재일 한인의 민족해방운동과 3‧1운동 기념 ―1910년대~1930년대를 중심으로―

김광열 한국근현대사학회 2009 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.50 No.-

In this paper, I researched how Koreans in Japan celebrated the March First Movement as a part of their national liberation movement, mainly in the 1920s and 1930s. Until the early 1920s, nationalist movement by Korean students positively inherited the February 8th Independence Declaration, 1919, and the March First so Koreans actively fought to celebrate March First. In 1921, when the Washington Conference was held, they even tried to express their will to achieve Korean national independence by reliving the February 8th Independence Declaration. Since the mid 1920s, while Korean population rapidly increased in Japan, the leaders of celebrating March First were social movement organizations including trade unions, representing the fact that most Koreans living in Japan were laborers. They held the less than large ritual rallies in many cities in spite of severe suppression by Japanese police forces, especially break-ups and arrests of leaders. During the late 1920s, it was the Federation of Korean Laborers Union in Japan, the most prominent Korean organization that lead the March First celebration movement in order to call attention of Koreans living in each regions. However, as their organizing power decreased because of continuous crackdowns, the Korean Laborers Union in Japan could not help but be cancelled. Korean unions were affiliated into the National Council of Japanese Labor Union, the left wing trade union. The cancellation and merge also aimed to strengthen labor movement in Japan within the frame of ‘one union in one industry.’ Therefore, it was Korean activists working in the Japanese left wing unions that continued the March First celebration struggle in the 1930s, while fascism widened in the Japanese society. They intended to heighten the national consciousness of Korean laborers in the locality and to activate the laborers’ organizations such as trade unions. In conclusion, the March First celebration movement was carried away as means of the national liberation movement. The leading forces and means of struggle changed from the 1920s to the 1930s, according to the situation. However, the persistent celebration movement played a role of enlightening Koreans with nationalism and promoting their national and social movements. During the war, Koreans could not maintain the tradition of celebrating March First under the extreme fascist system. Although they resumed it after the liberation, there were also ideological struggles among Koreans, based on the cold war. In this paper, I researched how Koreans in Japan celebrated the March First Movement as a part of their national liberation movement, mainly in the 1920s and 1930s. Until the early 1920s, nationalist movement by Korean students positively inherited the February 8th Independence Declaration, 1919, and the March First so Koreans actively fought to celebrate March First. In 1921, when the Washington Conference was held, they even tried to express their will to achieve Korean national independence by reliving the February 8th Independence Declaration. Since the mid 1920s, while Korean population rapidly increased in Japan, the leaders of celebrating March First were social movement organizations including trade unions, representing the fact that most Koreans living in Japan were laborers. They held the less than large ritual rallies in many cities in spite of severe suppression by Japanese police forces, especially break-ups and arrests of leaders. During the late 1920s, it was the Federation of Korean Laborers Union in Japan, the most prominent Korean organization that lead the March First celebration movement in order to call attention of Koreans living in each regions. However, as their organizing power decreased because of continuous crackdowns, the Korean Laborers Union in Japan could not help but be cancelled. Korean unions were affiliated into the National Council of Japanese Labor Union, the left wing trade union. The cancellation and merge also aimed to strengthen labor movement in Japan within the frame of ‘one union in one industry.’ Therefore, it was Korean activists working in the Japanese left wing unions that continued the March First celebration struggle in the 1930s, while fascism widened in the Japanese society. They intended to heighten the national consciousness of Korean laborers in the locality and to activate the laborers’ organizations such as trade unions. In conclusion, the March First celebration movement was carried away as means of the national liberation movement. The leading forces and means of struggle changed from the 1920s to the 1930s, according to the situation. However, the persistent celebration movement played a role of enlightening Koreans with nationalism and promoting their national and social movements. During the war, Koreans could not maintain the tradition of celebrating March First under the extreme fascist system. Although they resumed it after the liberation, there were also ideological struggles among Koreans, based on the cold war.

<레닌기치>를 통해 본 중앙아시아 고려인들의 독립운동 인식 -3.1운동과 8.15해방에 대한 인식의 변화를 중심으로-

홍웅호 ( Hong Woong Ho ) 성균관대학교 인문학연구원(성균관대학교 인문과학연구소) 2016 人文科學 Vol.0 No.62

이 글의 목적은 1938년부터 오늘날까지 중앙아시아 고려인들이 독립운동을 어떻게 인식했는지를 <레닌기치> 기사에서 해방이전 항일운동, 3.1운동, 8.15해방과 관련된 기사를 분석하면서 시대에 따라 고려인들의 인식과 변화를 파악하는데 있다. <레닌기치>에서 조선의 항일운동을 독자적으로 다룬 부분은 거의 없다. 만주와 중국지역에서 항일운동을 언급하면서 그 일부분으로 조선인들을 언급하고 있다. 조선 빨치산들의 독립운동은 중국의 민족해방 전쟁의 연장선상에서, 그리고 조선의 빨치산들이 중국의 민족해방 전쟁과 일본제국주의에 대한 저항에 참여하는 것으로 묘사하고 있다. 사회주의시기에 고려인들의 3.1운동에 대한 인식은 소비에트의 일반적인 민족해방운동 인식과 유사했다. 즉, 3.1운동은 1917년 러시아혁명에 영향을 받아 전민중의 일제에 항거한 민족해방운동으로 전 조선 민족이 자유와 독립을 부르짖고 일어난 일대 혁명이었다. 그러나 이러한 운동을 지도할 볼셰비키와 같은 당 지도부의 부재와 실제 운동의 지도부가 종교단체 구성원들로 평화적 성격을 지녔기 때문에 이 운동은 실패로 귀결되었다고 평가했다. 그런데 1991년 이후 한국과 긴밀한 관계를 형성하기 시작한 고려인 사회는 한국의 영향을 직접적으로 받기 시작하면서 3.1운동에 대한 인식도 바뀌기 시작했다. 즉 3.1운동을 조선의 자주독립운동으로 평가했다. 그리고 고려인 사회도 조국통일, 민족단합을 강조하는 경향으로 변하기 시작했다. 8.15해방에 대한 고려인들의 인식과 그 변화는 보다 더 명확하게 역사와 체제의 영향을 받은 것으로 평가할 수 있다. 전통적인 8.15에 대한 인식은 일제의 강압으로부터 조선과 조선 인민을 소련 군대가 무력으로 해방시켜 조선에 선물했다는 것이 그것이다. 물론 식민지 조선 민중의 해방에 대한 염원을 부정하지는 않지만 실제 해방을 선물한 것은 소련이라는것이다. <레닌기치>도 고려인들도 이와 별반 다르지 않았다. 그런데 1991년 이후 고려인들의 8.15해방에 대한 인식은 완전히 바뀌게 된다. 기존에 찬양하던 스탈린과 소련은 비판과 부정의 대상으로, 한반도를 분단으로 몰아넣은 원인 제공자 중의 하나로 평가했다. 그리고 남북 분단의 비극을넘어 조국의 통일을 강조하는 경향성을 띠었다. The purpose of this paper is to identify how the ethnic Koreans living in Central Asia have been aware of the independence movement through the "Lenin Gichi" articles from 1938 to the present day. “Lenin Gichi” didn’t deal with the issue of the anti-Japanese movement independently, but partly introduced Koreans in the process of featuring the anti-Japanese movements in Manchuria and China. With reagrd to Korea’s independence movement, partisans were in line with China’s national liberation war and the Korean partisans were depicted as participating in resistance against the national liberation war and Japanese imperialism in China. Recognition of the March 1st movement among the ethnic Koreans living in Central Asia in the socialist period was similar to the general recognition of the Soviet national liberation movement. The March 1st movement, a revolution of the Korean people as a protest to the Japanese imperialists, was a national liberation movement that, being influenced by the Russian Revolution in 1917, called for freedom and independence. But the absence of party leaders like the case of the Bolsheviks and the peaceful nature of this movement with regard to the characteristics of the members, mostly composed of religious leaders, were evaluated to have resulted in its failure. However, since 1991 when ethnic Koreans formed closed relations with South Korea, their recogniztion of the March 1st movement becan to change. They rated the March 1st movement as Korea’s independence movement. Meanwhile, they came to emphasize the unity of national reunification and national cooperation. Awareness of the ethnic Koreans and the change for the awareness of the August 15 liberation can be evaluated to have been more clearly influenced by history and systems. Previous recognition of Korea’s liberation on August 15, 1945 was that the Soviet Army liberated Korea by force as a gift to the nation. "Lenin Gichi" shared the same view as that of the ethnic Koreans. But since 1991, the awareness of the liberation of Korea on August 15 in 1945 has completely changed. Stalin and the Soviet Union, having been glorified, have become the target of criticism and denial as the main culprits that resulted in division of the Korean peninsula. And they tended to overcome the tragedy of the division of the Korean Peninsula and to emphasize the unity of the fatherland.

중일전쟁시기(中日戰爭時期) 중국내(中國內) 한인무장조직(韓人武裝組織)의 항일전략(抗日戰略)과 전후구상(戰後構想) -언논동향(言論動向)을 중심으로-

李在鈴 ( Lee Jae Ryoung ) 중국사학회 2019 中國史硏究 Vol.0 No.123

The Korean armed-force capability during the Second Sino-Japanese War period formed the Korean Volunteer Corps (朝鮮義勇隊), the Korea Liberation Front Youths Mission Corps(韓國光復陣線靑年工作隊), the Korean Youths War Zone Guerrilla(韓國靑年戰地工作隊), and the Korean Liberation Army(韓國光復軍) one by one in China, and performed anti-Japanese propagations and recruits through their bulletins. This research, focussing on their bulletins such as the Korean Volunteer Corps Newsletter(『朝鮮義勇隊』), the Korean Youth(『韓國靑年』), and the Liberation(『光復』), grasps Korean media’s situational understandings and responses during the Second Sino-Japanese War. The commonality among those journals was to promote Korean- Chinese anti-Japanese alliance depending on consolidation among Korean armed-force groups. Regarding the contents, the Korean Volunteer Corps Newsletter, as the corps actively participated in the anti-Japanese war, did its best for strengthening real battle capacity, for Korean-Chinese alliance, and for revolutionary struggles for the liberations of oppressed East Asian nations. The Korean Youth focussed on harassing the enemy’s rear and on culture and art activities such as recruiting and propagation. The Liberation dealt with the missions and affairs of Korean Liberation Army, the analyses of Korean independence movement, the theories, strategies, and tactics of independence movement, the accounts and analyses of China’s anti-Japanese resistances, the comprehension of Japanese empire’s situations, the disclosure of the essential cause of Japanese empire’s defeat, the postwar conception, and so on. The differences among those journals were caused by the characters and goals of each group publishing each journal, but all the journals coincided with the facts that they targeted Chinese readers, and that they tried to maximize the necessities and effects of Korean-Chinese anti-Japanese alliance. Especially, the Korean Volunteer Corps Newsletter emphasized the corps’s status as the model of Korean-Chinese anti-Japanese alliance; and the Liberation showed the Korean Liberation Army’s pride as the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea’s only direct-controlling armed-force and as a participant of the Allied Forces. Korean medias in China thought that the longer the war lasted, the weaker Japan’s capability became, that the international aids for China made Japan’s situation more disastrous, and that Korean independence movement could get better chances if Japan propelled southern expedition in order to resolve the situation. Since the outbreak of the Pacific War, Korean medias’ interests shifted to securing the status of Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea among the Allies and to the matter of the initiative to construct an independent country. For the reason, Korean medias concentrated their propagation capabilities on the Allies’ approval for Korean Liberation Army as an official belligerent. The concrete plan was to have China approve the Korean Provisional Government first, and then to make the UK, the US, and the USSR follow China’s approval. Regarding the postwar political conception, they advocated one-party rule, in which the Provisional Government ruled by the Korea Independence Party (韓國獨立黨) should become the principal agent to construct an independent country.

1920-30년대 러시아 연해주 한인들의 민족해방운동 인식

윤상원(Yun, Sang-Won) 고려사학회 2015 한국사학보 Vol.- No.61

이 글의 목적은 1920년대와 30년대 연해주에 거주하던 한인들이 독립운동을 어떻게 인식하고 있었는지를 3 · 1운동을 중심으로 파악하려는데 있다. 국내의 3 · 1운동에 호응하여 러시아 연해주에서도 3월 17일 블라디보스토크를 비롯하여 각지에서 대규모 시위운동이 전개되었다. 연해주 3 · 1운동은 직전인 2월 25일 조직된 대한국민의회가 주도하였다. 연해주 3 · 1운동의 특징은 무장투쟁과 외교활동의 전망을 가지고 이루어졌다는데 있다. 3 · 1운동이 일어난 1년 후인 1920년 3월 1일, 블라디보스토크에서는 독립선언기념축하식이 거행되었다. 1922년 말 내전이 종결되고 연해주에서 일본군이 철병하면서 1923년 3 · 1운동 기념식은 다른 어느 때보다 성대하게 치러졌다. 이후 매년 3월 1일이 되면 러시아 각지에서 한인들은 3 · 1운동 기념식을 거행했다. 1920년대 연해주 한인 운동가들의 민족해방운동에 대한 기본입장은 ‘통일전선’이었다. 이런 입장 아래에서 3 · 1 운동 역시 통일전선의 관점에서 평가되었다. 이런 입장은 코민테른 제2차 대회 당시 레닌이 제출한 『민족 식민지 문제에 대한 테제』를 계승한 것이면서, 일제의 문화통치공간에서 진행되던 당시 조선의 운동 상황을 반영한 측면이 있다. 그런데 조선 민족해방운동의 방향을 통일전선에서 찾았던 『선봉』 의 논조는 ‘12월 테제’가 나오면서 급격하게 변화한다. 연해주에서 3 · 1운동에 관한 인식도 변모한다. 이전까지는 3 · 1운동의 민족지도자층을 비판하면서도 통일전선으로서 3 1운동의 의미를 인정했던데 비해 이제는 3 · 1운동을 명백히 실패한 운동이었다고 규정한다. 국제적으로는 코민테른 7차대회에서 인민전선노선이 제창되고, 국내적으로는 스탈린의 대숙청 광풍이 불어오기 시작하던 1935년을 전환점으로 『선봉』을 비롯한 연해주의 각종 출판물에서 3 · 1운동에 관한 기사가 자취를 감추게 되었다. 3 · 1운동에 관한 기사만 사라진 것이 아니었다. 조선의 민족해방운동 자체에 대한 기사가 사라졌다. 1936년부터 37년까지 『선봉』의 지면은 대부분 스타하노프운동의 성과를 선전하는 내용으로 채워졌다. 1936년 8월 국치기념일 즈음의 신문은 트로츠키-지노비예프 재판 과정에 대한 기사로 도배되었다. 그 후 1937년 9월에 강제이주가 실행되었다. The purpose of this article is to acknowledge the recognition of Koreans in Russia about national liberation movements and March 1st Movement in 1920-30’s. After the March 1st Movement in Korea, Koreans in Maritime province have conducted large-scale demonstrations in Vladivostok and so on. Korean National Soviet, which was organized on February 25, led these demonstrations. The special point of the March 1st Movement in Maritime province was the prospect of armed struggle and diplomacy. The memorial celebration of the March 1st Movement was held on March 1 1920 in Vladivostok. After the withdrawal of Japanese troops from the Maritime Province in late 1922, Koreans in all over the Russia, have held an annual ceremony March 1st Movement. The basic position of the Korean patriots in the 1920s was "united front". And March 1st Movement was evaluated under this position. But this position was changed after ‘December thesis’ in 1928. The recognition of Koreans in Russia about March 1st Movement was also changed. Previously they recognized the significance of the March 1st Movement as a united front. But now they were prescribed that March 1st Movement has been clearly failed. 1935 was a turning point. After the 7th Congress of the Comintern, articles on the March 1st Movement disappeared in various publications including the 〈Avant-garde〉. And articles on the Korean national liberation movement also disappeared. Since then, the forced migration of Koreans from the Maritime Province to the Central Asia was performed.

해방 이후 하와이 한인의 국어학교 운동 연구 - ≪國民報≫ 보도 기사를 중심으로

윤금선 어문연구학회 2019 어문연구 Vol.101 No.-

This paper is about the Korean language school activities implemented in the Hawaiian Korean Society from the post-liberation period to the 1960s. The Korean language school in Hawaii developed actively from the 1910s to the early 1930s amid the interest of the Korean people. However, in the 1930s, the number of students decreased significantly and the activities of Korean language schools weakened. Moreover, Korean language schools were almost closed in the 1940s due to the effectuation of the ‘Foreign Language Prohibition Law’ However, as foreign language schools were allowed in the Liberation Period, there was a movement to rebuild Korean language schools. ‘The Korean National Associations’ has been active in projects such as expanding projects to support Korean language schools and setting up dues to maintain schools. In addition, ‘Dongjihoe’ and ‘Women's Association’ also joined to revive the Korean language education activities. Since the early 1960s, there has been a systematic Korean language school movement. A coalition of religious, political and educational figures has formed the "Hawaii Korean Language School Foundation" and launched the "Korean Language School Movement" to educate Korean language. The movement was accompanied by the interest and participation of Koreans, who also raised school building costs and donated goods. The school held 'Korean Language School Night' regularly, so the Korean people could have a chance to contribute a time of unity and donations. As the Korean language school movement spreads, the number of students increases. Considering this points, the 'Korean Language School Movement' in Hawaii in the 1960s served as the basis for promoting Korean language education in American society. Migrant Koreans have suffered from various hardships living abroad. Nevertheless, they thought preserving the Korean language would preserve the nation. So they actively developed Korean language education. The series of Korean language school movements resumed after liberation is an extension of this. Language is the spiritual root of a nation. The Korean language education of migrant Koreans is a national movement to preserve their own language. 이 연구에서는 해방 이후부터 1960년대까지를 시기로 하여 하와이 한인사회의 국어학교 전개상을 고찰하였다. 하와이 한인사회의 국어학교는 한인들의 관심 속에서 1910년대 초기부터 설립되어 한인의 국어교육을 담당한 교육기관이다. 그러나 1930년대 중반부터 학생이 대폭 감소하고 국어학교의 활동도 약화된 현상을 보였다. 특히 1940년대에 이르러서 하와이에 ‘외국어학교정지법’이 발효되어 국어학교 교육은 거의 차단되었다. 그러나 해방 이후 외국어학교 재개가 허용되면서 국어학교 재건운동이 일게 되었다. ‘대한인국민회(大韓人國民會)’는 국어학교 지원 사업을 확장하고, 학교 유지를 위한 의무금을 책정하는 등 적극적인 교육사업을 펼쳤다. 여기에 ‘동지회’, ‘부인회’ 등도 동참하면서 국어교육 활동들이 다시 활기를 띠었으며, 특히 1960년대 초부터 대대적인 국어학교 운동이 펼쳐졌다. 종교계 인사와 정치계, 교육계 인사가 총 연합하여 ‘하와이 한국어학교 기성회’를 결성하고 소위 ‘한국어학교 운동’을 전개한 것이다. 한국어학교 운동은 국민회를 주도로 하여 한인사회 전반의 관심과 참여가 수반된 운동으로서, 한인들은 학교 설립과 유지를 위한 각종 후원금 기부에 참여했으며, 정기적으로 ‘한국어학교의 밤’을 개최하고 학교 확산을 위한 행사들을 갖기도 했다. 이러한 움직임 속에서 학생 수도 증가세를 보였으며, 이후 한국어학교는 미주 한인사회의 국어교육을 활성화시키는 역할을 담당했다. 일제강점기에 조국을 떠나 해외에 거주하게 된 이주민들은 국어를 보존하는 것이 민족을 보존하는 것이라는 인식 하에 국어교육에 힘썼다. 해방 이후에 다시 재개된 국어학교 운동은 이의 연장선상에 놓여 있다. 언어는 한 민족의 정신적 근간으로서, 자국어를 보존하려는 이주 한인들의 국어학교 운동은 일종의 민족운동에 해당된다 하겠다.

박 보리스의 생애와 한국학 연구

박벨라보리소브나 ( Bella B. Pak ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2013 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.29

This article attempts to describe the life and activity of the outstanding scientist of Korean studies Boris Dmitrievich Pak, major milestones of his career in science, shaping him as a scholar, an important focus of his research, the most important works. assess his contribution to Korean studies, to the forming the new generation of scientists, his social activities, to show his place in the domestic and the international scientific community, to tell about a time when he had to live and work, the difficulties that he as a son of the “enemy of the people” and a representative of the repressed people had to overcome. The author also wanted in addition to the analysis of B. D. Pak ‘s works to help to get to know him, to reveal some features of his personality, human side, based on her personal experiences. The article describes the childhood years, deportation, education in the Central State University, postgraduate studies, the first monograph. It described period after the move to Moscow and work at the Institute of Oriental Studies, analyzes his main works. The author gives the characteristic of the school of B. D. Pak, his international and social activities. Boris D. Pak was born on January 4th, 1931 in Vladivostok, in the family of Pak Dynnen and Choi Yon Ai. In 1937, his father was arrested “as a Japanese spy” and shot. He was posthumously rehabilitated in 1958. Boris’s family survived the deportation of the Korean population in Kazakhstan and Central Asia. Being a “son of an enemy of the people” B. D. Pak from the early years experienced enormous hardships, was forced to do hard physical labor. But despite this he graduated from high school with honors in 1950 and joined the faculty of the Eastern Central Asian State University in Tashkent, as a history major. Already during his studies at the university he showed a great aptitude for scientific research. He took part in student conferences. His paper on the Japanese Communist Party in 1954, was published in the proceedings of the students. The collection opened with his article. Undoubted leadership qualities, excellent achievements in learning, talent, and a great capacity for work soon attracted attention and he was elected leader of the Young Communist League. After graduating with honors in 1956, B. D. Pak worked as a teacher of history and director of the school № 13 with the famous collective farm “Polar Star” in Middle-Chirchik district of Tashkent region. In 1962, Boris D. Pak enrolled in postgraduate studies at Moscow State Pedagogical Institute named after V. I. Lenin. This became possible with the death of Stalin, when for the Koreans in Central Asia and Kazakhstan the restrictions on studying and living outside the Central Asian republics were eased. In 1965 he defended his Ph. D. thesis “The liberation struggle of the Korean people on the eve of the First World War.” In 1967, it was published by the publishing house “Science”. After finishing graduate school, B. D. Pak was sent as a lecturer in the history of the East to Irkutsk State Pedagogical Institute. The most prolonged and intense “Siberian period” in the scientific activities of Boris Pak began. In September 1968, Boris Dmitrievich received academic rank of assistant professor and was elected Dean of the Faculty of History. In 1972, B. D. Pak enrolled in doctoral studies at Moscow State Pedagogical University, and in 1974 he defended his doctoral thesis on “Russia and Korea in the middle of XIX - early XX century.” After that, he was elected chair of World History. In 1977 he was awarded the title of professor. He becomes the leading scientist in Siberia on Korea and East Asia. B. D. Pak is the author of over 200 scientific papers. His writings on the history of Russian-Korean relations, the history of Russian Koreans recognized classic, translated into many languages. Boris D. Pak is the founder of the trend in Korean Studies - History of Russian-Korean relations. His book “Russia and Korea” examines Russia's policy in Korea, the Russian-Korean relations since their inception in the thirteenth century until the annexation of Korea in 1910. A major landmark in his work since the mid 90's was the study of Korean anti-Japanese national liberation movement. On this issue he wrote his monographs, “the March First Movement in 1919 in Korea through the eyes of a Russian diplomat (1997)”(in collaboration with Pak Thegyn) and “The Recompence in the Harbin Railway Station”(1998) - the first monographic study of the An Junggeun. The name Boris Dmitrievich Pak linked with the development of the history of Russian Koreans as a scientific discipline. On this issue in the second half of the 90's he published the books: “The Koreans in the Russian Empire”(1994), “Koreans in Soviet Russia”(1995). They first examined the history of Korean immigration to the Russian Empire since the 50's XIX century up to 1937. From October 1999 until his death on December 24, 2012 B. D. Pak worked in the Department of Korea and Mongolia of the Institute of Oriental Studies Russian Academy of Sciences. In creative terms, these years have been extremely fruitful in the life of B. D. Pak. Written with Ninkolay F. Bugai the book “140 years in Russia. Essay on the history of Russian Koreans”(Moscow, 2004), dedicated to the 140 anniversary of the resettlement of Koreans in Russia, has been translated into Korean and became one of the most important works on the history of Russian Koreans. In 2006, Boris Dmitrievich Pak has published the book “USSR, the Communist International and the Korean liberation movement. 1918~1925”. B. D. Pak is the founder of the series of monographs “Russian Koreans” dedicated to outstanding representatives of the diaspora of Russian Koreans. He is the author-compiler and editor of books in this series(“Kim Mangym”, “Khan Myonse”, “Lee Bomjin”, “140 years in Russia”(in co. with N.F. Bugai), “Kim Pen Hwa”, “Alexandra Kim-Stankevich”, “Choi Jaehyen”, “Russian Koreans struggle for the independence of Korea. 1905~1919”, “Soviet Koreans in the Great Patriotic War of 1941~1945”). Within this series first appeared detailed biographies of the most prominent representatives of Koreans in prerevolutionary period and Soviet era, including those who have been subjected to repression during the Stalinist era. Great work led B. D. Pak and as archivist. Together with Y. V. Vanin prepared for publication, and was editor of the compiler of collections of documents and materials “Korea through the eyes of Russians, 1895~1945” and “The first news about Korea. 1675~1884”. B. D. Pak contributed greatly to the scientific training of historians. Under his leadership, 12 candidates and doctors of history were prepared. B. D. Pak contributed to the development and emergence in Russia, Korea, Japan and China of publications, which have based their approaches on the principles laid down by him. Attention to historical sources, the highest professionalism in their study are a distinctive feature of his research school. B. D. Pak created the International Centre for Asian Studies at the Irkutsk State Pedagogical University, that become one of the most famous centers for the study of Asia in Siberia. He developed the International relations of Irkutsk Pedagogical Institute with foreign research centers. He directed five international conferences with the participation of eminent scientists. As the editor published 12 issues of “Bulletin of the International Centre for Asian Studies IGPU.” B. D. Pak has worked hard to establish scientific cooperation between scientific institutions of Russia and South Korea. He is the Member of the National Institute study of national history(Kuksa phyonch'an wiwonhve) and “outstanding researcher” of the Institute of the independence movement of Independence Memorial(Tonnip kinyomgwan). He was an active participant in international scientific conferences in the Republic of Korea, Japan, Hungary, USA. He was the scientific adviser of documentaries KBC(Yoksa Special). B. D. Pak actively cooperated and helped Korean organizations abroad, was honorary president of the Korean Association of Irkutsk. He led an active social and political work. Elected to the Council of the city of Irkutsk, he was a brilliant lecturer in international studies. Scientific and public activity of B. D. Pak was highly appreciated both at home and abroad. He was the first Russian Korean who was awarded the title “Honored Worker of Science of the Russian Federation”(1992), member of the Academy of Humanities(1995), was awarded the “Friendship” order, medals of the Russian Federation, Mongolia and the Republic of Korea. Interest in the works of B. D. Pak continues unabated even after his death. In 2011, Seoul “Russia and Korea”, translated into Korean, and in September “Soviet Koreans in the Great Patriotic War” were published. In October 2012 the book “An Junggeun - National Hero of Korea” was issued. B. D. Pak can be put on a par with people whose ideas laid the foundation of modern Korean studies. Many scholars of Russian-Korean relations, the Korean national liberation movement, the history of Russian Koreans call him their spiritual mentor. His great contribution to the development of Korean widely recognized.

한국사와 68운동; 확장된 이해와 시선 ― 1960~1970년대 초 한국사회 저항운동을 중심으로 ―

고지수 ( Koh Ji-soo ) 수선사학회 2018 史林 Vol.0 No.66

This study is a highly adventurous attempt to understand the world's 68 movement in 1968 and the Korean society's ‘silent of resistance’ in the same time year. And the author also knows that the study will have to faithfully reflect the subjective views of Korean history researchers. The start of the world-wide resistance movement in 1968 was a reality full of contradictions but the object, purpose and content of the protests were as different and special as the differences between historical constructions in each country. From the point of view of the 68 movement, the silence of Korean society in 1968 was a very different phenomenon, and could it be included in the diversity of the 68 movement? This study began with this question. Although similar in terms of student-centered leadership, resistance to authoritarianism, and expression of resistance, there were different specialities in the resistance concept, purpose and content as different as historical space. To this end, this study tried to weave three themes that penetrated Korean society since and after 1968 into the context of Korean history: assignments of modernization and democratization, liberal democracy as resistance concepts, division systems of the Korean Peninsula and security issues. The results of the study will show that the implementation of modernization and the democratization of the 1960s are comprehensive tasks that cannot be completed solely by the slogan of ‘modernizing our country’ and the growth logic of economic development. The ‘nonhumanizing phenomenon’, which began to emerge behind the economic growth of the 1970s, proves that the issue of transitioning democracy goes beyond ‘political institutionalization’ and is directly related to the problems of the human condition itself. Above all, the Cold War structure in Korean society was the most effective means of suppressing resistance in the 1960s and 1970s. This study explained in this context the ‘silent’ phenomenon of Korean society in 1968.

The Communist Movement for the Liberation of Korea from the Japanese Yoke of Soviet Koreans

Bella Pak 영남퇴계학연구원 2021 The Journal of Toegye Studies Vol.4 No.1

This article is devoted to the struggle of the Soviet Korean-communists (Irkutsk group) for the independence of Korea. The article is intended to describe the contribution of one of the most significant and combative forces of the Korean national liberation movement abroad to its development in Korea. The article shows the role of Soviet Korean-communists as initiators of many decisive events in the Korean struggle against Japanese colonialism, organizers of national communist organizations. The members of the Communist Party of Korea, founded in May 1921 in Irkutsk based on the Korean communist organizations of Siberia and the Far East, were prominent figures of the Comintern. They advocated the urgency of the national liberation, called for an armed struggle against Japanese imperialism, the core and leading force of which was to be the Korean Communist Party.

초기 독립운동과 민주공화주의의 태동

김정인 덕성여자대학교 인문과학연구소 2017 인문과학연구 Vol.24 No.-

In the ending days of Joseon and also during the Daehan Empire period, conceptslike democracy, republic and democratic republicanism were all perceived asconcepts referring to political states. Witnessing the fall of the entire country nowas a reality more than imminent, in the minds of the Korean people all these conceptsslowly evolved from ideology to conviction. Liberation fighters who were strugglingto found a provisional government, and not to mention all Korean people who justlost their homeland, dreamt of establishing an independent country based upondemocratic republicanism. The result of such sincere and devoted efforts was noother than the foundation of the Korean Provisional Government, and the birthof a Korean Democratic Republican state. Examined in this article is how conceptslike democracy, republic and democratic republicanism spreaded throughout theKorean peninsula in the transitional period between the Joseon dynasty and theDaehan Empire, as well as how the dream for a Republican country grew, andhow the efforts to found the Korean Provisional Government employed DemocraticRepublicanism as its ideological flag. Also contemplated upon here is the meaningof the Korean Provisional Government and the Democratic Republicanism, whichwere all accomplished by the efforts of the Korean people displayed in the earlyphase of the Korean Liberation movement. 조선말기․대한제국기에서 민주와 공화, 민주공화는 주로 정체의 형태로 주목받던 개념들이었다. 국망을 눈앞에 둔 현실에서 이것들이 서서히 주의이자 신념으로자리 잡아갔다. 나라를 잃고는 임시정부를 수립하고자 했던 독립운동가들과 나라 잃은 인민은 민주공화주의에 입각한 독립국가의 건설을 꿈꿨다. 그러한 노력의 소중한성과가 바로 대한민국임시정부의 수립과 민주공화제의 탄생이었다. 본고에서는 조선말기와 대한제국기에 걸쳐 민주와 공화, 민주공화의 개념이 확산되면서 공화정을 향한 꿈을 키우던 과정과 국망 이후 전개된 임시정부 수립 운동이신국가 건설의 이념적 기치로 민주공화주의를 채택하는 양상을 살피고 있다. 나아가이러한 초기 독립운동의 산물인 대한민국 임시정부와 민주공화제의 탄생의 의미를짚어보고 있다.

<기획논문 - 독립운동과 대한민국 헌법정신> 초기 독립운동과 민주공화주의의 태동

김정인 ( Kim Jeongin ) 덕성여자대학교 인문과학연구소 2017 인문과학연구 Vol.24 No.-

조선말기ㆍ대한제국기에서 민주와 공화, 민주공화는 주로 정체의 형태로 주목받던 개념들이었다. 국망을 눈앞에 둔 현실에서 이것들이 서서히 주의이자 신념으로 자리 잡아갔다. 나라를 잃고는 임시정부를 수립하고자 했던 독립운동가들과 나라 잃은 인민은 민주공화주의에 입각한 독립국가의 건설을 꿈꿨다. 그러한 노력의 소중한 성과가 바로 대한민국임시정부의 수립과 민주공화제의 탄생이었다. 본고에서는 조선말기와 대한제국기에 걸쳐 민주와 공화, 민주공화의 개념이 확산되면서 공화정을 향한 꿈을 키우던 과정과 국망 이후 전개된 임시정부 수립 운동이 신국가 건설의 이념적 기치로 민주공화주의를 채택하는 양상을 살피고 있다. 나아가 이러한 초기 독립운동의 산물인 대한민국 임시정부와 민주공화제의 탄생의 의미를 짚어보고 있다. In the ending days of Joseon and also during the Daehan Empire period, concepts like democracy, republic and democratic republicanism were all perceived as concepts referring to political states. Witnessing the fall of the entire country now as a reality more than imminent, in the minds of the Korean people all these concepts slowly evolved from ideology to conviction. Liberation fighters who were struggling to found a provisional government, and not to mention all Korean people who just lost their homeland, dreamt of establishing an independent country based upon democratic republicanism. The result of such sincere and devoted efforts was no other than the foundation of the Korean Provisional Government, and the birth of a Korean Democratic Republican state. Examined in this article is how concepts like democracy, republic and democratic republicanism spreaded throughout the Korean peninsula in the transitional period between the Joseon dynasty and the Daehan Empire, as well as how the dream for a Republican country grew, and how the efforts to found the Korean Provisional Government employed Democratic Republicanism as its ideological flag. Also contemplated upon here is the meaning of the Korean Provisional Government and the Democratic Republicanism, which were all accomplished by the efforts of the Korean people displayed in the early phase of the Korean Liberation movement.