문종 대의 경연 운영 -운영 방식 변화와 진강 사례를 중심으로-

강문식 숭실사학회 2023 숭실사학 Vol.- No.50

The royal lecture during the reign of King Munjong largely followed the format of the previous King Sejong's system, but in some aspects, it showed a different pattern from before. Besides the lecturers appointed by Jiphyeonjeon officials and advisors appointed by the Royal Secretaries, King Munjong broadened the involvement of senior officials in charge of high-ranking positions in the royal lecture, along with censors and historians. The decision to increase the number of officials participating in the royal lecture stemmed from King Munjong and his officials' recognition that the royal lecture should encompass not only scholarly pursuits but also provide a forum for discussing state affairs. They believed that the active involvement of high-ranking officials, who were responsible for governing the state, was essential to foster substantive discussions on state affairs during the royal lecture. The expansion of royal lecturers and the ensuing engagement in current state affairs can be regarded as the defining feature of the royal lecture during King Munjong's reign. During King Munjong's reign, the officials emphasized that the royal lecture was a platform for imperial scholarship. In order to fulfill this purpose, they argued that the king should prioritize repetitive and thorough study of the regular texts, such as the Four Books and the Five Classics, rather than accumulating extensive knowledge from various books during the royal lecture. King Munjong generally accepted the officials' suggestions regarding the selection of learning materials, but occasionally expressed dissenting opinions. Ahn Wankyeong, who recognized the problems with King Munjong's frequent promulgation of laws, proposed The Six Codes of Administration as a learning material after the Record for Reflection, with the aim of advocating for the adherence to ancestral traditions and principles of governance. On the other hand, King Munjong, who was actively promoting the compilation of a new military strategy book, recommended the military books as learning materials of the royal lecture with the purpose of studying warfare. However, King Munjong's perspective encountered strong opposition from the officials, leading to his eventual withdrawal of the proposal to include military texts. As the royal lecture was a forum for discussing imperial scholarship, the officials placed significant emphasis on the king's righteous approach to politics during the lecture. Although most of the policy discussions during the royal lecture were conducted independently of the content of the lectures, there were some cases where policy proposals were made in connection with the lecture topics. For instance, Ha Ui-ji strongly advocated for the alleviation of burdens on farmers while discussing about An Explication of the Great Learning and Jung In-ji proposed the implementation of Poyal Cultivation while delivering a lecture on the Poem of the Seventh Month. Similarly, during the lecture on the chapter of hearing lawsuits of the Great Learning, discussions were held to address the problems and suggest improvements in the operation of Petitioner’s Drum. On the other hand, there were cases where the lecture discussions led to academic debates and discussions on matters such as the compilation of books. During the lecture on An Explication of the Great Learning, errors in the draft of History of Military Essentials were identified and rectified, and discussions took place to revise and enhance the commentary on An Explication of the Great Learning, which was found to be lacking sufficient content. 문종 대의 경연은 큰 틀에서 부왕 세종 대의 방식을 계승하였지만, 몇몇 측면에서는 이전과는 다른 양상을 보였다. 문종은 집현전 관원이 맡은 侍講官과 승지가 담당한 參贊官 외에 고위 관료들이 겸하는 知經筵事와 同知經筵事, 그리고 諫官과 史官까지 경연 참여관원의 범위를 확대하였다. 경연 참여 관원의 확대에는 경연이 단순히 강학에만 그치는 것이 아니라 국정 논의의 장이 되어야 한다는 문종과 관료들의 인식이 깔려 있었다. 즉 이들은 경연에서 실질적인 국정 논의가 이루어지려면 국정을 책임지는 고위 관료들의 경연 입시가 필요하다고 생각하였다. 경연 입시 관원의 확대 및 이에 기반한 국정 현안 논의의 활성화는 문종 대 경연의 가장 중요한 특징이라고 할 수 있다. 문종 대 관료들은 경연이 제왕의 학문을 위한 자리임을 강조하면서, 이를 위해 국왕은경연에서 다양한 서적들을 통해 폭넓은 지식을 축적하기보다는 四書·五經 등 평소에 읽는서적을 반복·학습하여 몸과 마음에 체득할 것을 주장하였다. 문종은 경연 교재 채택에 있어 관료들의 건의를 대체로 수용하였지만, 때로는 이견을 피력하기도 했다. 문종의 잦은 법령 제정에 문제가 있다고 인식한 안완경은 近思錄 이후의 경연 교재를 논의할 때 祖宗 成憲의 준수를 촉구하는 차원에서 六典 진강을 건의하였다. 반면 새로운 陣法書 편찬을추진하던 문종은 兵書 연구의 필요성에서 병서 진강을 주장했다. 하지만 문종의 의견은 경연관들의 강한 반대에 부딪혔고, 결국 문종은 병서 진강의 뜻을 철회하였다. 경연이 제왕의 학문을 논하는 자리인 만큼, 문종 대 경연 진강에서는 정치에 임하는 왕의 바른 자세를 강조하였다. 또 경연에서의 국정 논의는 진강이 끝난 후 진강 내용과 별개로 진행된 경우가 대부분이었지만, 진강 과정에서 강론 내용과 연결되어 정책 제안이 이루어진 경우도 일부 확인된다. 하위지가 大學衍義를 강하면서 농민들의 부담 경감 방안을건의한 것, 정인지가 「七月詩」를 강론하면서 親耕 시행을 건의한 것, 大學 「聽訟章」을강할 때 신문고 운영의 문제점과 개선 방안을 논의한 것 등이 이에 해당한다. 한편, 경연진강이 서적 편찬 등의 학술적 논의로 이어진 경우들도 있었다. 대학연의 진강 과정에서歷代兵要 초고의 오류를 확인·수정한 것, 내용이 소략한 대학연의 註解의 수정·보완방안을 논의한 것 등이 대표적인 사례이다.

고려 문종 21년 南京 설치에 대한 재검토 - 공양왕 2년 한양 천도의 합리화 -

윤경진 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2010 한국문화 Vol.49 No.-

In 『Go’ryeo-sa』’s Geography section, there is a record of the Namgyeong capital's being established in the 21st year of King Munjong's reign, yet such record is nowhere to be found in the 『Annals of King Sejong's reign』’s own Geography section, or anywhere else for that matter. So it seems that Namgyeong was really constructed during King Sukjong’s reign, and the record of Namgyeong of the Munjong's reign seems to have been actually referring to the Namgyeong establishment which really happened in the 21st year of King Gojong's reign. And it seems such fabrication of records was to justify the capital transfer to the Hanyang city, which took place in the 2nd year of King Gongyang’s reign. This capital transfer during King Gongyang's reign was led by the party of reformists who were also responsible for the reforms of the Gwajeonbeob(科田法) land system. And it was a revival of the capital transfer attempt made during King Wu(禑王)’s reign. Yet those reformists had already defined King Wu's reign as a dismal failure and an example of misgovernance, so they argued that the transfer of King Gongyang was entirely different from such earlier attempt. They had to argue that King Gongyang’s transfer was made in the spirit and tradition of King Munjong’s old and sound governance(文宗舊制), and they subsequently fabricated records by saying the new palace construction which took place in the 21st year of King Gojong’s reign actually happened in the 21st year of King Munjong’s reign. Meanwhile, they also accepted the theory of ‘Jwaso Namgyeong(左蘇京)’ as a theoretical foundation for their argument, and set themselves apart from the theory of ‘Samgyeong[Three capitals]] Circulation of the king(三京巡御)’ of King Wu’s era. Such theory was also borrowed from the past, 21st year of King Gojong’s reign to be exact. In 『Go’ryeo-sa』’s Geography section, there is a record of the Namgyeong capital's being established in the 21st year of King Munjong's reign, yet such record is nowhere to be found in the 『Annals of King Sejong's reign』’s own Geography section, or anywhere else for that matter. So it seems that Namgyeong was really constructed during King Sukjong’s reign, and the record of Namgyeong of the Munjong's reign seems to have been actually referring to the Namgyeong establishment which really happened in the 21st year of King Gojong's reign. And it seems such fabrication of records was to justify the capital transfer to the Hanyang city, which took place in the 2nd year of King Gongyang’s reign. This capital transfer during King Gongyang's reign was led by the party of reformists who were also responsible for the reforms of the Gwajeonbeob(科田法) land system. And it was a revival of the capital transfer attempt made during King Wu(禑王)’s reign. Yet those reformists had already defined King Wu's reign as a dismal failure and an example of misgovernance, so they argued that the transfer of King Gongyang was entirely different from such earlier attempt. They had to argue that King Gongyang’s transfer was made in the spirit and tradition of King Munjong’s old and sound governance(文宗舊制), and they subsequently fabricated records by saying the new palace construction which took place in the 21st year of King Gojong’s reign actually happened in the 21st year of King Munjong’s reign. Meanwhile, they also accepted the theory of ‘Jwaso Namgyeong(左蘇京)’ as a theoretical foundation for their argument, and set themselves apart from the theory of ‘Samgyeong[Three capitals]] Circulation of the king(三京巡御)’ of King Wu’s era. Such theory was also borrowed from the past, 21st year of King Gojong’s reign to be exact.

고려 문종대 王太子 冊封과 太子 관련 制度 정비의 의미

김선미(Kim, Seon-mi) 한국역사민속학회 2014 역사민속학 Vol.0 No.45

고려의 제11대 왕인 문종은 제8대 왕인 현종의 아들이자, 제10대 왕인 정종의 異母弟이다. 정종은 자신의 아들 4명이 있었지만 아우인 문종에게 선위하였다. 문종이 즉위한 배경은 먼저 訓要十條에서 엿볼 수 있다. 태조는 訓要十條에서 장자 이외의 아들이 왕위를 계승할 가능성을 열어놓았다. 그리고 고려 초기에 어린 아들이 있을 경우 장성한 아우에게 선위하는 전례가 있었으며, 정종과 문종의 혈연적 배경이 동일하였다. 또한 당시 고려인들도 前王의 아우가 왕위에 오르는 것을 자연스럽게 받아들였다. 이런 배경 하에서 문종이 즉위하였다. 그러나 문종은 정치적인 세력을 가지고 국정을 파악한 상태에서 왕위에 오른 것이 아니었다. 그렇기 때문에 그는 국왕으로서의 권위를 높일 필요가 있었다. 그리고 정종의 아들이 장성함에 따라 왕권의 불안 요소가 되거나 향후 왕위계승에서 분란을 일으킬 수 있었다. 그래서 문종은 자신의 아들을 왕위계승자로 선정하여 권력을 자신에게 집중시키고 왕위계승상의 분란을 없애고자 하였다. 왕태자 책봉 이후 문종은 동궁관을 확대 정비하고 여러 태자 관련 의례를 시행하였다. 동궁관제는 1068년에 제도적인 완비를 보았다. 이때 정비된 동궁관은 중앙 관부의 축소판으로 운영되었다. 또한 1054년의 거행된 태자 책봉 의례는 규정된 절차를 준수하며 시행되었으며, 책봉례 이후에 1056년에 왕태자의 長興節을 축하하는 의례가 시행되었고, 1064년에는 태자 혼인 의례가 거행되어 『고려사』 예지에 규정된 태자 의례가 실시되었다. 또한 문종은 왕태자 책봉을 국외에 알렸으며, 고려의 태자는 거란으로부터 3번 책봉을 받아 권위를 높였다. 이러한 여러 조치들은 국왕 다음가는 권위자로서의 태자의 위상을 강화시키는데 중요한 역할을 하였다. 이후 태자는 문종 말년에 거동이 불편한 문종을 대신하여 國事에 참여하여 국왕 다음의 권력자로서의 면모를 드러내었다. King Munjong(文宗), the eleventh King of the Goryeo Dynasty, was the son of King Hyeonjong(顯宗), the eighth king, and the younger stepbrother(異母弟) of King Jeongjong(靖宗), the 10th king. Although King Jeongjong had four sons, he abdicated the throne to King Munjong. King Taejo(太祖) had opened the possibility for sons other than the eldest son to succeed to the throne. When King Jeongjong died, his sons were children under the age of 10 years. In the early period of the Goryeo Dynasty, when kings had young sons, there were precedents of abdicating the throne to their grown-up younger brothers. In addition, King Jeongjong and Munjong had an identical blood background. During the period, Goryeo people also naturally accepted the fact that a former king’s younger brother succeeded to the throne. In this background, King Munjong ascended the throne. However, King Munjong did not ascend the throne after identifying state affairs with politic power. Therefore, he needed to increase his authority as the king. Moreover, as the sons of King Jeongjong had grown up, they could stir up trouble in future succession to the throne. Therefore, King Munjong intended to concentrate power on himself and remove trouble in future succession to the throne by selecting his son as successor to the throne. After the installation of Wangtaeja(王太子, the Crown Prince), King Munjong expanded and organized Donggunggwan(東宮官, the establishment of Secretariat of Wangtaeja) and carried out various rituals related to Wangtaeja. The control system for Donggunggwan was completed institutionally in 1068. At this time, the newly organized Donggunggwan was operated as a miniature version of the central government office. In addition, the ritual for the installation of Taeja, which was held in 1054, complied with regulated procedures. After the ritual of the installation, a ceremony to congratulate on Jangheungjeol(長興節, the birthday of Wangtaeja) was held in 1056. In 1064, the wedding ritual of Taeja took place, and the ritual for Taeja regulated in Yeji(禮志) of 『Goryeosa(高麗史)』 was carried out. In addition, the installation of Wangtaeja was made known overseas, and the Taeja of Goryeo was proclaimed by the Kitan three times. Such various measures played an important role in strengthening the status of Taeja as the man of authority next to the king. Later, Taeja demonstrated his status as the man of authority following the king by participating in state affairs on behalf of King Munjong who was not able to move about freely in his later years.

『고려사』 식화지(食貨志) 외관록(外官祿) 규정의 기준 시점과 성립 배경

윤경진(Yoon Kyeong-jin) 한국역사연구회 2010 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.78

Assessed and determined in this article, is why a specific time period was selected to be described as the era that witnessed the supposed completion of the Local officials' Salary system, and why was the documentation of the "We'gwan-rok(外官祿 : Salaries for the Local Officials)" entry of the Economy Section(食貨志) inside 『History of the Goryeo Dynasty(高麗史)』 was actually fabricated. It seems like a political consideration was involved in the documentation process, as a specific order of the government which was issued during a specific time period was described as issued at an entirely different date. The reason for that will be examined here. The "We'gwan-rok(外官祿)" entry is composed of two sets of regulations("Kings' orders"). One set is allegedly from the era of King Munjong's reign(文宗朝, Munjong's orders), while the other is supposed to be from the era of King Injong's reign(仁宗朝, Injong's orders). Yet both sets of records are actually based upon one source of information, a text that was created in the 2nd year of King Myeongjong's reign. This text also has a supplemental section(追記) which covered facts that occurred until the early days of King Shinjong's reign. The so-called "Munjong's orders" portion seems to have been based upon the main body of the said Myeongjong text, and the "Injong's orders" portion seems to have been based upon the supplemental section. And in the meantime, regarding the Gyeonggi Capital region(京畿) and the Western Gyeonggi region(西京畿), the establishment of such units themselves is thoroughly highlighted and emphasized. This seems because the officials who were behind the Salary system Reform project during King Gong'yang-wang's reign needed to establish a concept of "The Institutions of the Munjong's days('文宗舊制'), in order to propel their plans toward substantial reforms. They claimed that the dynasty's salary system had already been firmly established during the reign of King Munjong(and had to be resurrected), and in order to supply their argument with a proof, they actually fabricated the so-called "Munjong's orders," and created the "Injong's orders" as well, based upon the above-mentioned records.

세종실록을 통해 본왕세자(문종) 교육의 특징

서승희 역사교육학회 2019 역사교육논집 Vol.71 No.-

In this thesis, we look at the education system of the King Sejong during the Joseon Dynasty and the educational content of Munjong who was a Crown Prince at that time. We also look at the characteristics of the royal education during the early Joseon period, and why it was possible for the King Munjong to make various achievements during his short reign. King Sejong was the third son of Taejong, therefore, he was able to develop various disciplines without receiving education for the Crown Prince. These experiences of King Sejong became the basis of his interest in education for the Crown Prince and the eldest grandson of the King after he became the King. King Sejong, in particular, established the foundation of the education for Crown Prince of Joseon after the throne at the center of Jiphyeonjeon through various subjects in the Royal presence. In 1421 (the third year of King Sejong's reign), King Munjong was educated as a Prince for up to 30 years, and he ruled the country on behalf of King Sejong for eight years. King Munjong's diverse achievements during his short two-year reign, regardless of literature and martial arts, stemmed from King Sejong's thorough education. The process of being born in Joseon as a Prince and ascertained to become a King is not only a lecture but also a practical process of taking care of the affairs of state administration and learning martial arts. In addition, the Prince should not only build Confucian knowledge but also cultivate military knowledge through activities such as archery. As such, King Munjong, who grew up under King Sejong's systematic education, was able to rise safely to the throne and leave various achievements throughout the period of his reign. The education for the Prince during the early Joseon Dynasty can be seen as a process of growing into a sage King that can rule the nation by accumulating the basic knowledge of Confucianism, the founding ideology of Joseon.

고려 문종 대 ‘해동천하’ 인식의 형성과 그 의미

한정수 ( Han Jung-soo ) 한국사상문화학회 2018 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.94 No.-

본 연구에서는 고려전기 신성혈통의식의 형성이나 유ㆍ불ㆍ도 등의 역할과 의례, 문명의식, 군주관과 왕실 칭호, 천하인식과 형성과정 등의 연결과 종합이라는 면을 주로 살폈다. 이를 통해 고려 전기 왕조 체제 모색과정과 함께 문종 대에 이르러 고려가 구축하려 했던 해동천하의 모습을 구체화하고자 하였다. 그 결과는 다음과 같다. 문종은 용손으로서의 신성혈통의식을 강화해 제왕으로서 해동천자가 다스리는 해동천하를 형성하였고, 천하질서를 구축하였다. 보살계나 연등회, 팔관회를 더욱 정비하는 한편, 태일에 대한 재초를 해동천자로서 올리기 시작하였다. 송이나 거란과의 국제관계를 유지하면서 문종이 추구한 해동천하는 독자적 면을 띠었다. 이어서는 용손의 성덕이 구현되어 남만북적 및 북포동완이 스스로 찾아오는 태평천하를 이루었음을 자신하였다. 군신이 함께 즐거워하고 군주가 만세를 누리는 천하를 만들었다 한 것이다. 그리고 그 내면에는 고려 스스로 이룬 문명의식이 자리잡고 있었다. 문종 이후의 고려에서 태조와 문종의 정치를 모범으로 할 것을 거론하고 있는 것은 여기에서 시작되었다. This study attempted to investigate the combination and synthesis among the formation of divine blood consciousness in the early days of the Goryeo Dynasty, the role and rituals of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taosim, civilizational consciousness, the monarchical view, the title of the royal family, the consciousness and formative process of the world and the like. Based on this, it attempted to concretize the picture of the Haedongcheonha that the Goryeo Dynasty attempted to build in the reigning period of King Munjong along with the process of considering the early Goryeo Dynasty. As a result, the following findings were obtained: King Munjong reinforced the consciousness of holy blood as the offspring of the dragon, formed the Haedongcheonha reigned by Haedongcheonja as the emperor and constructed the order of the world. He reorganized Bosalgye, Yeondeunghoe, Palguanhoe on the other hand and began to elevate Jaecho towards Taeil to Haedongcheonja on the other. The Haedongcheonha pursued by King Munjong took on a peculiar character as he maintained international relations with the Chinese Song Dynasty or the Kitan. He was self-confident of the establishment of righteousness and security of the country as southern and northern barbarians paid the personal visit to hime along with the implementation of the flourishing virtues of the dragon offspring. He created the world that the sovereign and subjects enjoyed themselves together and the monarch enjoyed eternity. And the civilizational consciousness formed by the Goryeo Dynasty was deeply entrenched in its inside. It has begun from this point to make it a subject of discussion to model the statecraft of Kings Taejo and Munjong in the Goryeo Dynasty since the reigning period King Munjong.

고려 靖宗의 讓位와 文宗의 왕위계승

임영희 인문사회 21 2019 인문사회 21 Vol.10 No.5

This study is purposed to question the fact that Munjong ascended the throne according to King Jeongjong’s abdication of the throne and to find out whether it was a normal under the consideration of Goryeo Dynasty. King Jeongjong could not designate the crown prince, nor passed on the throne to one of his princes even though he had four sons. Furthermore, the activities of his first prince were not known at all because all the related historical records were destroyed by fire. As the research method, this study analyzed and interpreted the historical records based on the previous research results. The study compared the political abilities of King Jeongjong and Munjong in the power dynamics at the time of King Jeongjong’s death, and focused on King Munjong’s political actions and successor structures shown after his ascending to the throne. King Jeongjong’s kingship was relatively fragile, so the breadth of his activities was not large. On the other hand, Moonjong has all the talents of Munmu and had been generously supported from the mother-side relative, Lee Ja-yeon. After ascending to the throne, King Munjong showed a strong desire for strengthening the kingship and succession plot, blocking any possibility of brotherhood succession to the throne. As a result, it is hard to say that King Jeongjong’s abdication, which would have been made under the overwhelming political power and power of Munjong, was done by spontaneous will. In the future, therefore, there need more researches to find out the background of King Jeongjong’s weak support group. 본 연구는 고려 靖宗의 讓位를 받아 文宗이 국왕즉위를 한 것에 의문을 제기하고, 과연 정상적이고 온전한 왕위계승이었을지 밝히는 것이다. 정종은 아들이 넷이나 있었음에도 태자책봉도, 왕위도 물려주지 못했고 장자의 행적은 사료의 소실로 확인할 수도 없기 때문이다. 연구방법은 기왕의 연구 성과를 토대로, 사료분석과 해석을 하고자 하였다. 정종 사망당시 세력적 역학관계에서 정종과 문종의 정치적 실력을 비교하였고 문종이 즉위 후 보인 정치적 행보와 후계구도의 행적에 천착하였다. 정종의 왕권은 상대적으로 취약하여 운신의 폭이 크지 못했다. 반면에 문종은 문무의 모든 재능을 갖추었고 외척 이자연의 아낌없는 지원도 받았다. 즉위 후에 문종은 형제상속의 가능성을 일체 차단하며 왕권강화와 후계구도에 강한 열망을 보였다. 결론적으로 문종의 압도적인 정치적 능력과 세력 하에서 이루어졌을 정종의 양위는 자발적인 의사로 보기 어렵다. 이후에는 정종의 지지 세력이 취약했던 배경을 밝히는 연구가 필요할 것으로 본다.

고려 문종의 의사파견 요청과 여일관계

김현우 일본사학회 2015 일본역사연구 Vol.41 No.-

With bringing about a rapprochement with Sung(宋), Munjong(文宗) of Goryeo(高麗) requested to dispatch doctors and accepted Sung’s demand through its merchant to pay tribute at the same time. This request had an intention of avoiding Khitan(契丹)’s objection rather than a purpose to cure diseases. Thanks to sending an envoy for Sung's demand, Munjong could discuss the rapprochement without Khitan’s disturbance. And then Goryeo restored diplomatic relations with Sung and could have active sea trades. Goryeo tried to negotiate with Japan for establishing diplomatic relations, but Japan recognized Goryeo as an enemy that had succeeded to Silla(新羅). Because of that, it was very difficult for Goryeo to dispatch an envoy. To improve the relations, Goryeo had expressed no hostility against Japan by repatriating its prisoners. Nevertheless, the diplomatic situation did not get better, so Munjong decided to make “doctor diplomacy”, which was the same way to restore diplomatic relations with Sung, for entering into diplomatic relations with Japan. Munjong gave Ou Soku-tei(王則貞), who was Japanese merchant traveling back and forth between Goryeo and Japan, his credentials and representative role of Goryeo. Because of his efforts, Japan changed its attitude toward Goryeo and discussed dispatching doctors. However, Fujiwara no Morozane(藤原師實), Emperor’s chief advisor(Kampaku, 關白), thwarted it by using deceased father’s authority in almost the last step of it. Even though Munjong’s plan did not succeed, it resulted in changed Japan’s recognition for Goryeo. This showed that Japan’s attitude to Goryeo changed from hostility into amicability, so Japan began to trade with Goryeo actively. Since then, this friendly relation between Goryeo and Japan had been lasted for about 200 years.

조선 초기 역사서와 동국병감의 편찬

정해은(CHUNG, Hae-Eun) 한국사학사학회 2015 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.32

문종이 즉위한 지 한 달 만에 기획한 동국병감은 우리나라 전쟁 사례 7개를 수록한 역사서로서 한국역사상 최초의 전쟁사다. 문종은 몽골 오이라트의 침략을 우려해 우리의 전쟁사에서 위기를 타개할 방략을 찾으려는 의도에서 이 책을 기획하였다. 治亂의 역사에 관심을 쏟은 세종처럼 문종도 우리 역사에서 전쟁을 극복한 사례를 찾아 국가 위기를 타개하고자 하였다. 이런 문종의 의도가 이 책에 투영되었고 그것은 이 책의 내용이 고구려와 고려에 치중된 점에서 확인할 수 있다. 문종은 2년밖에 재위하지 않았으나 1445년(세종 27)부터 부왕 세종을 대신해 국정을 수행하였다. 문종은 이 기간에 ‘토목보의 변’을 접했으며, 세종이 북방 정세에 대처하기 위해 시행한 국방 정책들을 보좌하였다. 문종이 세종의 기획서인 역대병요를 토대로 우리나라 전쟁사를 기획한 것도 이런 배경에서 가능하였다. 또 세종 대에 치평요람이나 역대병요를 편찬하기 위해 다년간 각종 역사서들을 연구, 발췌한 결과물들을 확보한 것도 이 책을 기획할 수 있는 자산이 되었다. 이 책의 편찬에 누가 참여했는지기록은 없으나, 역대병요에 참여한 일군의 학자들이 대거 참여한 것으로보인다. 따라서 동국병감의 편찬은 문종 시대의 산물이자 세종 시대의 연장이라 할 수 있다. Dong’guk Byeong’gam is the first Official History of Wars that broke out on the Korean peninsula. Total of 37 incidents are recorded in this book. Plan for compiling this book was first initiated in the first month of the newly enthroned Joseon king Munjong’s reign. Earlier, king Sejong, Munjong’s father, displayed similar efforts (of studying past history of peacetime and wartime) in order to defend the country from a possible Oirat invasion. His son Munjong tried to collect historical examples of overcoming dynastic crises as well, in order to learn valuable lessons from history, which could help the government overcome similar problems in the future. His reign only lasted for 2 years, but in fact he was already looking over dynastic governance in the place of his father from 1445(27th year of king Sejong’s reign). In this time, he had to deal with the ‘Insurrection of Tomokbo,’ and employed certain policies conceived earlier by Sejong which were designed as appropriate responses to abrupt changes in Northern bordersituations. As part of such effort, Munjong revised Yeokdae Byeong’yo(歷代兵

高麗 文宗의 국정 운영 : 文宗代 詔書를 중심으로

홍기표(Hong Ki-Pyo) 한국인물사연구소 2007 한국인물사연구 Vol.7 No.-

There were the 629 cases of Joseo in Koryosa and Koryosajeoryo during the former era of Koryo. In the thesis, I assorted and analyzed the total 629 cases of Joseo existing in the documentary records by king and subject. From the results of classification by king, cases of Joseo issued during Emperor Munjong(文宗) era were 176, the most, followed by 85 during Emperor Injong(仁宗), 68 during Emperor Sookjong(肅宗), 55 during Emperor Yejong(睿宗), 49 during Emperor Hyunjong(顯宗), 47 during Emperor Seongjong(成宗), 40 during Emperor Jeongjong(靖宗). I categorized them all into six areas according to their subjects, that is, by <natural disaster>, <government official>, <rite>, <diplomacy·defense>, <civil>, <cultivation>. The results showed 250 cases concerning government official, 138 cases of rite, 96 cases of civil, 70 cases of natural disaster, 42 cases of diplomacy and defense, 33 cases of cultivation, among which cases of government official and rite combined accounted for two-thirds of the total. This implies that a majority of cases concerning the affairs occurring inside the ruling class, irrespective of commoners were included. Joseos proclaimed as part of Emperor's act of the state were mainly concerned about the internal affairs of the ruling class and their rites, which shows Joseo was used effectively in the process of establishing the ruling system and and the hierarchy. From the first year of his reign, Emperor Munjong(文宗) tried to verify his virtue of austerity as supreme ruler by showing his strictness in dispensation of justice both to services and crimes(信賞必罰). Also he attempted to draw subjects' fidelity toward the country and the royal family by granting them the preferential Joseo. He emphasized that subjects who had exerted devoted service would be guaranteed thoroughgoing recognition and honors from the country during his lifetime even after his death. In that way, he sought to rule the country, inducing the fidelity of the subjects and the families toward the sovereign and the country.