았다. 정리하면, 이 논문은 임선규의 <빙화>를 ‘선전’이라는 개념을 통해 분석함으로써 이 작품의 친일성 여부를 새롭게 짚어보고자 하였다. 첫째 이 작품은 증오를 활용한 전복적 선전의 성격을 지니고 있다. <빙화>는 조선인들에게 방화, 살인, 강간을 일삼은 러시아에 대한 증오를 불러일으켜 반공산주의 선전을 함으로써 조선인들의 내면에 잠복되어 있는 공산주의에 대한 호감 등을 전복시키고자 하였다. 둘째 이 작품은 역사적 사실을 활용한 합리적 선전의 성격을 지니고 있다. <빙화>는 1937년에 실시된 러시아의 조선인 강제이주 사건이라는 역사적 사실을 제재로 하여, 합리성의 외장을 한 채 제시되고 있다. 그러나 사실과 증거에 근거한 합리적인 선전을 통해서 선전자가 이끌어내고자 하는 것은 관객들의 비합리적 반응이었다. 그것은 곧 조선인들이 자유주의, 개인주의를 청산하고 내선일체를 수용하는 것이고, 제국의 전쟁에 동참할 것을 유도하기 위한 것이었다. 셋째 이 작품은 멜로드라마를 활용한 통합선전의 성격을 지니고 있다. 통합선전의 목적은 사람들을 사회활동에 동참하게 하는 것을 목표로 한다. 임선규는 당대 관객의 교양 수준을 생각하고 멜로드라마 형식을 통해 관객들의 감수성을 자극하여 그들에게 심리적 동조를 얻어내고, 지식인 주인공을 통해 감정이입을 하게 함으로써 관객들을 총력전에 동참케 하고자 하였다. 이때 운명 조국 형제 등과 같은 민족주의적 단어들은 선전을 위한 마술적 단어들로서 사용되었다. 이 논문은 임선규의 <빙화>가 선동 선전의 세 가지 차원을 고루 실현하고 있는, 그 어떤 작품보다도 강렬하고, 명백한 친일 작품임을 밝히고자 하였다. 소재로서의 러시아 강제 이주 사건은 ‘합리적 선전’을 위한 방법론일 뿐이며, 민족주의적인 의도와는 거리가 멀다는 사실을 제기하고자 한다. 이로써, 작년에 불현듯 제기된 바 있는 <빙화> 논란에 하나의 의견을 더하고자 한다. This paper attempted to submit a point of view on the controversy over the identity of Seon-gyu Im’s “Binghwa,” which resurfaced following the cancellation of its performance in Korean theater in 2019. This paper analyzed the dramatic strategy that pertains to how this work was able to elicit such an evaluation; the paper also puts forth a counter-argument to the positive evaluation of the play’s resistance or nationalist element. Jacques Ellul’s Propaganda was used as an analytical lens. In summary, this paper attempted to reconsider whether Seon-gyu Im’s “Binghwa” reflects pro-Japanese intentions by analyzing it through the concept of propaganda. Firstly, this work uses the emotion of hatred as subversive propaganda. “Binghwa” attempts to overthrow the crushing communism that is hidden within the Korean people by promoting anti-Communist propaganda through the arousal of hatred for Russia via arson, murder, and rape. Secondly, with its utilization of historical facts, the work has the characteristics of rational propaganda. Based on the historical fact of the forced migration of Russians in 1937, “Binghwa” presents a rational exterior ; however, the intention is to use rational propaganda, based on facts and evidence, to elicit an irrational reaction from the audience. This is intended to make Koreans abandon liberalism and individualism, accept internal unity, and participate in the empire’s war. Thirdly, through its use of melodrama, the work has the characteristics of integrated propaganda, which aims to engage people in social activities. Seon-gyu Im’s intention is to involve the audience in an all-out war, which he accomplishes by assessing the audience’s level of sophistication and exploiting audience members’ sensitivity using the melodramatic form in order to elicit their psychological sympathy and encourage them to empathize with the intellectual protagonist. At this point, nationalistic words, such as “destiny,” “nation,” “brothers,” are used as magical words for propaganda. This paper’s thesis attempted to reveal that Seon-gyu Im’s “Binghwa” is a more intense and more clearly pro-Japanese work than any other work that realizes the three dimensions of propaganda. Taking forced migration to Russia as a subject is just a “rational propaganda” method, and I would like to point out that it far from proves nationalistic intentions. Thus, I would like to add one opinion to last year’s unexpected “Binghwa” controversy.

1970년대 전후 한국영화의 감정구조에 대한 고찰: ‘독특한 폐쇄성’을 중심으로

김선아 문학과영상학회 2010 문학과영상 Vol.11 No.2

This essay discusses the Korean films before and after the 1970s, appropriating the Lee Young-il’s term, ‘specific claustrophobia’. It particularly traces the historical changes and its structure of feeling of the Korean films around the early 1970 when the Yushin constitution proclaimed long term dictatorship and amended film laws. The propaganda films around the time the President Park Jung-hee prepared for the long term dictatorship and the popular films as the counter action to them formed ‘specific claustrophobia’ as a dominantly unpleasant social feeling. With this feature, the genre films around that time, such as state policy films, erotic films, and younsang seadae films, which was regarded as the product of the youth culture or the films of young directors, can be affected with the national propaganda and filled with the negative feelings towards the oppression under the Park’s government. All films of that time including national policy film, erotic film and youngsang seadae film have the aesthetics of the closed film structure, the equivalent of the structure of feeling at that time. In this paper, the state propaganda films are defined as the films produced, distributed, or supported by the State, Park Jung-Hee government. Paldogangsan (1967) was the successful propaganda film of the time, which shows how the nation-state drew and strengthened the popular support, thus unifying the people into the future of the state. Since then, the state propaganda films imitated and appropriated the features and conventions of the popular film of the time, such as the erotic film(so-called hostess film)and the youngsang seadae film. The struggle and competition between the state propaganda film and the popular film for the representation of women works as the nodal point to escape from the dichotomy of the existing film approaches; the dominance of the state and the passive resistance of the people. The 70s Korean Cinema was the outcomes of the structure of the oppressive feeling which resulted from the repressed popular culture exposed to the state propaganda and also symptomatically revealed that they could not escape from the affective connection with the power which the state propaganda set up in spite of the gap between the people’s everyday lives and the state propaganda. Thus, I suggest that in this politics of affect, the passive resistance of the popular film should be found in the singular film, such as Im Kwon-taek’s Wang Sib Ri (1976), rather than in the hostess films or the youngsang seadae films.

북한 김정은의 선전ㆍ선동 전략과 현상 연구

박태상 국제한인문학회 2019 국제한인문학연구 Vol.- No.23

North Korean Kim Jong Eun has two faces with two sides. One is the image of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il. It shows the will to practice the socialist power through the nuclear armed forces. In this way, Hitler's propaganda strategy and Mao Zedong's propaganda strategy to revitalize the propaganda are remembered, addressed to the German people, gathered power through propaganda, and drove young people to the front. The other is a person with a friendly and affectionate personality who takes a gesture to recall the affluent life of the Europeans as a Swiss student and take care of the welfare of the North Korean people. Hitler used the "denying strategy" to deny the present and justify hate as the core strategy of the propaganda. The splendid future that Hitler enjoys is associated with denying the present. Hitler emphasizes that he knows how to solve problems for the future of the nation, and concludes with a hopeful expression of the future, which lists the ideal virtues of the Third Reich, peace, labor, welfare, and culture, that He used the method. This is very similar to the latter of Kim Jung Eun. Kim Jung Eun started a new blueprint for the future by seeking to stand alone by presenting the "Five Great Cultures", the Spirit of Baekdu Mountain, and cutting-edge breakthrough. He is promoting such a fantasy through three mediums of propaganda, suggesting a fantastical world that will lead to the construction of civilization power, the realization of a welfare society of respect for the people, and the early practice of happy socialism Utopia. It features Novel & short Story, such as "True Resurrection", "Dawn" and "White Cobblestone", which can represent Kim Jong Eun's era, films such as "Graduation Certificate" and "My House Story" which are visual media, and representative songs of Moran Bong Band I analyzed the strategy and phenomenon of propaganda agitation. Kim Jung Eun says literature should be a 'trumpet' in the process of revolutionary struggle. The long novel "True Reverberation" (2016) traces the diverse activities of the manager of the Chungcheongjin factory, which aims to achieve a dramatic improvement in productivity by pursuing the spirit of "Raise self-strength" with the Yeonpyeong chicken factory as a background. Jung Kook-jin punishes the bureaucrats who are in the bureaucratic state with the old ideological remnants and reflects the idea of "youth-centeredness" as one of the three major strategies of Kim Jong-un, And to establish a corporate strategy (management strategy) as a solution to the problem of chicken feed shortage and to succeed in the introduction of a circulating production system between agriculture and livestock. These measures are put forward as 'Kim Jong Il patriotism', but in fact, Kim Jong Eun is promoting the economic and management policies promoted by Kim Jong Eun. The film "Graduation Certificate" (2016) is a film about the founding and development process of Kim Il Sung University, focusing on Kim Il Sung's “greatness cultivation”. In the age of knowledge economy, young intellectuals should not forget the suffering of their seniors during their troubled marches and emphasize the need for a spirit of revolutionary struggle to overcome any hardship and adversity caused by economic sanctions in a new era. In "My Home Story," Kim Jong Eun's "greatness cultivation" is emphasized, reflecting the collective thinking of North Korea and the totalitarian society of "socialism versus family". It emphasizes the fact that the happiness of today comes from past suffering and adversity, and that we should never forget the way Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il walked (the march of suffering). The Moran Bong Band will be the vanguard of the propaganda of the Kim Jong Eun regime after the first demonstration on July 6, 2012 through the <Pilot Performance>. The message given by the Moran Bong Band to the North Korean people includes the idolization of Kim Jong Eun, the leader of Baekdong Line...