19세기 러시아의 조선 진출과 백두산 등반

우명길 고려대학교 한국언어문화학술확산연구소 2024 Journal of Korean Culture Vol.64 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to expand the horizons of research on Mt. Baekdu by investigating the background and characteristics of climbing Mt. Baekdu by Russians in the 19th century. Mt. Baekdu is the highest mountain in both the Korean Peninsula and Manchuria, and is also the source of the Yalu River, the Tuman River, and the Songhwa River. Most of the border connecting the Yalu River, Mt. Baekdu, and Tuman River borders China, but the border at the mouth of the Tuman River borders Russia. Russia's climbing Mt. Baekdu was carried out as part of the Great Game between Britain and Russia. Russia, which annexed the Maritime Province in 1860, took the policy of maintaining the status quo in Northeast Asia for a while, but from 1895 when the Sino-Japanese War ended to 1904 when it lost to Japan in the Russo-Japanese War, it actively pursued the Southern Policy to advance to Joseon and Manchuria. Russia's climbing Mt. Baekdu took place during this period. Britain, which won the two Opium Wars, strengthened Geomundo Island in 1885 to prevent Russia from entering the East Sea when Russia occupied Tsushima Island in 1861 and established diplomatic relations with Joseon in 1884. The first time Britain's climbing Mt. Baekdu was in 1886, a year after Geomundo Island was strengthened. After the Sino-Japanese War ended and Russia's intervention of the Tripartite Intervention was successful, Strelbitsky became the first Russian to climb Mt. Baekdu and travel to Manchuria in 1895. Strelbitsky, who saw the origin of the Tuman River on his way to climb Mt. Baekdu, went down to the crater and explored the Cheonji Lake, the highest in the world among Lake Caldella. Russia's massive ascent of Mt. Baekdu is directly related to the Joseon Dynasty's Agwanpacheon. Russia, which secured a patent for deforestation on the Yalu River from the Joseon Dynasty, which was sent a large-scale Zvegintsov exploration team to Joseon in 1898. Garin-Mikhailovsky, who joined the expedition, not only climbed Mt. Baekdu and explored the borderline from the Tuman River, through the Mt. Baekdu, and to the mouth of the Yalu River. Garin-Mikhailovsky confirmed the origins of three rivers: the Yalu River, the Tuman River, and the Songhua River which rise in Mt. Baekdu. The significance of the Russian's climbing to Mt. Baekdu is that they did not simply climb Mt. Baekdu, just like the British who climbed it years earlier, but also checked the origins of the three rivers and explored the borderline of Joseon at the mouth of the Tuman River, Mt. Baekdu, and the Yalu River. It seems that Russia wanted to clarify the border between the Joseon line and the Qing Dynasty in preparation for Joseon's dominance by Russia.

백두산의 ‘민족 영산’으로의 표상화

박찬승 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소 2013 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.55 No.-

백두산은 오늘날 흔히 ‘민족의 영산’이라고 불리고 있다. 이러한 표현은 언제부터 등장한 것일까. 그리고 한국인들의 백두산에 대한 인식은 어떻게 변해왔을까. 백두산은 고려와 조선시대에는 주로 조선 산천의 조종산이라는 지리적 표상으로서 의미를 갖고 있었다. 이는 조선후기까지 이어졌으며, 조선후기에 백두산은 중국의 곤륜산과 대등한 명산으로서, 조선의 소중화 문화를 상징하는 존재로 받아들여지기도 했다. 또 1712년 백두산정계비를 세워지면서 백두산의 일부가 조선의 영토에 확실히 편입되었기 때문에, 비록 소수이지만 백두산에 관심을 갖고 이곳에 다녀오는 이들도 나타났다. 19세기 후반 들어 함경도의 주민들 가운데 두만강을 건너 간도지역으로 이주하는 이들이 늘어났다. 그리고 이들은 백두산정계비에 나오는 토문강은 두만강과 다른 강으로서 송화강의 한 지류라고 주장하였다. 대한제국 정부도 한때 그와 같은 인식을 갖고 청국과 국경 교섭에 나섰다. 그러나 1712년 정계비를 세울 당시 ‘토문강은 두만강과 같다’고 기록한 문서가 발견되면서 정부는 이와 같은 주장을 접을 수밖에 없었다. 그런데 청국과의 국경 분쟁 과정에서 지식인들의 백두산에 대한 관심은 그만큼 높아졌다. 그런 가운데 1908년 신채호가 대한매일신보에 연재한 「독사신론」에서 삼국유사의 단군 관련 기사에 나오는 태백산은 묘향산이 아니라 백두산이라고 주장하였다. 이는 안정복의 『동사강목』에 근거한 것이었다. 하지만 그 근거가 확실한 것은 아니었다. 1909년 나철은 단군교(1년 뒤의 대종교)를 세우고 신채호의 설을 이어받아 ‘백두산=단군탄강지’론을 강력히 주장하기에 이르렀다. 이러한 주장은 1910년대 대종교들 사이에서 널리 퍼졌고, 1920,30년대에는 동아일보와 조선일보가 이를 더욱 확산시켰다. 두 신문사는 백두산 탐험단을 조직하고, 강연회, 전시회 등 각종 행사를 개최함으로써 ‘백두산=단군탄강지’론을 대중들 사이에 크게 확산시켰다. 그리고 이를 권덕규, 최남선 등이 학문적으로 뒷받침하려 노력했다. 그런 가운데 동아일보는 ‘백두산은 조선의 영산’이라는 표현을 쓰기도 했는데, 이는 당시 ‘富士山은 일본의 영산’이라는 담론으로부터 영향을 받은 것이었다. 이와 같은 과정을 통해 백두산은 이제 지리적 표상보다는 역사적 표상으로서의 의미를 더 갖게 되었다. 해방 이후 남한 사람들은 한동안 백두산을 갈 수 없었다. 그러다가 1980년대 중반 중국을 통해 백두산에 갈 수 있게 되었다. 이후 남한의 언론과 관광업계는 ‘백두산=민족의 영산’이라는 담론을 만들어냈다. 물론 이는 ‘백두산=민족탄강지’라는 담론을 더 추상화시킨 것이었다. 그리고 여기에 ‘백두산=민족 분단과 통일염원의 상징’이라는 이미지가 덧보태어졌다. 또 최근에는 한반도의 모든 산맥이 ‘백두대간’으로 연결되어 있다는 주장이 확산되면서 백두산의 지리적 표상으로서의 의미도 다시 강조되고 있다. Mt. Baekdu is commonly called as a “national sacred mountain” today. When did this expression first come out? In addition, how has the people’s awareness of the mountain changed in Korea?In the Goryeo and Joseon Dynasty, Mt. Baekdu was meaningful as a geographical symbol as an ancestral mountain of the national nature. And during the late Joseon, the mountain was often regarded as a valuable cultural symbol of Joseon, which is a great mountain equivalent to the Mt. Kunlun in China. Some parts of Mt. Baekdu were decidedly integrated into the territory of Joseon based on the demarcation stone established in 1712. Under the circumstances, there are people who climb Mt. Baekdu, albeit not many, with interests into the mountain. In the late 19th century, more people in Hamgyung-do moved to the Gando area across Tuman River. They argued that Tomun River specified in the demarcation stone of Mt.Baekdu was different from Tuman River and rather a branch of Songhua River. The government of the Great Han Empire once promoted the territorial negotiations with the Qing dynasty from the same perspective of the argument mentioned above. However, as the documents were discovered that recorded “Tomun River equals Tumen River” when establishing the demarcation stone in 1712, the government had to drop the argument. During the process of territorial disputes with the Qing dynasty, however, intellectuals developed more interests in Mt.baekdu. Meanwhile, in Doksasillon (a new guide to reading history) published serially by Shin Chae-ho in Daehan Maeil Shinbo in 1908, Shin argued that Mt. Taebaek in the Dangun-related article in Samguk Yusa (Memorabilia of Three Kingdoms) referred to Mt. Baekdu rather than Mt. Myohyang. This was based on Dongsa Gangmok (a Korean history book) written by Ahn Jeong-bok. However, the ground was still not confirmed. In 1909, Na Chul created the religion of Dangun (religion of Daejong 1 year later) and strongly claimed the theory of “Mt. Baekdu=Birthplace of Dangun” inheriting the theory of Shin Chae-ho. Such argument was widespread in the religion of Daejong in the 1910 and more proliferated by Donga Ilbo and Chosun Ilbo in the 1920s to 30s. The two newspapers organized the expedition of Mt. Baekdu and held various events such as lectures and exhibitions which largely spread the theory of “Mt. Baekdu=Birthplace of Dangun” among the public. The intellectuals such as Kwon Duk-kyu and Choi Nam-sun also made efforts to support the theory in an academic way. Donga Ilbo used the expression of “Mt. Baekdu is the sacred mountain of Joseon”, which was influenced by the discourse of “Mt. Fuji is the sacred mountain of Japan”. Through the process, Mt. Baekdu has gained more significance as a historical symbol rather than a geographical symbol. After liberation, South Koreans had no access to Mt. Baekdu for a while. Then, from the mid 1980s, they were able to go to the mountain via China. Since then, South Korean media and tourism industry created the discourse of “Mt. Baekdu=National Sacred Mountain”. Of course, this was a more abstract version of the discourse of “Mt. Baekdu=National Birthplace”, which was added by the image of “Mt. Baekdu=Symbol of National Division and Wish for Unification”. Moreover, with the spread of the argument that all mountains of the Korean peninsula are linked to the “Baekdu-daegan”, the significance of Mt. Baekdu as a geographical symbol is being reemphasized.

지리산과 태산, 한중 유람문학의 두 초상

강정화 ( Jeong Hwa Kang ) 동방한문학회 2013 東方漢文學 Vol.0 No.55

본고는 한국의 지리산과 중국 태산의 유람 작품을 중심으로 韓中 유람문학의 단면을 살핀 것이다. 지리산 유람은 조선조 士라는 특정 부류에 의해 수백 년 간 지속적으로 이루어졌고, 지리산권역 인물에 의해 유람 작품이 집중적으로 산출되었다. 반면 태산은 역대 황제를 비롯해 다양한 부류의 名人이 유람하였고, 따라서 수세기에 걸쳐 다양한 성향의 인물에게서 유람작품이 산출되었다. 또한 태산권역의 인물보다는 遠地에서 찾아온 인물이 절대 다수를 차지한다. 이는 지리산과 태산 유람 및 유람문학의 뚜렷한 차별성이자 특징이라 할 수 있다. 이는 두 산의 유람작품에서 적출한 대표적 형상과도 밀접한 관련성을 갖는다. 예컨대 泰山詩에 보이는 형상으로는 황제가 封禪한 ‘제왕의 산’이라는 인식이 두드러지는데, 지리산 유람시에서는 이와 달리 ‘제왕의 형상을 한 산’이라는 의식이 뚜렷한 차이를 보이는 경우이다. 지리산 유람과 관련해서는 그동안 다양한 각도에서 많은 연구가 이루어져 왔으나, 태산 및 태산 유람은 한국의 遊山文化에 많은 영향을 끼쳤음에도 아직 학계에 일반화되지 않았다. 본고는 한중을 대표하는 두 산의 유람문학을 비교 고찰한 첫 연구라는 점에서 그 의의가 있다. This paper presents an investigation into the aspects of Korean and Chinese excursion literature with a focus on the excursion works on Mt. Jiri in Korea and Mt. Taishan in China. Excursions to Mt. Jiri continued among a certain class of gentlemen during Joseon for hundreds of years. Those who were from the Mt. Jiri areas intensively created excursion works to the mountain. On the other hand, various classes of noted figures including the emperors made an excursion to Mt. Taishan. Figures of diverse propensities created excursion works to Mt. Taishan over several centuries. Those who came from distant places accounted for an absolute majority of the writers rather than those who were from the Mt. Taishan areas, which is a clear point of differentiation and characteristic between the excursions and excursion literature of Mt. Jiri and those of Mt. Taishan. It is closely connected to the representative forms identified in the excursion works of the two mountains. For instance, there is a clear difference between the perception of Mt. Taishan that it was “Mountain of the Emperor” for which the emperors held a religious ceremony and that of Mt. Jiri that it was “Mountain in the Shape of the Emperor” described in the excursion poems to the mountain. There have been plenty of researches on excursions to Mt. Jiri from various angles, but Mt. Taishan and excursions to the mountain have not been generalized in the academic circles in spite of their considerable influences on Korea`s legacy culture. The study is significant in that it is the first research to compare and examine the excursion literature of two mountains representing Korea and China, respectively.

곤륜산, 수미산, 그리고 삼단팔각 연화대좌 -중국 삼단팔각 연화대좌에 담긴 상징-

임영애 ( Young Ae Lim ) 한국불교미술사학회(구 한국미술사연구소) 2010 강좌미술사 Vol.34 No.-

상중하의 3단으로 구성되고 중대가 팔각인 삼단팔각 연화대좌는 간다라나 인도 본토에는 존재하지 않는다, 삼단팔각 연화대좌가 처음 등장하는 것은 중국이며, 성립 시기는 대략 6세기경으로 짐작된다. 물론 5세기 전반부터 중대가 잘록한 삼단의 대좌가 등장하며, 이는 6세기 삼단팔각 연화대좌의 전단계이다. 이 글에서 해결하려하는 문제는 바로 중국에서 처음 시작된 삼단팔각 연화대좌의 연원이 도대체 어디에 있는가 하는 것이다. 중국 삼단팔각 연화대좌에 담긴 상징성을 이해하기 위해서는 크게 두 가지 문제에 초점을 맞추었다. 첫째, 삼단팔각 연화대좌보다 앞서 등장한 삼단대좌의 `삼단`은 어디서 연유한 것이며, 그 의미는 무엇인가? 왜 인도본토 및 간다라에서는 보이지 않던 삼단의 대좌가 등장하게 되었는가? 둘째, 삼단대좌를 기본으로 보다 진전된 형식인 삼단팔각 연화대좌에 관한 것이다. 이 때 `팔각`은 또 어떤 이유로 대좌에 쓰이게 된 것이며, 어떤 상징성을 지니는가가 바로 필자의 두 번째 관심사이다. 우선, 5세기 전반, 불좌상 대좌가 삼단의 형식을 갖추기 시작한 연유가 무엇인가? 그 해답을 위해 필자는 서왕모의 곤륜산 이미지에 주목하였다. 서왕모가 머무른다는 곤륜산은 삼단으로 구성되어 있는데다가 중간단의 폭이 좁고 수직으로 형성되어 있어 쉽게 오르기 어려운 구조로 되어 있다. 쉽게 오를 수 없지만 그곳에 도달하기를 염원했던 고대 중국인들은 오르기 힘든 구조를 한 곤륜산 이미지를 화상석에 새겨 넣었다. 이 후 널리 알려진 곤륜산의 이미지는 불교가 유입되면서 불교의 수미산 이미지에 투영되었다. 고대 중국인들에게는 곤륜산도 수미산도 모두 `우주의 축`이며, 세상의 중심이라는 공통관념이 보편화되어 있었기 때문이다. 실제로 서왕모가 위치해야할 장소에 불상의 이미지를 대체한 후한대의 수많은 예들은 곤륜산과 수미산을 동일한 관념으로 이해하였다는 추정을 뒷받침해준다. `삼단대좌`가 이후 `삼단팔각 연화대좌`로 발전하는 과정에 등장하는 `팔각`도 곤륜산 이미지를 비롯한 중국 고대의 보편적 상징체계가 반영된 것으로 파악하였다. 앞서 이야기한대로 팔각은 네모에서 원으로, 원에서 네모로 가는 선상에서 항상 거쳐야 하는 과정에 있기 때문에 하늘과 땅을 연결하는 매개체로 상징화된다. 이런 이유로 곤류산이 여덟 개의 기둥으로 이루어져 있다는 관념은 여덟 개의 기둥이 承天 즉 `하늘과 땅을 잇는다`는 고대인들의 사고와 밀집한 관련이 있다. 이러한 곤륜산에 대한 인식 역시 불교 수미산 이미지에 반영되었고, 그 결과물이 초기 삼단팔각 연화대좌의 중대에 여덟 개의 隔柱가 세워지는 흥미로운 대좌 형식이 아닌가 생각한다. 삼단팔각 연화대좌의 성립에 곤륜산 이미지 만이 반영되었다는 단선적인 시각으로 보는 것은 물론 아니다. 다만 `삼단팔각 연화대좌` 형식의 성립에 가장 큰 역할을 담당했던 관념과 이미지가 바로 곤륜산 이미지가 투영된 수미산 이미지였을 것으로 이해하였다. 필자는 지금껏 불교미술과 전통미술의 어떠한 교호관계를 지니는지 눈여겨 보아왔다. 다시 말해 전통미술이 불교미술에 어떻게 투영되었으며, 또 그 반대의 흐름은 어떠했는지가 중요한 관심사였다. 중국과 통일신라 불상의 대좌로 가장 애용되었던 삼단팔각 연화대좌는 바로 중국 고대인들의 사고체계와 관념이 불교미술에 반영된 주목할 만한 또 하나의 예라고 생각한다. Octagonal three-step lotus pedestals, which have three steps, high, middle and low and the middle step of which is octagonal, are not found in Gandhara or in India. It is China that octagonal three-step lotus pedestals began to appear in around the 6th century. Of course, there had been three-step pedestals with a slim middle step from the early 5th century, and they were the prototype of octagonal three-step lotus pedestals in the 6th century. The question that this study attempted to answer is "What are the origin and the meaning of octagonal three-step lotus pedestals that emerged first in China." In order to understand the symbolism of Chinese octagonal three-step lotus pedestals, we focused largely on two issues. First, what is the reason that pedestals for seated Buddhist statues came to have three steps from me early 5th century? In order to find the answer, the author paid attention to the image of Xiwangmu`s Mt. Kunlun. Mt. Kunlun consists of three stages, and the middle stage has a narrow and vertical structure that is hardly climbable. Ancient Chinese, who yearned to reach the mountain although not easy to climb, engraved the image of hardly climbable Mt. Kunlun in the Han Pictorial Stone Relief. With me introduction of Buddhism, the image of Mr. Kunlun, which became known widely later, was reflected in the image of Mt. Sumeru in Buddhism. To ancient Chinese, it was common sense that both Mt. Kunlun and Mt. Sumeru were `the axes of the universe` and the center of the world. `Octagonal shape,` which appeared in the process that `three-step pedestals` developed into `octagonal three-step lotus pedestal,` is also believed to reflect universal symbolic systems of ancient China including the image of Mt. Kunlun, As mentioned above, octagon is in the middle of development from square to circle or from circle to square. Therefore, it is symbolized as a mediator between heaven and earth. For this reason, the idea that Mr. Kunlun consists of eight pillars is closely related with ancient people`s belief that heaven and earth are connected to each other through eight pillars. This perception of Mt. Kunlun was reflected in the image of Mt. Sumeru in Buddhism, and this might result in the interesting pedestal style with eight pillars in the middle step of octagonal three-step lotus pedestals. Of course, we do not say that only the image of Mt. Kunlun was reflected in the style of octagonal three-step lotus pedestals. Our understanding is that the factor playing the biggest role in the establishment of the form of `octagonal three-step lotus pedestals` was the image of Mr. Sumeru on which the image of Mt. Kunlun was projected. The author has been observing carefully what interactive relation exists between Buddhist arts and traditional arts. In other words, the author`s main interest is how traditional arts were projected on Buddhist arts and how the influence in the opposite direction was. Octagonal three-step lotus pedestals, which were the most favorite style of Buddhist statues in China and the Unified Shilla Dynasty, are considered another remarkable example demonstrating that ancient Chinese` thinking systems and ideas were reflected in Buddhist arts.

특촬물로 본 ‘일본’과 ‘세계’의 후지산(富士山)

이경희 한국일본학회 2013 日本學報 Vol.96 No.-

Mt. Fuji as the ‘symbol of Japan’ began to receive domestic and international attention as it was appointed as a ‘world cultural heritage’ on June 22. In this paper, two aspects of ‘crisis of Mt. Fuji’ seen through special effect works of Japan and the meaning of its conclusion were discussed, examining the point of contact with Mt. Fuji, which was simultaneously approved for national symbolism and value as a world heritage. Since the past until present, Mt. Fuji has frequently appeared in TV dramas and films of Japan that used special effect techniques. This paper will focus on the five works. First is an old joint production film between Japan Germany titled New Land(1937). Tsuburaya Eiji, the best special effect producer of Japan who founded the Tsuburaya Productions, participated in the film for special effect techniques. Next are two works of ‘Ultra Series’, a special effect TV drama that led the booming of special effect works in 1960s and 1970s, named SOS Mt. Fuji (1966.2.13 and Monster Standing on Mt. Fuji(1972.1.28). Lastly, two films based on an original work by Komatsu Sakyo, Sinking of Japan(1973) and its remake produced in 2006, were examined. These works have a common setting called ‘crisis of Mt. Fuji’ created by special effects. However, there are two contrasting aspects in the end: Mt. Fuji rescued from crisis (two works of ‘Ultra Series’ and the remake of Sinking of Japan) and Mt. Fuji not rescued until the end (New Land and Sinking of Japan(1973)). But interestingly, all works again share in common the fact that they ultimately end by showing ‘Japan that has not come to its end’. Yet, an important message can be seen here about national symbolism and global value of Mt. Fuji. That is, crisis of Mt. Fuji is not simply a disaster of Japan but a global disaster. In other words, peace of Mt. Fuji, the symbol of Japan, is led to peace of the world. The subject of ‘crisis of Mt. Fuji’ used in special effect works of Japan for over half a century is settling as a symbol of ‘eternal Japan’ and at the same time being extended as a discussion on global peace, regardless its end. This is connected to the current state of Mt. Fuji, which was officially acknowledged for its value as the symbol of Japan to be protected by the world.

침윤성 자궁경부암에서의 Membranous Type1, 2, 3-Metalloproteinase 발현

문혜성 ( Hye Sung Moon ),성순희 ( Soon Hee Sung ),정혜원 ( Hye Won Chung ),김승철 ( Seoung Cheol Kim ) 대한산부인과학회 2006 Obstetrics & Gynecology Science Vol.49 No.6

목적: 암의 침윤과 전이에는 여러 가지 종류의 단백질 분해효소가 관여한다. 자궁경부암 조직에서 여러 가지 아형의 MT-MMP 발현을 측정하여 정상 자궁경부조직에 비해 발현이 증가하였는지 알아보고자 하였으며 이에 따른 MMP-2 발현과의 관련성과 다른 임상예후인자와의 관련성을 알아보고자 본 연구를 수행하였다. 연구 방법: 1998년 3월부터 6월까지 내원한 자궁경부암 환자 34예를 대상으로 하여 대조군 14예와 함께 조직을 채취하여 면역조직화학염색법과 western blotting으로 MT1, 2, 3-MMP, MMP-2 단백질을 측정하였고 zymogram으로 MMP-2 활성도 측정하였다. 결과: 자궁경부암에서의 MT1, 2, 3-MMP 발현은 정상 자궁경부 조직에 비해 증가되었으나 다른 임상예후인자, 병리학적 유형, 병기, 종괴의 크기, SCC-Ag과는 통계적으로 유의한 관계는 없었다. 그러나 이들은 MMP-2 발현과 서로 유의한 상관관계를 보였으며 MT1, 3-MMP 발현과 MMP-2 발현은 임파절의 전이와도 유의한 상관관계를 보였다. 결론: MT-MMP 발현은 자궁경부암의 암화과정에 관여할 것으로 보이며 임상적으로 자궁경부암의 전이를 예측하는데 도움이 될 것으로 예상된다. Objective: Threre are several proteolytic enzymes such as Matrix Metalloproteinases (MMP), which are involved in tumor invasion and metastasis. The aim of this study was to determine the exprssion of Membranous Type MMPs (MT-MMPs) and investigate the relationship between their expression and questioned whether their expression is related to stages and other prognostic factors of cervical cancer. Methods: The cervical and cervical cancer tissues were taken from the patients; healthy women (n=14), and the patients with cervical cancer (n=35). The protein expression of MT1, 2, 3-MMP with MMP-2 was examined using immunohistochemical staining and western blotting. MMP-2 activity was measured by zymogram. Results: The expression of MT1, 2, 3-MMP was higher in cervical cancer than that of normal cervix (p<0.05). No significant association was found between MT-MMPs and clinicopathologic factors, such as age, grade, stage, tumor sizes, and Squamous cell carcinoma-Ag (SCC-Ag) (p>0.05). But there were significant correlations between MT1-MMP, MT3-MMP and lymph node involvemen t (p<0.05). There was significant correlation between MT-MMPs and MMP-2 (p<0.05), too. Conclusion: According to the results, MT-MMP expression could be associated with the pathogenesis of cervical cancer. In addition, the evaluation fo MT-MMPs expression might be helpful to predict lymph node metastasis in cervical cancer. Further prospective study with a large number of cases is needed in future.

19세기 말 20세기 초 백두산에 대한 인식변화

김재영 한국역사민속학회 2017 역사민속학 Vol.0 No.53

The concept of Jojongsan(Ancestral Mountain) and Baekdudaegan about Mt. Baekdu has been strengthened through the Koryo and the Joseon Dynasties. The recognition about Mt. Baekdu was expressed with the reflection of the ancestral mountain formed from a view of a Layer of Land on a literary works written in the late Koryo by Fengshui Theory in the late Silla and the early Koryo and also expressed as the religion for national protection on the birth tale of Koryo Wang-geon and the Palseongdang record. The recognition of the ancestral mountain about Mt. Baekdu and its importance as the highest mountain of the Korean peninsula has been recognized in the early Joseon Dynasty, but it has been excluded in the system of national rituals. During Mt. Baekdu Demarcation Stone installed the reign of King Sukjong in the late Joseon dynasty, Mt. Baekdu was formally incorporated into the national rituals system. At the same time, the recognition of Jojong about Mt. Baekdu and the idea of Baekdudaegan were symbolized by the development of traditional geography represented by the Sangyeongpyo of Shin Kyungjun and the idea of territory to the north organized geographically in the late Joseon dynasty. At the time when the unity of the nation is required after the modern enlightenment period, the birthplace of Dangun was verified as Mt. Baekdu by the national historians Shin Chaeho, Choi Namseon, etc. Logical basis were established that Mt. Baekdu was a symbol of the korean race’s origin as well as the nation’s numinous mountain. This process was a product of the desire of the period to establish the national identity. The birthplace of the Dangun, the progenitor of nation, Mt. Baekdu were formed the recognition of numinous mountain for a Jojong of our mountains. This was handed down not only to the writings of the Modern Enlightenment Period nationalists but also to foreigners and missionaries who traveled to Korea, and It also appeared in the essaies of Min Taewon, Shim Cheonpung, Anh Jaehong, Choi Namseon, etc., who visited Mt. Baekdu. Since the Modern Enlightenment Period, the formation of recognition and the process of spread of Mt. Baekdu as the numinous mountain of the race had been released on the modern newspaper which was immense in influence for the formation of discussion of the nation. Articles on a sacred characters of Dangun and Mt. Baekdu and articles about the nationalistic Mt. Baekdu as a national identity were frequently written between 1910 and 1930. However, since the 1930s, readers were interested in modern news rather than nationalism articles. Modern newspaper had edited Mt. Baekdu’s tourism attractions, natural resources and forest development as modernization and development according to a political role of Japanese imperialism. This seems to be aimed at justify not only the acceptance of Mt. Baekdu, a spiritual mountain of the Korean people as a intermediation of imperialism but also the process of pursuing modernity through Japan. This duplicity of imperialistic recognition on Mt. Baekdu had been assumed a same aspect on production and supply of maps and compilation of geography education books. This study introduces how the Mt. Baekdu has been perceived through the historical situations and the stream of the times. As “The Invention of Tradition” of nationalism, the formation and spread of recognition about Mt. Baekdu has been elaborated for the identity establishment of a nationalists in accordance with the situations and requirements of each period. Many parts in our history have been symbolized along with Mt. Baekdu. However none of them were to be made ideological and sharp as that of the Mt Baekdu. Mt. Baekdu was nationalistically interpreted by the ancestral mountain, the national mountain, and the capitalistic modernity. 본 논고는 근대계몽기 이후 백두산이 ‘민족의 靈山’으로 인식되는 과정을 민족 개념과 민족주의의 영향을 받은 단군론, 근대성 등을 중심으로 고찰하였다. 그래서 백두산의 조종관념과 영토의식을 고대, 고려시대, 조선시대의 문헌을 통해 살펴보고, 백두산을 ‘民族의 산’으로 인식하는 과정을 근대 신문, 백두산답사기, 선교사들의 유람기, 잡지 등을 통해 재구하였다. 이는 민족의 정체성을 확보하고자 하는 시대적 열망의 결과였다. 근대계몽기 이후 민족 담론 형성에 영향력이 컸던 근대 신문을 통해 백두산 인식 양상을 분석하였다. 1910년부터 1930년까지 단군과 백두산의 신성성 및 민족의 정체성으로서의 민족주의적인 백두산 인식에 관한 기사가 빈출하였다. 1930년대 이후는 관광자원, 천연자원, 삼림개발 등 일본 제국주의 정책을 자본주의 근대성의 명목으로 기사화한 경우가 많았다. 이러한 백두산에 대한 인식의 변화는 근대 신문과 문인들의 활동 등을 통해 확산되었다. 본 연구는 백두산 인식이 역사적 상황과 시대적 흐름 속에 변화해 온 과정을 주목하였다. 집단의 기억 속에 공유된 상징은 공동체의 사회통합이나 소속감을 구축하기 위하여, 체계나 제도를 정당화하며 사회화나 가치체계 행위규범 주입으로 만들어져 왔다. 백두산에 대한 인식 형성과 확산을 ‘민중운동 속에서 실제로 보존되어 왔던 게 아니라, 기능적 전문가들에 의해 선택되고 쓰여지고 묘사되고 대중화되고 제도화되어 온’ “만들어진 傳統”이라는 시각으로 보았다. 본고는 백두산에 대한 인식 변화 과정을 통해 만들어진 전통이 實體가 아니었을지 모르나 實在하였던 인식․상징․관념으로 우리 삶에 영향을 주고 있음을 연구한 데 의미가 있다.

五臺山 文殊華嚴 신앙의 특수성 고찰

염중섭 한국불교학회 2012 韓國佛敎學 Vol.63 No.-

Mt. Odae is the only Buddhist sacred mountain in South Korea and the headquarter of Mañjuśri bodhi-sattva faith. Mt. Odae of Korea was originated from Chinese Mt. Odae based on Indian <Buddhāvataṃsaka-mahāvaipulya-sūtra>. But they are different in that Chinese Mt. Odae is unified with one simple faith system of Mañjuśri but Korean Mt. Odae comprises diverse Buddhist faith systems based on Mañjuśri Huayan. That is, even if Korean Mt. Odae was derived from Chinese counter part, the two are fairly different in their implication and idea. Korean Mt. Odae goes over Chinese one to secure the highest status encompassing the Buddhist and other oriental ideas through Mañjuśri Huayan. In this paper, the original specialty of Korean Mt. Odae is considered. For this, the original perspective of Jajang the founder of Korean Mt. Odae is reviewed and then the Mañjuśri Huayan. It is because the study can give us the background to understand the ideological features of Korean Mt. Odae. Next to Jajang, Bocheon is dealt because he has been reckoned as actually accomplished the faith system of Korean Mt. Odea. Records tell us clearly that Bocheon realized the huge faith system of Mahayanist Buddhism centering on Mañjuśri Huayan in Mt. Odae. Bocheon completed this system through Mañjuśri Huayan. Later, this diversity became a path to the fusion of oriental ideas. And, in the near and far modern ages, the original characteristics of Mt. Odae Buddhism through Mañjuśri Huayan have worked as the background to bring out Tanheotaekseong. Tanheo should be considered not only as a monk who lived in Mt. Odae but also as the person who had succeeded the ideal value and tradition of Mt. Odae. 오대산은 남한의 유일한 佛敎聖山으로 文殊菩薩의 信仰地이다. 한국오대산은 印度 『華嚴經』에 근거하는 중국오대산에서 기인한다. 그러나 중국오대산이 文殊라는 하나의 단일한 신앙체계로 통일되어 있다면, 한국오대산과 같은 경우는 문수화엄을 바탕으로 하는 다양한 불교신앙체계를 아우르고 있다는 점에서 차이가 있다. 즉, 한국오대산은 중국오대산에 의해서 파생된 가치이지만, 그 내포의미와 사상적인 측면에는 상당한 차이가 존재하는 것이다. 이로 인하여 한국오대산은 중국오대산을 넘어서, 문수화엄을 통한 불교적인 융합과 동양사상 전체를 아우르는 최고의 境界를 확보하게 된다. 본고는 이와 같은 한국오대산의 원융적인 특수성에 관해서 고찰한 것이다. 이를 위해서 먼저 한국오대산의 개창자인 慈藏의 원융적인 관점과 문수화엄에 관해서 정리해 보았다. 이는 한국오대산의 사상적인 특징을 이해하는 배경이 되기 때문이다. 자장에 다음으로는, 한국오대산 신앙체계의 실질적인 완성자라고 할 수 있는 寶川에 관해서 정리하였다. 보천에 관한 기록들은 보천이 문수화엄을 중심으로 하는 大乘佛敎의 거대한 신앙체계를 오대산에 구현했다는 점을 분명히 한다. 보천은 이러한 전체를 문수화엄을 통해서 완성한다. 이와 같은 다양성은 이후 동양사상의 융합이 가능한 통로가 된다. 그리고 오대산불교의 문수화엄을 통한 원융적인 특징은 근현대에 이르러 呑虛宅成을 완성시킨 배경으로 작용한다. 즉, 탄허는 단순히 오대산에 존재했던 인물이 아니라, 오대산의 사상적 가치와 전통을 계승한 관점에서 파악되어야 하는 인물인 것이다.

조선시대 士人들의 智異山·天王峯에 대한 인식

최석기 순천대학교 남도문화연구소 2011 南道文化硏究 Vol.0 No.21

This study set out to investigate Joseon scholars' perceptions of Mt. Jiri and Cheonwang peak based on their travel journals of the mountain. Of 74 travel journals left by scholars that traveled to Mt. Jiri before 1910, 52 containing the names of Mt. Jiri, Mt. Duryu, and Mt. Bangjang were examined in the study. Of them, 73% used the name Mt. Duryu, which indicates that Joseon scholars had the greatest preference for Mt. Duryu of the three. It is a reflection of their idea of the country that spread down from Mt. Baekdu. In Joseon, scholars had the following ideas of the status of Mt. Jiri: 1) a guardian mountain that stands wide and big between Yeongnam and Honam; 2) a security guard in the southern regions; 3) a royal ancestor of the South at the southern tip of the nation; 4) a mountain on an east∼west axis with Mt. Kunlun of China; and 5) one of the eight celebrated mountains in the world. With wide variance among individual scholars, most of them shared 1) and 2) to think of the status of the mountain. Joseon scholars had three ideas of Mt. Jiri's symbolism: first, they compared the mountain to a king or sage; secondly, they saw the mountain as the domain of Taoist hermits; and finally, they regarded the mountain as the haven of hermits with the highest academic virtue. Those who dreamed of the peaceful reign of the Yaoshun era valued the first symbolism; those who tried to preserve morality at the time of collapsed morality did the third symbolism; and those who visited Mt. Jiri to mitigate disunion in reality or clear their heads did the second symbolism. They had two perceptions of the name of Cheonwang Peak; first, they regarded it as the highest peak below Mt. Baekdu; and secondly, they thought of it as a peak governed by the king of the heaven. As for the Holy Mother of Cheonwang Peak, they regarded her as 1) Queen Wuisuk, the mother of Goryeo Taejo, 2) the guardian spirit of Mt. Jiri, and 3) the king of the heaven. As for the Ilwoldae of the peak, they regarded it as 2) a place where one could set a sunrise and sunset and 2) the highest point of the peak. Before the 17th century, the scholars took such pride in Mt. Jiri, saying that the celebrated mountain of the world was equal to Mt. Kunlun of China and better than Mt. Tai, Mt. Chong, and Mt. Hua that were the five scared mountains of China. Entering the 18th century, however, their pride plummeted hard, and they regarded the three of the eight celebrated mountains of the world after the five scared mountains of China as the three gods mountains. Those changed perceptions were apparently different from the perception of Kim Jong∼ jik, who said that Mt. Jiri was better than 태산 in the 15th century.

Expression of Membrane-Type Matrix Metalloproteinase 1 and 2 in Mouse Oocytes, Embryos, Ovary and Oviduct

김지영,이희진,김소라,김해권,강성구,이승재,조동제 한국발생생물학회 2000 발생과 생식 Vol.4 No.1

Membrane-type matrix metalloproteinase(MT-MMP)는 세포막에 부착된 채로 작용하는 단백질 가수분해효소로서 최근들어 정상 및 암세포 등 각종 조직세포의 재구성에 중요한 역할을 하는 것으로 알려지고 있다. 본 연구에서는 RT-PCR 방법을 사용하여 생쥐 난자와 초기배아에서의 MT1-MMP와 MT2-MMP 유전자 발현 양상을 조사하였다. 생후 3주 및 8주된 생쥐의 난소로부터 얻은 미성숙난자와 체외 및 체내에서 성숙시킨 난자 Membrane type matrix metalloproteinases(MT-MMPs) have been suggested to play an important role during structural remodeling of various tissue. Expression patterns of MT1-MMP and MT2-MMP mRNAs were investigated in oocytes, embryos, ovary and oviduct of mouse during their differentiation or periovulatory period using RT-PCR technique. Both cDNA products of MT1- and MT2-MMP of immature oocytes were barely discernable with a minimum amount but the expressions were distinct in mature oocytes regardless that they were matured in vivo or in vitro. MT2-MMP was not expressed by 2-cell embryos but was expressed by 4-cell stage embryos. From the morula stage untill hatched blastocyst stage, embyos showed intesnse expression of MT2-MMP with a sudden increase at blastocyst stage. While mouse ovarian tissues showed both expression of MT1- and MT2-MMP, there was no stage-specific difference throughout the estrous cycle. Mouse oviducts also exhibit constant amount of both MT1- and MT2-MMP expressions throughout periovulatory period, i.e., before or after ovulation. These observations lead to suggest that the differential expressions of maternal MT1- and MT2-MMP during meiotic resumption of mouse oocytes and embryonic expression of MT2-MMP particularly at blastocyst stage might play a role in the differentiation of mouse oocytes and/or embryos. The precise function of MT1- and MT2-MMP with regards to their participation in the remodeling of ovarian and oviductal tissues remains in a question.