점토벽돌 제조용 원료로서 레드머드 재활용에 관한 연구

강혜주 ( Kang Hye-ju ),이영훈 ( Lee Yeong-hun ),이희라 ( Lee Hee-ra ),강석표 ( Kang Suk-pyo ) 한국건축시공학회 2019 한국건축시공학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.19 No.1

This study is designed to apply natural clay replaceable redmud as ceramic material by mixing redmud with the materials used in existing brickmaking in laboratory environment. Therefore, through this study, the redmud is recycled as a raw material for clay bricks and presented as a basic material for the use of redmud in clay bricks.

韓國 初期靑磁의 形成과 傳播

李鍾玟(Yi Jong-min) 한국미술사학회 2003 美術史學硏究 Vol.- No.240

'The celadon tea bowl and other shapes displaying the pi-shaped foot ring' characterize the early celadons of Korea. Despite of the many obstacles due to the lack of materials in the study of celadons, particularly the birth of celadons, newly acquired materials provide evidence that the development of celadons differed in the mid-western region and the southwestern region. The early celadon kilns of the mid-western region comprised as brick kilns, approximately 40 meters long and 2 meters wide, with 7 side entrances. Recent excavation of the late Tang and Northern Song period in China including the Shanglin Lake (上林湖), Hehuaxin (荷花芯). Cixi City (慈溪市), and Silongkou (寺龍口) area, all imply that the Korean brick kiln originated from the Yuezhou kiln (越州窯) in the Zhejiang province (浙江省). Moreover, the saggar shard with the inscription bonghwa (奉化)', unearthed at the Pangsan-dong kiln site in Sihung, suggest that the potter may have come from the Fuhua (奉化) region in China. The kilns in the southwestern region display smaller mud kilns, approximately 10 meters long, with 2-3 side entrances. Traditionally there were many small underground stoneware kilns in this region, actively maintained by the potters since the Unified Silla period. These mud kilns were not influenced by Chinese technology but were indigenously developed by the Korean stoneware potters. In the 1980s, the excavation of the S?-ri kiln in Yongin revealed not only a kiln structure that transformed from a brick kiln to a mud kiln but also a stratum of waste that clearly exhibited the transition. Among the excavated materials, the tea bowls, which comprised the largest number, are particularly interesting as the foot displays the development from proto-pi-shaped foot ring→the coexistence of the proto-pi-shaped foot ring and the pi-shaped foot ring→pi-shaped foot ring→wheel-shaped foot ring. Because more than 50% of the shards from the early celadon kiln site consist of tea bowls, the study of this form provides an important criterion in the understanding of the development of early celadon kilns. The Korean tea bowls with pi-shaped foot ring were thought to present the same style as those from the late Tang period. However, the tea bowls with proto-pi-shaped foot ring exhibit the same style with those from the Five Dynasties period. Thus, the former view must be revised. In other words, the Korean tea bowls with pi-shaped foot ring appears to be a Koreanized style of the later period, and not the contemporary style of the late Tang period. The brick kiln structure presented objects that were exact copies of the Yuezhou wares of the Five Dynasties period, while the mud kilns showed stoneware influences and many shards displayed brick kiln characteristics and stoneware elements. Chronologically later than the brick kiln, the mud kiln produced objects influenced by metalwork, fired high quality and low quality wares separately, and attempted biscuit firing. It appears that the brick kilns, which produced celadons for the upper class in the 10th century, directly adopted Chinese technology in the production structure of early celadons. Moreover, the mud kilns seem to have been formed around the southwestern coast as Korean celadon production structures in the 11th century. Thus, Korean celadons first began production from brick kilns and gradually transferred to the mud kilns in the southwestern area. The early celadons of Korea were produced in brick kilns in order to satisfy the demand for celadons that were imported from China in limited amounts. The mud kilns, on the other hand, developed after celadon production was set on track, and thus reflected Koryo life style and aesthetics. This fundamental characteristic differentiates the brick kiln and the mud kiln in early celadon production.

The manufacturing of sintered bricks from clay and red mud derived from the alumina processing plant

Ngoc Tuyen Tran,Duc Vu Quyen Nguyen,Van Minh Hai Ho,Xuan Tin Dang,Ngoc Quang Tran 한양대학교 청정에너지연구소 2017 Journal of Ceramic Processing Research Vol.18 No.5

In this study, the manufacturing of sintered bricks from clay and red mud was presented. The initial materials and obtainedbricks were characterized by X-ray diffraction (XRD), scanning electron microscope (SEM), transmission electron microscope(TEM), X-ray fluorescence (XRF), and differential scanning calorimetry-thermal gravimetry (DSC-TG). The compressivestrength, water absorption, bulk density and sintering shrinkage of sintered bricks were performed. The effects of componentsof raw materials, sintering temperature and time on physico-mechanical properties of the products was investigated. Theresults showed that the bricks prepared at 1000 oC for 1 hr with raw material containing up to 50% of red mud providedexcellent physico-mechanical properties. The obtained brick met the Vietnam standard VS1451-1998 and was satisfied theconstruction material requirements that were safe to human’s health and friendly with environment in terms of alkalineleaching and radioactivity indexes.

初期靑磁 編年問題 再論

崔健(Choi Kun) 한국미술사학회 2006 美術史學硏究 Vol.- No.250·251

통일신라 청자를 의미하는 9세기 발생설은 중국 玉壁底碗과 전남 康津郡의 初期靑磁窯의 日暈底碗이 조형적으로 매우 유사하다는 인식에서 시작되었다. 그리고 이 완이 중국 唐後期(8세기 후기-9세기 전기)에 유행했던 양식이라는 점과 관련하여 중국에서 이 완이 사라지기 전에 늦어도 9세기 중기에는 한반도에서 제작이 이루어졌을 가능성이 높다는 판단을 할 수 있었다. 그런데 2000년대 이후부터 기존에 9세기발생설과 달리 10세기 들어 五代 越州窯의 영향으로 先日暈底碗이 시작하고 이어 玉璧底완과 똑같은 日暈底碗은 중국에서 유행이 끝난 1세기 이상 뒤에 리바이벌한 것이라는 주장과 함께, 五代前期에 매우 특수하고 예외적인 것을 방조했을 것이라는 10세기 발생설이 나왔다. 이에 대한 필자의 주장은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 서리요 제1기층 출토의 先日暈底碗은 唐末-五代에 越州靑磁의 玉環底碗과 근본적으로 다르며, 이 완의 굽 형태는 만당 9세기 중기 월주청자에서 가장 보편적인 굽에 가깝고 五代에 가면 접지면이 더 좁고 전체 비례가 더 오뚝해지는 현상이 나타나 방산대요의 輪形底에 더 가까워진다. 따라서 선일훈저완 형식에서 방산대요의 윤형저로 변하는 것이 순리적인 변화라고 본다. 둘째, 日暈底碗이 중국 玉璧底와 관련 없다는 견해는 자료 분석 과정에 오류가 있었을 가능성이 높으며, 강진요의 초창기 內低曲面의 中國式 日暈底碗이 張保皐 島 유적(828-841년)출토 월주청자 大涇/狹幅式 玉璧底碗에 가장 가까워서 연관 관계를 긍정적으로 검토할 여지가 생겼다. 셋째, ?圈을 중심으로 분석하면서, 방산대요에서 이 기술이 적용된 것은 康陵(939년)시대 이전일 가능성은 아주 낮으며, 용인서리전축요(제1-2기층)나 토축요에서 확인되지 않는다는 사실은 점권 기술의 전파 이전에 서리요가 개요했을 가능성을 높여주는 근거가 될 수 있다. The theory of 9th century appearance meaning the blue celadon of United Shilla initiated from the recognition that Chinese Bowl with Jade-Round Bottom and the bowl with a pi-shaped foot ling of initial blue celadon kilns in Gangjin-gun, Jeonnam have very similar shapes. Based on the fact that was the popular style during the late Tang China (the late 8th century-the early 9th century), it is highly possible that it was made in the Korean Peninsula latest in the middle of the 9th century before the style completely disappeared in China. However, in contrast to the theory of 9th century appearance, the theory of 10th century appearance emerged in the 2000s stating that the Proto-Pi-Shaped Foot Ring started with the influence of Yue zhou Kilns during the Periods of the Five Dynasties in the 10th century and the Bowl with a Pi-Shaped Foot Ring looking the same as the Bowl with Jade-Round Bottom was a revival one appeared after its popularity had ended longer than 1 century ago. The theory of 10th century appearance also speculates that very unique and exceptional styles were allowed during the early period of the Five Dynasties. First, the Proto-Pi-Shaped Foot Ring excavated from the primary layer of Sreri Kilns is fundamentally different from the Bowl with Jade Rim and Low Bottom of the Five Yue zhou Celadon Pottery Kilns from the end of Tang China to the Periods of Five Dynasties. The stem shape of the bowl is close to the stem shape that was the most widespread in Yue Zhou Celadon during the late Tang China, the middle of 9th century: and in the Periods of the Five Dynasties, it became closer to the round bottom of Bangsandae Kiln showing the narrower folding area and the sharp contour. Therefore, it is a legitimate change from the Proto-Pi-Shaped Foot Ring style to the round bottom of Bangsandae Kiln. Second, it is highly possible that the suggestion that the Bowl with a Pi-Shaped Foot Ring has no relation to the Chinese Jade-Round Bottom is erroneous. The relation needs be positively examined since the Chinese style Bowl with a Pi-Shaped Foot Ring of which inside is low and side is curved found in the early Gangjin Kiln is the closest one to Yue zhou Celadon Bowl with Jade Rim and Low Bottom in the style of wide mouth and narrow body excavated from Jang Bogo Island relics (Years 828-841). Third, Based on the analysis of engravings, it is very unlikely that the technique was applied in Bangsandae Kiln before the period of Kangling (Year 939). The fact that it was not found in Yongin Seri Brick Kilns (the primary-secondary layers) or Mud Kilns can be the basis to enhance the possibility that Sreri Kilns was in operation before the engraving technique was spread.

高敞(고창) 龍溪里窯(용계리요) 성격에 대한 새로운 시각

권혁주 ( Hyeok Joo Kwon ) 호남고고학회 2013 湖南考古學報 Vol.43 No.-

龍溪里窯 발굴 이후 진행된 주된 논의는 “太平壬戌(1022)”銘 瓦片과 관련한 용계리요의 운영시기, 가마와 건물지의 관련성, 塼築窯의 존재, 초기청자의 범주에 포함되는 전축요와 토축요 관계상에서의 위치 등 제한적인 해석에 머물고 있다. 본 글에서는 초기청자를 생산하였던 용계리요를 고창현의 관할지역으로 비정한 것을 지명유래와 주변 요지 분포현황, 고지도와의 비교, 치소성의 이동 등을 토대로 용계리요는 운영당시 古阜郡의 속현인 尙質縣 관할지역 내에 있었던 것으로 해석하였다. 용계리요 발굴보고서 본문 내용과 도면을 바탕으로 “太平壬戌”銘 瓦片이 출토된 건물지 조사현황을 살펴봄으로써 퇴적구릉의 서편 평탄지에서 조사된 건물지와 용계리요의 연관성을 도출하였다. 또한 용계리요에서 출토된 “太平壬戌”銘 瓦片에서 판독되지 않는 ‘戌’字에 대해 北宋代 太平興國(976~983)의 연호가 “興國”을 생략한 “太平”만이 사용된 용례가 있음을 문제점으로 지적하고, 유적에서 출토된 연호명평기와의 문양구성을 토대로 “太平壬戌”銘 瓦片의 연대를 재검토하였다. “太平壬戌”銘 瓦片이 지니는 사료적 의미를 살펴본 결과 담장시설 내부에 건립된 건물지는 용계리요 운영시기에 존속하였고, 가마의 운영과 관리, 생산품에 대한 감독 등을 목적으로 신축된 것으로 해석하였다. 특히 太平 壬戌年 4月 이후 신축된 담장내부의 동편Ⅰ건물지와 남편건물지는 용계리요 운영과 밀접한 관련이 있는 것으로 추정된다. 이들 건물지에 사용되었던 “太平壬戌”銘 瓦片은 北宋의 연호를 사용하다가 1022년 4월 거란 太平연호를 재사용하기로 한 고려조정의 결정이 신속하게 반영된 결과이며, 연호명기와의 출토사례가 사찰을 비롯하여 산성·치소성 등 국가 혹은 왕실과 밀접한 연관을 지닌 유적에 집중되어 있기 때문이다. Main discussion proceeded after excavation of Yonggea-ri kilns stays in limited interpretation such as operation period of Yonggea-ri kilns related to scrap of tile inscribed in “Taepyung Yimsul太平壬戌(1022)”, relationship between kiln and building site, existence of brick built kilns, position in the relationship of brick built kilns and mud built kilns included to category of Early celadon etc. About that Yonggea-ri kilns where Early celadon was produced, was included to Gochanghyun, this study inferred that Yonggea-ri kilns was located inside administrative area of Sangjilhyun(尙質縣) under Gobu-gun(古阜郡) then times based on origin of place name, distribution status of surrounding kilns, comparison with old map, movement of Chisoseong(治所城 castle for administrative office in province) etc. By investigating survey status of building site where scrap of tile inscribed in “Taepyung Yimsul太平壬戌” was excavated based on content of main body and drawing on excavation report for Yonggea-ri kilns, the study drew relationship between building site examined in western plain of heap hill and Yonggea-ri kilns. This study pointed out a problem that about letter ‘Sul(戌)’ which was not interpreted in the scrap of tile inscribed in “Taepyung Yimsul太平壬戌”, there is example where only “Taepyung (太平)” was used - “Heungguk (興國)” was abbreviated from era name of Taepyung heungguk太平興國(976~983) in North Song dynasty. And this study reviewed period of scrap of tile inscribed in “Taepyung Yimsul太平壬戌” based on pattern composition of flat tile with inscription of era name excavated in relic again. And as a result of investigating value as historical material and its meaning of scrap of tile inscribed in “Taepyung Yimsul太平壬戌”, this study interpreted that building sites constructed inside wall facility were newly built for the purposes of operation and management of kiln, supervising of products then times when ceramic was produced. Especially, eastern and southern building sites were identified to have large implication relating to operation of Yonggea-ri kilns. Scrap of tile inscribed in “Taepyung Yimsul太平壬戌” which was used in these building sites used era name of North Song and Taepyung(太平) era name of Chi-dan was reused in April, 1022-decision of Goryeo Royal court was rapidly reflected for use of Taepyung(太平) era name of Chi-dan. And excavation examples of tile with inscription of era name are concentrated on relic closely related to government or royal family such as mountain castle, Chisoseong(治所城) etc. including temple.

고려초 청자생산 중심지의 이동과정 연구

이종민(Lee Jong-min) 湖西史學會 2011 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.58

韓國 初期靑磁 生産窯址의 分布와 性格

이종민 湖西史學會 2012 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.63

한국 고대 성토구조물에서 토괴의 기능과 의미

손재현 중앙문화재연구원 2015 중앙고고연구 Vol.0 No.17

한국 고대 성토구조물로는 고분·토성·제방·대형 건물 등이 있다. 최근 이들 유적의 발굴조 사 과정에서 덩어리 형태의 흙, 즉 토괴를 성토재로 사용한 경우가 다수 확인되고 있어 주목된다. 토괴는 그간 다양한 용어로 명명되었으며 주로 구획과 밀접한 관련을 지니는 것으로 인식되어 왔다. 하지만 용어의 혼용으로 토괴의 명확한 개념 정리가 이루어지지 못했고, 토괴의 사용 양상 에 대한 관행적 해석이 반복됨에 따라 토괴 사용이 갖는 기능과 의미에 대해서 구체적으로 밝혀 지지 못했다. 본고에서는 먼저 토괴의 개념정리 후 토괴 사용이 알려진 유적 27개소를 대상으로 삼아 검토 하였다. 그 결과 고분·성곽·제방·대형 건물 등 성토구조물이라 볼 수 있는 모든 유구의 축조 에서 토괴의 사용이 확인되었다. 다음으로 현대공법과 유적 검토 결과를 참고하여 토괴의 구분 기준을 제시하고, 분류를 시도하 였으며, 사용방법과 기능을 제시하였다. 토괴의 사용방법은 유적의 성격에 따라 차이가 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 유구의 성격뿐 아니 라 사용된 토괴의 종류 또한 채토환경의 영향을 받고 종류에 따른 다양한 기능을 얻고자 선택적 으로 사용되었음을 알 수 있었다. 한편 해외 유적 사례 검토를 통해 중국, 일본, 넓게는 서~중앙아시아에서도 토괴가 사용되었 음을 확인하게 되면서 토괴를 사용한 축조기술은 특정지역을 대표하는 것이 아니라 오랜 기간 광 범위한 지역에서 사용되었음을 파악할 수 있었다. 이렇듯 기후조건이 달랐음에도 토괴가 널리 쓰 인 이유는 토괴가 갖는 다양한 기능을 얻기 때문이었을 것이다. 이러한 근거를 통해 성토구조물의 축조에서 토괴의 사용이 갖는 의미를 단순한 운반의 편의성 으로만 볼 것이 아니라 주요 성토기법을 보조하는 하나의 보조공법으로 이해되어야 할 것으로 판 단된다. Korea’s ancient Embankment structures are assemblages a complex of advanced technologies, that is results of reflected in national power. Embankment structures include burial mounds, earthen fortications, embankments and large buildings. In recent excavations involving these structures, there are many cases that have been discovered to have used lump shaped soil, as known as clay clod, and such cases are drawing attention. Clay clods have been named in many different terms and have been thought to have close relationship with dividing sections. But with the mixed use of different terms, clarification of the concept of clay clod was not made and as conventional interpretations on the aspects of usage of clay clods were made continuously, the function and the meaning that the use of soil clods holds were not specifically identied. This paper firstly clarifies the concept of clay clod and examines 27 sites that have been known to have used clay clods. As a result of examination, it was revealed that every features that can be identied as mound structures such as burial mounds · fortications · embankments · large buildings and etc have used clay clods. Nextly, by referring to modern building techniques and the result of examination of sites, this paper renders a criteria to classify soil clods, classifies the soil clods and renders the methods of use and meanings of soil clods. It was found out that the usage of clay clods differs by the character of a site. The type of clay clod that is used is influenced not only by the character of the feature, but also by the condition of the soil collecting, and it was found out that the each types were collectively used to obtain diverse functions. Meanwhile, by examining sites overseas, the paper found out that soil clods were used in China, Japan and also in West~Central Asia and reveals that mounding technique involving the use of soil clods is not something that is limited to a specic region but a widespread technique in many different regions used over time. clay clodwould have been broadly used, despite the climate dierence, in order to obtain dierent functions from it. In this reason, the meaning of the usage of clay clods in the construction of Embankment structures should be understood not just as simplifying the transport of soil, but as an auxiliary construction technique that assists the main mounding technique.