한국전쟁 시기 북한의 대(對)중국 번역 기획 - 북한의 대외 홍보 기관지 『새조선(新朝鮮)』 연구

등천 한국문학연구학회 2023 현대문학의 연구 Vol.- No.79

The purpose of this study is to comprehensively investigate the activities for the translation of New Korea, a Chinese monthly journal published in North Korea in the 1950s, and to examine the translation of North Korean literature during the Korea War. New Korea (Saejoseon), which is North Korea’s public relations organization, was founded in January 1950 as a Russian version by Saejoseon Prehistory, and the Chinese version was published from January 1951. From January 1951 to December1953, New Korea contained a total of 50 novels and poems based on the Korean War, establishing a unique genealogy of translation of war literature. Due to the urgent situation of war and the strict limitation of the literary column, the translators of New Korea were able to move on to rewriting the original work through intentional mistranslation and significant corrections. This ‘rewrite’ is also another proof of the association of national ideology. The literary works translated through New Korea consist of three types: the narratives of war heroes, the narratives of suffering and resistance, and the narratives of friendship among North Korea, China and the Soviet Union. The three narrative types show similarities to North Korean literature translated and introduced by contemporary China, but reveal subtle differences in the proportion of each type, text selection, and specific translation methods. This difference is most clearly embodied in the narratives of friendship between North Korea and China. By using New Korea as a case to study North Korea’s translation activities, this study attempts to offer a fresh perspective for scholars both in China and South Korea. It examines the complex relationship between war and literature, as well as that between ideology and translation activities. It reevaluates the communication between China and North Korea concerning translation in the 1950s, when Cold War discourses were formed, including their collaborations and disagreements. 이 연구는 북한에서 발행한 대(對)중국 홍보 기관지 『새조선(新朝鮮)』을 학계 최초로 검토하고, 한국전쟁 기간 북한 번역주체가 기획한 자국문학의 중국어 번역 작업을 고찰하는 것을 목표로 삼는다. 『새조선(新朝鮮)』은 북한 번역자가 중국어로 번역하고 중국 독자들이 수용하는 독특한 성격을 지닌 대외 홍보 미디어다. 1951년 1월 창간호부터 1953년 12월까지 『새조선(新朝鮮)』은 6·25전쟁을 소재로 삼은 소설과 시가를 총 50여 편 수록함으로써 전쟁문학 번역의 독특한 계보를 구축했다. 이 작품들은 인민군의 전투 과정에 집중한 영웅서사, 북한 인민을 형상화한 수난·저항서사, 조소·조중의 친선 관계를 다룬 우호서사의 세 가지 유형으로 구성된다. 『새조선(新朝鮮)』 번역주체는 3대 서사를 체계적으로 번역함으로써 ‘조국해방전쟁’의 정당성을 재삼 역설하고 북한·소련·중국의 동맹관계를 공고히 하여 전쟁의 승리를 확보하는 데 선전지로서의 역할을 충실히 수행했다. 전쟁이라는 급박한 상황과 문예란의 엄격한 지면 제한으로 『새조선(新朝鮮)』의 번역주체는 ‘의도적 오역’과 대폭적인 첨삭을 통해 원작에 대한 ‘다시 쓰기’로 나아갈 수 있었다. 이런 ‘다시 쓰기’는 ‘조국해방전쟁’ 문학이 가진 ‘내부적 결속력’을 중국 독자의 공감을 일으킬 수 있는 ‘외부적 연대력(連帶力)’으로 전환시키는 중요한 수단이다. 한국전쟁 기간 동안 북한 작가들의 다양한 문학적 시도와 이로 인한 북한 문학장의 역동성을 중국 독자에게 전달했다는 점에서 『새조선(新朝鮮)』은 중요한 문학사적인 의미를 지니고 있다. 이에 대한 연구를 통해 전쟁과 문학, 이데올로기와 번역 실천이 맺고 있는 복합적인 층위를 체계적으로 규명할 수 있다.

한일기본조약과 북한 문제: 유일합법성 조항과 그 현재적 함의

이원덕 한국정치외교사학회 2010 한국정치외교사논총 Vol.31 No.2

If the claims issue between North Korea and Japan remains unresolved when the Korean peninsula reunifies, North Korea’s property and claim rights toward Japan will obviously be inherited to the reunified Korea. Although Korea opposed to the North Korea-Japan amity when the Basic Treaty was signed in 1965 and denied North Korea’s claim rights toward Japan, such position politically stemmed from particular situations. However, ever since the 7.7 declaration, Korea has changed its policy to recognize North Korea as a lawful government through a series of arrangements. In addition, Korea has considered North Korea’s claim rights toward Japan as a legal and justifiable demand. It is regarded that the reunified Korea’s claim rights toward Japan is justifiable and reasonable according to the international law as well. If absorptive unification by Korea happens, the legal rights and obligations that North Korea has possessed will certainly be inherited to the reunified Korean government. 북일 국교정상화가 달성되기 이전에 한반도에서 통일이 이뤄진다면 통일 한국정부는 북한의 대일 재산 청구권 권리를 승계 받게 될 것이다. 그 주장의 근거는 다음의 네 가지 요소에 의해 성립된다. 첫째, 1965년 한일기본조약에서 일본은 한국의 유일합법 조항을 승인하였음에도 불구하고 한반도의 북쪽에 현실적으로 존재하는 북한 정권의 실체를 인정하는 입장을 취했다. 둘째, 1990년대 이후에 이루어진 북일 수교교섭 과정에서도 일본은 북한의 대일청구권 요구를 당연한 권리로 인정하는 자세를 견지해 왔다. 셋째, 한국은 비록 1965년 한일협정 체결 당시 한국이 한반도의 유일합법정부이며 한국의 대일 청구권 자금이 한반도 전역을 대표하여 제공받은 것이라는 입장을 취했지만 이러한 입장은 1988년 7.7선언 이후 180도 전환되었다. 넷째, 통일 한국의 대일 청구권 주장은 국제법적으로도 보더라도 법적 권리의 승계라는 점에서 정당하고 타당한 것으로 간주된다.

남북한 아동문학 판타지의 통일담론 연구

이영미 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2015 평화학연구 Vol.16 No.1

The purpose of this article is to shed a new light on the Uni-Korea discourse in the two Koreas’ fantasy novels for children. Historically, most regimes of each country have manipulated and disseminated their cultural policies with national ideological philosophy into the mandatory educational system. The system often implements these policies via literary works in the textbook, which blossoms the feelings of allegiance in the fantasy of children’s literary field. Fantasy novels for children generally has sparked the strong patriotism as political ideology between people. In the two Koreas in 1954 after the armistice of the Korean War, there were published a few seminal fantasies for children, especially Kang So-Chŏn’s Photo Studio Having Dream Taken in South Korea and Ri Wŏn-U’s The General Ax in North Korea. Showing distinct ideological values after the armistice of the Korean War, their two children’s literary works have so far led and disseminated the fantasy of different national feelings and goals for Uni-Korea in different systems. They basically have a similar plot of literature in the conformity of real world and unreal world, whereas they also have different directions for Uni-Korea. While the fantasy in South Korea focuses on the inner integration of longing for Uni-Korea with reminiscence, the other in North Korea expresses the historical resistance against the outside world, like Japan and U. S. A. as a invader, for Uni-Korea. I argue that this finding of similarities and differences in these fantasy novels for children re-illuminates meaningfully the cultural structure of feeling veiled between the two Koreas, which would be the underpinning of Uni-Korea in the future. 본고는 남북한의 대표적인 아동문학작가 강소천과 리원우의 작품에 나타난 문학적 세계관을 통해 남북한 통일담론의 차이를 포착하여 현재 남북한 문화감정구조의 동질성과 이질성에 대한 역사적 유래를 확인함과 동시에 향후 통일 시대 문화적 통합의 가능성을 찾아보고자 했다. 휴전 다음 해인 1954년 남한과 북한에서 출판된 두 작품, 즉 강소천의 <꿈을 찍는 사진관>과 리원우의 <도끼장군>이 현재 남북한의 통일담론의 동질성/이질성을 확인할 수 있는 가장 적절한 아동문학 판타지 작품으로 판단되어 본고의 분석텍스트로 선택하였다. 휴전 이래 지금까지 60여 년 동안 각 체제의 정치철학적 세계관이 추진해 나간 통일론의 문화인식론적 방향은, 남한이 내부 치유를 통한 민족통일론으로, 북한이 외세 대항을 통한 민족통일론으로 진행되었던 바, 그 분기(分岐)된 문화적 원형의 감정구조가 바로 이 두 작품의 비교 분석을 통해 선명하게 확인될 수 있었다. 남북이 마음으로 화합하면 통일이 될 수 있다는 그리움과 기억의 내향형 판타지를 통해 통일의식을 드러낸 남한, 그리고 외세에 대항하는 힘을 같이 길러야 통일이 될 수 있다는 외향형 판타지를 지속적으로 선동한 북한의 통일의식은, 1954년 이 두 아동문학 판타지 작품들에서 포착되는 것처럼, 휴전 직후부터 분기되어 강하게 서로간의 차이점을 노정하여 왔던 것이다. 남한의 통일관과 북한의 통일관이 역사적으로 서로 다른 모습으로 성장해온 문화적 기원이 이 연구에서 확인됨으로써 향후 남북한이 그 정치사상적 배경의 차이를 상호 이해하고 통합의 아젠다를 구체적으로 구상해 나아가는 데 중요한 기반이 마련될 수 있을 것이라 기대한다.

China's Nonferrous Metals Industry and Implications for Korea-China FTA Negotiations

고정오,조정란 인하대학교 정석물류통상연구원 2013 JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LOGISTICS AND TRADE Vol.11 No.3

Korea and China have promoted a bilateral FTA since 2005 to upgrade their economic relationships. If the Korea-China FTA is concluded, then trade between the two countries is likely to involve substantial changes both quantitatively and qualitatively. Offer lists submitted by Korea include steel, petrochemicals and machinery and those by China include some agricultural and marine products as well as nonferrous metals. Korea's interest in the Korea-China FTA has focused mainly on damage to the agricultural sector and there have been a lot of studies on the effects of the FTA on Korean agricultural sector. However, little is known about why China includes the nonferrous metals industry for early voluntary liberalization and its implications for the domestic economy. Nonferrous metals industry is one of China’s national strategic sectors and has a large supply excess in the country. This study targets the survey of Chinese nonferrous metals industry and trade structure and considers the problem of nonferrous metals in the context of negotiations for the Korea-China FTA and its implications for a higher-quality Korea-China FTA. Korea and China have promoted a bilateral FTA since 2005 to upgrade theireconomic relationships. If the Korea-China FTA is concluded, then trade between the two countries is likely to involve substantial changes both quantitatively and qualitatively. Offer lists submitted by Korea include steel, petrochemicals and machinery and those by China include some agricultural and marine products as well as nonferrous metals. Korea's interest in the Korea-China FTA has focused mainly on damage to the agricultural sector and there have been a lot of studies on the effects of the FTA on Korean agricultural sector. However, little is known about why China includes the nonferrous metals industry for early voluntary liberalization and its implications for the domestic economy. Nonferrous metals industry is one of China’s national strategic sectors and has a large supply excess in the country. This study targets the survey of Chinese nonferrous metals industry and trade structure and considers the problem of nonferrous metals in the context of negotiations for the Korea-China FTA and its implications for a higher-quality Korea-China FTA.

한ㆍ중 FTA: 지역주의 맥락에서

주장환 아시아.유럽미래학회 2010 유라시아연구 Vol.7 No.1

This article argues that Korea's FTA has to be gone on like China and Japan from a context of regionalism, through the case of China. The aim of this research is explore the material implications to Korea through getting at root of the recognition and purpose of China and predicting her strategy. For this, first, this article examine the recognition of China about Korea-Sino FTA. More specifically, I examine the China's Strategy about Korea peninsula in this part. Second, this article analyzes the purpose and strategy of China that is designed for achieving those. Third, I present some suggestions about Korea for countermeasures on China's these approach and thinking. As a result, China positively uses FTA to realize the new foreign doctrine, 'harmonious diplomacy(Hexie Waijiao)', as a concrete tactic. So, China attaches more greater importance to diplomatic-security effect, to secure initiative of formation-process of east-asia regionalism etc. And China positively and quickly try to contract FTA with Korea. In addition, China is expected more positively setting for early contracting FTA with Korea. If so, what do Korea do? To answer this question, some preparations and countermeasure are needed as below perspectives. First, Korea has to discuss and decide the future effect after contracting FTA with China from a diplomatic-security dimension More concretely, Korea has to form a careful judgement about these problems, what position will do gain Korea in the process of reorganization of east-north asia and east-asia order in the future? Which way will do select Korea among ‘Asian-pacific way', ‘ASEAN way', ‘Japan way', ‘Chinese way' and an independent way. Second, Korea has to develop the promotion logic about economic dimension besides diplomatic-security dimension considering a particularity of Korea-Sino economic relationship. Especially, more attention is given to these situations, China has been Korea's the largest export destination since 2003 and the largest trade partner since 2004, producer goods is more than 80% in Korea-Sino trade, similarity of agriculture and fisheries industries etc. So, Korea has to set the strategy according to these particularities. Lastly, Korea has to needed analysis and judgement about type of FTA with China. As to analysis, China prefer FTA with narrow-negotiation boundary and low- tariffconcession level to the others. But, this article argues that it is a more advantageous FTA for Korea that is included service and investment issues in addition to agriculture and fisheries and manufacturing industry. Korea also is prepare to think the solution when China give Korea to 'Early Harvest Programme' that China has given to ASEAN in the negotiation-process of FTA.

남·북한 국어교육정책 비교연구 - 이승만 정부시대를 중심으로 -

김재원 ( Kim Jae-won ) 한국사상문화학회 2018 한국사상과 문화 Vol.95 No.-

Korea has a long history and a native culture and thus very high globality. The Korean people have suffered aggression by foreign powers about 700 times. The Korean people have undergone lots of severe ordeals. Allied forces won in World War II which made Korea freed from domination of Japan and US army governed South Korea while SOVIET army governed North Korea. The purpose of this study is to make comparative analysis of Korean language policies in South Korea and North Korea centering on Korean language policies under Lee Seungman government in preparation for unification of South Korea and North Korea to contribute to language policies. This study referred to Framework Act on Korean Language and a norm of the written and spoken language published by National Institute of Korean Language and examined research data conducted by Institute for Unification Education. This study aims to build foundation for language policies in preparation for unification of South Korea and North Korea. This study is to make Korean people understand Korean language is the core of country’s cultural heritage in accordance with principle of Framework Act on Korean Language.

Growing Activism as Cooperation Facilitator

Zhang Muhui 한국국제정치학회 KJIS 2016 The Korean Journal of International Studies Vol.14 No.2

South Korea’s increasing status in regional and global affairs has started to draw substantial attention. This study focuses on the China-Japan-Korea triangle and argues that Korea’s exercise of middle power diplomacy is vital to robust trilateralism. Since the late 1990s, Korea has proactively mobilized its diplomatic resources to enhance the institutionalization of China-Japan-Korea trilateralism. Its diplomatic activism fits into the existing theoretical assumptions that middle powers are likely to act as cooperation facilitators and bridge builders. To be specific, Korea’s middle-power diplomacy within the triangle works in two ways: making intellectual contributions and bridging between China and Japan. First, Korea has acted as the main idea proposer, agendasetter and vision designer throughout the evolution of trilateralism, including the first trilateral breakfast summit in 1999, the first independent Trilateral Summit in 2008, and the establishment of the Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat (TCS) in 2011. Second, Korea’s presence in the triangle has provided bridging between China and Japan. Korea’s chairmanship and diplomatic efforts toward resuming the Sixth Trilateral Summit in November 2015 have created a new diplomatic pattern in Northeast Asia whereby cooperative trilateralism incorporates bilateral disputes into a minilateral setting. However, Korea is, after all, a middle power in this triangle with no intention to challenge China or Japan. For this reason, Korea has exerted its middle-power bridging cautiously through a “wait-and-see” approach.

한국・EU FTA 체결후 무역 교류 사례

박정지,신정순 아시아.유럽미래학회 2016 유라시아연구 Vol.13 No.2

This paper examines the FTA effect after Korea-EU FTA, especially focused on the trade and foreign direct investment. Korea’s economy is driven largely by exports and import, and Europe is a major market for Korean goods. Korea has a high level of dependence on exports[trade]. Korea’s trade to gdp ratio is 49.96% in 2008, 55.74% in 2011, 53.92% in 2013. And Korea’s export/import to GNI ratiois 78.7% that rate is far higher than other advanced countries such as the United States (18.2%), Japan (30.1%) and Germany (73.8%). This study argues that have to pay attention to the strengthening the competitiveness of exports and trade for Korea’s economic growth. In this respect, Korea has emerged as a country speeding up the Free Trade Agreement partner compare with other asian countries, such as china and japan. The both government hope to relieve the trade imbalance between the Community and trade partners after FTA going into effect. In Korea some non-tariff barriers exist about market access, direct investment and trade in service. The Free Trade Agreement eliminates duties for industrial and agricultural goods in a progressive, step-by-step approach. The Korea-Chile FTA went into effect on April 01, 2004. After then FTAs with Singapore, EFTA, ASEAN, India and Peru, EU and US entered into force. Korea’s Export and Import over a span of six years around the two sides struck an agreement in 2010. We can find Eropean Union is Korea’s largest export and import market outside Asia and Middle East. We can noticed important relationship between the EU and the South Korea in trade activities. Therefore, this study is a case study of how did it influenced impact on trade flows after the FTA between Korea and EU. Korea-EU FTA Progress. The Korea-EU FTA is between Korea and the European Union, its member states. The negotiations began May 2007 and initialed 15 October 2009. The agreement has been provisionally applied since 1 July 2011. Import duties are near eliminated on all produce and there is deep liberalisation in trade in services. Those barriers be relaxed through Korea-EU FTA and as expected the foreign direct investment from EU and other developed countries increased. In the initial period after FTA, Korea currently has comparative advantage on EU’’s products in EU market, but it is possible for Korea to lose its current competitiveness over them. So the Korean government needs to establish specific direction to improve industries for trade.

한국SGI 성장의 차원에서 본 부산의 포교와 발전-SGI 전개와 문화회관의 형성을 중심으로-

김현석 한국신종교학회 2022 신종교연구 Vol.47 No.-

Korea SGI stands for Korea Soka Gakkai International, a new religion that started its activities when the Japanese Soka Gakkai (創価学会) was introduced into Korea. The Soka Gakkai is one of the representative religious groups of new religions of Japanese origin, enjoying a fairly stable religious influence compared to other new religions. Established modeling the organizational structure of the Soka Gakkai, Korea SGI operates with its own sub-organizations and has ‘Districts’ [方面] centered around a large city as well as ‘Zones’ [圈] in the sub-administrative regions of the city. As of August 2022, Korean SGI is known to have 46 Districts and 146 Zones across the country. The fact that a city has well-established Districts and Zones means that the city has a large number of members and well-established Culture Centers for them. Culture Centers are religious facilities of SGI Korea, where its members can engage in basic religious activities, thus serving as the most active hubs for the believers. Currently, the Districts, Zones, and Culture Centers are most well established in the cities of Busan and Daegu, as well as in Seoul and Gyeonggi-do. All these regions have in common that the members of the Soka Gakkai formed small organizations from the time the Soka Gakkai was introduced into Korea, and that makes them considerably significant in the propagation history of Korea SGI in Korea. This is why this study examines the introduction and development of Korea SGI in Busan as well as the current state of its propagation there. In the past, Busan served as the Busan-Gyeongsang General Headquarters of Korea SGI, which was later divided into three General Headquarters, and then started to expand its influence while carrying out its regional activities. These three General Headquarters later developed into ‘Zones,’ which underwent the process of being divided into smaller ‘Zones’ several times over time and played a key role in shaping the’Districts’ and ‘Zones’ in present-day Busan. Of course, Busan witnessed the development of Culture Centers along the way, establishing 13 Culture Centers. However, the believers in the Yeongdo Zone could not keep their own Culture Center recently and are renting out the Culture Center instead, which means that Busan currently operates and manages 12 Culture Centers. Nevertheless, Busan still boasts of the second most Districts, Zones, and Culture Centers after Seoul and Gyeonggi-do, and this proves that there are many active believers in Busan with a stable religious influence. With this in mind, this study attempts to examine the organizational system of Korea SGI, the development and current status of its Culture Centers, and the spread of SGI Korea in Busan from the time the Soka Gakkai was introduced to the present day. It is hopefully expected that an understanding of what the process of the propagation and development of Korea SGI looked like in Busan, which played a major role in stabilizing Korea SGI today, will be of great help to understanding the development process and the current status of its propagation in Korea. 한국SGI는 한국 창가학회(Korea Soka Gakkai International)라는 의미로 일본의 창가학회(創価学会)가 국내로 유입되면서 활동을 시작한 종교이다. 오늘날 일본계 신종교를 대표하는 종교 단체 중 하나로 다른 신종교와 비교해도 상당히 안정적인 교세를 보인다. 일본 창가학회의 조직구조를 참고하여 확립한 한국SGI는 큰 도시를 중심으로 방면(方面)을 구성하고, 그 도시의 하위 행정 지역을 권(圈)으로 구축하여 다시 한국SGI 나름의 아래 조직을 두고 활동을 하고 있다. 2022년 8월 기준 한국SGI는 46개의 방면, 146개의 권으로 이루어져 있다. 이 방면과 권이 고루 확립된 도시가 그만큼 신자들도 많고, 신자들이 이용하는 문화회관도 잘 구축되어 있다는 것을 의미한다. 여기서 문화회관은 한국SGI의 종교시설로 신자들의 기초적인 종교 활동을 할 수 있는 곳이므로 접근이 가장 활발한 장소이기도 하다. 현재 방면과 권, 그리고 문화회관은 서울과 경기도를 비롯한 부산과 대구가 가장 많이 형성되어 있다. 이들 지역은 창가학회가 유입될 시기부터 작은 조직을 형성하여 활동한 도시라는 공통점이 있다. 그래서 한국SGI에서도 상당히 의미가 있고, 중요한 도시임에는 틀림이 없다. 그런 의미에서 이번 연구에서는 먼저 부산에 집중하여 부산의 한국SGI 유입과 전개 과정 그리고 오늘날의 포교 현황을 살펴보고자 한다. 부산은 과거 경상남도와 함께 부산에 거점을 두고 부(산)경(남)총합본부로 활동을 하였다. 이후 3개의 총합본부로 나뉘면서 본격적으로 지역적 활동을 개시해나가며, 부산의 교세를 넓혀나갔다. 이 3개의 총합본부는 훗날 권으로 발전하여 몇 번의 분권을 거치면서 오늘날 부산의 방면과 권을 형성하는 데 중요한 역할을 한다. 물론 이 과정에서 문화회관도 함께 발전하여 13개의 문화회관을 구축하기도 한다. 하지만, 최근 영도권 신자들의 회관이 없어지면서 임차회관을 이용하고 있다. 고로 현재 부산은 12개의 문화회관을 운영ㆍ관리하고 있다고 할 수 있다. 여전히 방면과 권, 문화회관의 현황은 서울과 경기도에 이어 3번째로 많은 도시이다. 그만큼 활동하는 신자가 있고, 교세 또한 안정되어 있다는 방증이다. 따라서, 본 논문은 한국SGI의 조직체계와 문화회관의 전개와 현황을 부산이라는 도시에 적용하여 창가학회로 유입될 당시부터 오늘날까지의 부산은 어떠한 전개 과정을 거치면서 한국SGI가 포교가 되었는지 검토하고자 한다. 오늘날 한국SGI의 교세의 안정화에 큰 역할을 한 부산의 포교와 발전 과정을 파악한다면 필시 한국SGI의 국내 전개 과정과 포교 현황을 이해하는 데 큰 도움이 될 것이다.

언론을 통해 본 한일협정 인식 50년

오제연(Oh, je-yeon) 역사비평사 2015 역사비평 Vol.- No.111

This study discusses how the South Korean press has recognized the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement concluded in 1965 and the relation between Korea and Japan on the 10th, 20th, 30th and 40th Anniversaries. During the Post-Cold War era, South Korean newspapers acknowledged that the South Korean economy could develop itself through economic cooperation between Korea and Japan after conclusion of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement on the 10th Anniversary in 1975. However, at the same time, because of an increasing adverse balance in trade between Korea and Japan, South Korea strongly insisted that the existing vertical economic cooperation should be changed to one of horizontal and reciprocal economic cooperation. In 1985, the 20th Anniversary of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement, during the Post-Cold War era, cooperation between South Korea, the U.S. and Japan reached its peak, and relations between Korea and Japan were very friendly. Nevertheless, as it was during the 10th Anniversary, the adverse balance of trade between Korea and Japan continued to be problematic, and concern that the Korean economy might be dependent on Japan"s capital and technologies increased. In particular, university newspapers showed great concern about military dependency represented by the trilateral national security system among South Korea, the U.S. and Japan. In the 1990s, as the Post-Cold War system came to an end and Koreans politically and economically improved greatly, the relationship between Korea and Japan changed to a more horizontal one. Accordingly, in 1995, the 30th Anniversary of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement, the issue of past affairs between Korea and Japan became a significant controversy. Of these, the legitimacy of the Japan-Korea Treaty of 1910 was the biggest issue. In summary, the 30th Anniversary of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement was the first year when a war of memory over past relations between Korea and Japan became as serious issue while radical problems of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement were presented. In the 2000s, the relationship between Korea and Japan improved, and in particular, as private exchanges became vitalized, both governments declared 2005, the 40th Anniversary of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement, as ‘Korea-Japan Friendship Year.’ However, because of Japan"s Provocation over Dokdo Island started in the beginning of the year, Korea-Japan relations cooled rapidly. The conservative media still emphasized the economic and security cooperation between Korea and Japan, but generally, public opinion in South Korea took a firm line on the Japan"s Provocation over Dokdo Island. In addition, the conservative shift in the private sector of Japan expressed on the Internet only heightened Korean people"s anti-Japanese sentiment. This, in turn, caused a vicious circle that would worsen Japanese people"s sentiment of Koreans. Such confrontation and conflict between Korea and Japan was caused by the limitations inherent in the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement, neglecting the settlement of past colonialism and insisting only on economic and security cooperation.