한국외교와 한일안보관계의 변용, 1965~2015

박영준 서울대학교 일본연구소 2015 일본비평 Vol.- No.12

Since the normalization of the Korea-Japan diplomatic relations in 1965, South Korea and Japan have developed its security relations in diverse ways. Concerning the causes and mechanisms of Korea-Japan security relations, some researchers paid attentions to America’s role in the Asia-Pacific regions in propelling the two allies into more friendly security relations or estranging each other signalling the prospect of entrapment. Other scholars have emphasized the role of Japan’s diplomacy to manage the Korea-Japan security relations in terms of Japan’s national security policy. In this paper, I tried to shed light on the role of Seoul’s national strategy and diplomacy in developing the Korea-Japan security relations. Each administrations of Park Chung-Hee, Roh Tae-Woo, and Kim Dae-Jung have underscored the importance of Korea-Japan374 일본비평 12호security relations and developed it by suggesting the national strategy of the Motherland Modernization, Northern Policy and so-called Sun-shine policy. In contrast, administrations of Kim Young-Sam, Roh Moo-Hyun, and Lee Myung-Bak failed to develop Korea-Japan security relations due to the rising national sentiment toward Japan during their presidency despite their initial directions of national strategy which had put emphasis on the development of mutual security cooperation. Incumbent Park Geun-Hye administration seemed to set South Korea on the similar path in terms of Korea-Japan security relations like her predecessors such as Lee Myung-Bak or Roh Moo-Hyun. Considering these patterns and tendencies, South Korea’s security relations with Japan in the near future will also be determined by the interaction of its national strategy and national sentiment in the contest of rising China and provocative North Korea.

韩国安保外交的战略性变化对韩半岛局势的影响

두보(Bo Tu)(涂, 波) 한국국회학회 2022 한국과 세계 Vol.4 No.2

自金正恩成为北韩最高领导者后,北韩持续地进行了核试验并试射导弹,此举不仅加深了各利益相关国对韩半岛安全局势的担忧,还进而引发了一系列连锁效应。韩国在2017年也经历了朴槿惠政府因“崔顺实门”丑闻被弹劾下台,和共同民主党文在寅就任新总统等“大事件”。随着北韩在核问题上越走越远,原本志在继承和发扬“阳光政策”的文在寅新政府的安保外交立场在一定期间内也逐渐发生战略性变化,不仅加强了同美国的“传统”同盟关系,还在一定时期针对北韩在北核问题上的强硬态度,选择性地加强了韩美同盟和美日同盟的战略合作。但随后文在寅利用“平昌奥运会”的机会对北韩释放出了积极信号并获得了回应,两国拉开了以“平昌奥运会”为契机的南北对话序幕,扭转了南北关系的态势。本文以韩国安保外交的战略性变化对韩半岛的局势影响为研究目的,采取了文献研究方法进行分析。本文捕捉到了在北韩核导挑衅达到最高潮时,韩国文在寅政府安保外交政策出现了虽然短暂却明显的战略性变化。不过韩国认识到了单靠巩固军事同盟并不是解决韩半岛核问题的合理选项,转而加强对北韩的对话协商,带动韩半岛局势走向了缓和和对话,进而有望推动韩半岛实现最终的和平和繁荣。 After becoming North Korea s leader, Kim Jongen conducted nuclear tests and missile launches, which not only deepened the relevant countries’ concern about the security situation in the Korean peninsula, but also caused the South Korea to introduce THAAD system from the US, causing a series of knock-on effects. After going through Park Geunhae government’s “Choi Sunsil scandal”, Moon Jaein became the new president of South Korea. As North Korea walked to more extreme on the nuclear issue, Moon government, which originally wants to inherit and carry forward the Sunshine Policy , has gradually changed security strategic diplomatic stance by not only strengthening the traditional alliance with the United States, but also by discussing necessity of enhancing Korea-US and US-Japan alliance. However Moon government knew the “violence to violence” method might help improve the military deterrence against North Korea, but it’s not conductive to ease the situation. This paper adopted literature research method to analyze the influence of South Korea security diplomacy’s strategic change and its influence on the Korean Peninsula. South Korea realized that strengthening military alliance is not a rational choice, but insisting conversation and peace negotiation can find the way out of the dilemma. By doing this, South Korea performed a “sports diplomacy” to North Korea and brought Korea peninsula back to a relatively peaceful and consultative atmosphere.

민간기업 대북사업 증진을 위한 평화자동차 사례 연구

송광석 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2010 평화학연구 Vol.11 No.1

Korea Peninsula unification model is the German unification that private enterprise and the government made an effort together. Therefore, the south Korea government must promote north business. For private enterprises increase mutual trust of north and south Korea. But, North Korea strongly objects for a 'denuclearization·Opening·3000' policy of the south Korea government now. One year passed since Mt. kumkang sightseeing stop by this reason. Nevertheless, worker of North Korea increased still became 40,000 people in Gaeseung industrial complex area. Interdependence degree becomes higher between north and south Korea and is hard to stop it. We were able to confirm that the economic assistance of the private enterprise was useful for north and south Korea reconciliation. The special thing is the pyeonghwa moters of the unification group is get, 500,000 dollars profited in North Korea market. The pyeonghwa moters began an advertisement for commerce mainly on a car business for the first time. It is the first time in the private enterprise doing a business in North Korea. In these days, The pyeonghwa moters made a sale car exhibit space in Pyeongyang. In addition, It is the first time in the private enterprise even a Hotel business widens a business. Satellite broadcasting is set up in Botong-river Hotel, and it is watched foreign broadcast. That this is a beginning history in North Korea. Pyeonghwa moters contribute to north and south Korea society cultural exchange. . Furthermore, contributed to North Korea and with Italian diplomatic relationship and interchange between North Korea and U.S.A with 6 party talks. At such a point, the pyeonghwa moters is evaluated by a success model of the functionalism. As for north and south relations, strain relations will continue mainly on the North Korea nuclear issue in 2010. Therefore, it is a point in time when the duty of the private enterprise is more important. The government must help private enterprises for north and south Korea detente. In addition, government must follow a separation politics of economic and policy. The North Korea government must have a manner of the opening, too. The private enterprise must do an economic assistance business with sense of values of the coexistence, too. 과거 정부에 대한 비판적 입장에서 제시한 이명박 정부의 ‘비핵·개방·3000’의 대북정책에 대한 북한 정부의 반발로 금강산관광과 개성관광의 중단, 개성공단 통행 제한 등의 어려움에 직면해 있다. 그럼에도 개성공단의 가동기업수가 117개에 이르며, 북측 근로자 수도 지속 증가하여 4만 명에 이르렀다. 개성공단을 중심하고 이미 남북한 간에는 상호의존도가 높아져 서로가 중단하기 어려운 단계에 접어들었기 때문이다. 개성공단의 경우를 통해 관광사업이나 사회·문화교류 보다는 민간기업을 중심한 경협사업이 지속성은 물론 남북한 긴장완화에 실질적 도움을 줄 수 있음을 확인할 수 있다. 이런 점에서 개성공단보다 6년 앞서 남북경협을 시작한 통일그룹의 ‘평화자동차’가 북한 내수시장을 상대로 흑자경영에 성공하여 50만 불의 영업이익을 서울 본사로 송금하였다는 점은 민간기업의 대북사업이 개성이 아닌 평양인근에서도 성공할 수 있다는 또 하나의 가능성을 보여준 긍정적인 사례다. 북한 내수시장의 한계로 경영에 어려움이 있지만 평화자동차는 자동차사업을 중심으로 상업용 광고, 연유공급소(주유소), 자동차 수리소 및 판매전시장 설치, 호텔사업 등으로 사업의 영역을 착실히 넓혀가고 있다. 또한 단순히 경협만이 아니라 남북한 사회·문화교류와 스포츠 부분에서도 접촉면을 확대하고 있다. 특별히 이태리의 피아트사의 모델을 조립생산하고 있는 평화자동차는 북한과 이태리 수교에도 영향을 미쳤으며, 6자회담을 중심하고 북한과 미국간의 창구 역할도 담당한 바 있다. 이는 기능주의 관점에서 볼 때 민간기업의 성공모델로 평가할 수 있다. 정부는 민간 기업들이 경제협력을 통해 신뢰와 상호의존성을 높여가도록 정경분리원칙과 지원책을 강구해야 할 것이다. 또한 북한정부도 경협에 보다 개방적인 태도로 임해야 할 필요가 있다. 민간기업도 단기적 이익보다는 상생의 전략을 가지고 대북사업에 나서야 할 것이다.

Enemy, Homager or Equal Partner?: Evolving Korea-China Relations

김흥규 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2012 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.19 No.2

Since the formal establishment of South Korea (hereafter, Korea)-the People’s Republic of China (hereafter, China) relations in 1992, the bilateral relationship has recorded tremendous success in terms of trade volume, cooperation on the North Korean nuclear crisis, and the magnitude of exchanges in various areas. However, it is also true that the bilateral relations still remain far from satisfaction in terms of depth and degree of communication, crisis management, and a shared vision. Given Korean’s psychological alertness and apprehension formed over a long history of contacts with China, differences in political system, mutual misperceptions, and degree of understanding, these problems cast serious challenges for future relations between the two countries. In the future, Korea-China relations could be sour and bumpy if the Korean government relies excessively on security-oriented approaches, centering on its alliance with the U.S. Korea needs to exercise a “creative middle power-pragmatic diplomacy” in dealing with China. The objective is to establish a positive-sum game in the Korea-China strategic cooperative partnership, extending consultation and cooperation beyond security issues on the Korean Peninsula. Both the Korea-U.S. alliance and the Korea-China strategic cooperative partnership should be the foundation of Korea’s diplomatic assets, under which Korea would try to persuade North Korea to abandon its nuclear program. The substance of Korea-China relations will be determined by the policies of each government to consolidate the “cooperative strategic partnership.” Sound communication, political will, and strategic management matter. The future relationship of Korea with China is at the crossroad among the ranges of being enemy, homager, or equal partner. Korea obviously favors the establishment of an equal partnership with China, based upon the common principles of mutual respect, cooperation, and co-prosperity.

Enemy, Homager or Equal Partner?

Heungkyu Kim 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2012 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.19 No.2

Since the formal establishment of South Korea (hereafter, Korea)-the People’s Republic of China (hereafter, China) relations in 1992, the bilateral relationship has recorded tremendous success in terms of trade volume, cooperation on the North Korean nuclear crisis, and the magnitude of exchanges in various areas. However, it is also true that the bilateral relations still remain far from satisfaction in terms of depth and degree of communication, crisis management, and a shared vision. Given Korean’s psychological alertness and apprehension formed over a long history of contacts with China, differences in political system, mutual misperceptions, and degree of understanding, these problems cast serious challenges for future relations between the two countries. In the future, Korea-China relations could be sour and bumpy if the Korean government relies excessively on security-oriented approaches, centering on its alliance with the U.S. Korea needs to exercise a “creative middle power-pragmatic diplomacy” in dealing with China. The objective is to establish a positive-sum game in the Korea-China strategic cooperative partnership, extending consultation and cooperation beyond security issues on the Korean Peninsula. Both the Korea-U.S. alliance and the Korea-China strategic cooperative partnership should be the foundation of Korea’s diplomatic assets, under which Korea would try to persuade North Korea to abandon its nuclear program. The substance of Korea-China relations will be determined by the policies of each government to consolidate the “cooperative strategic partnership.” Sound communication, political will, and strategic management matter. The future relationship of Korea with China is at the crossroad among the ranges of being enemy, homager, or equal partner. Korea obviously favors the establishment of an equal partnership with China, based upon the common principles of mutual respect, cooperation, and co-prosperity.

언론을 통해 본 한일협정 인식 50년

오제연(Oh, je-yeon) 역사비평사 2015 역사비평 Vol.- No.111

This study discusses how the South Korean press has recognized the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement concluded in 1965 and the relation between Korea and Japan on the 10th, 20th, 30th and 40th Anniversaries. During the Post-Cold War era, South Korean newspapers acknowledged that the South Korean economy could develop itself through economic cooperation between Korea and Japan after conclusion of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement on the 10th Anniversary in 1975. However, at the same time, because of an increasing adverse balance in trade between Korea and Japan, South Korea strongly insisted that the existing vertical economic cooperation should be changed to one of horizontal and reciprocal economic cooperation. In 1985, the 20th Anniversary of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement, during the Post-Cold War era, cooperation between South Korea, the U.S. and Japan reached its peak, and relations between Korea and Japan were very friendly. Nevertheless, as it was during the 10th Anniversary, the adverse balance of trade between Korea and Japan continued to be problematic, and concern that the Korean economy might be dependent on Japan"s capital and technologies increased. In particular, university newspapers showed great concern about military dependency represented by the trilateral national security system among South Korea, the U.S. and Japan. In the 1990s, as the Post-Cold War system came to an end and Koreans politically and economically improved greatly, the relationship between Korea and Japan changed to a more horizontal one. Accordingly, in 1995, the 30th Anniversary of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement, the issue of past affairs between Korea and Japan became a significant controversy. Of these, the legitimacy of the Japan-Korea Treaty of 1910 was the biggest issue. In summary, the 30th Anniversary of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement was the first year when a war of memory over past relations between Korea and Japan became as serious issue while radical problems of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement were presented. In the 2000s, the relationship between Korea and Japan improved, and in particular, as private exchanges became vitalized, both governments declared 2005, the 40th Anniversary of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement, as ‘Korea-Japan Friendship Year.’ However, because of Japan"s Provocation over Dokdo Island started in the beginning of the year, Korea-Japan relations cooled rapidly. The conservative media still emphasized the economic and security cooperation between Korea and Japan, but generally, public opinion in South Korea took a firm line on the Japan"s Provocation over Dokdo Island. In addition, the conservative shift in the private sector of Japan expressed on the Internet only heightened Korean people"s anti-Japanese sentiment. This, in turn, caused a vicious circle that would worsen Japanese people"s sentiment of Koreans. Such confrontation and conflict between Korea and Japan was caused by the limitations inherent in the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement, neglecting the settlement of past colonialism and insisting only on economic and security cooperation.

한ㆍ중 FTA 및 한ㆍ미 FTA의 환경조항 비교

박명섭(Myong Sop PAK),김상만(Sang Man KIM),우정욱(Jung Wouk WOO) 한국무역상무학회 2016 貿易商務硏究 Vol.69 No.-

Korea-China FTA and Korea-U.S. FTA are The most significant FTA in volume and economic effect for Korea‘s perspective. Developed countries have dealt with environmental issues one of the main issues in FTA negotiation, while developing countries have been reluctant to it. Both Korea-China FTA and Korea-U.S. FTA have separate environment chapter respectively. A separate environment chapter was firstly introduced in Korea-U.S. for Korea’s perspective. Both environment chapters provide high level of environment protection, recognition of multilateral environmental agreements, enforcement of environmental laws, and environmental cooperation. Both environment chapters require that each party make effort to improve environmental laws and measures. Korea-China FTA provides establishment a “Committee on Environment and Trade”, and Korea-U.S. FTA provides establishment a “Environment Council” to oversee the implementation of environment clauses. Korea-China FTA and Korea-U.S. FTA have very similar provisions on environment and trade, and are expected to contribute to enhancing environment protection. However, a lot of provisions are somewhat declaratory rather than mandatory. Therefore, further environmental cooperation is encouraged to achieve the goals and objectives of the environment clauses and FTA.

한미동맹의 변화와 미국세계전략의 영향

김관옥(Kwanok Kim) 계명대학교 사회과학연구소 2008 한국사회과학연구 Vol.27 No.1

Some argue that the Korea-U.S. alliance was deteriorated because of self-reliance policy of South Korean government and anti-American sentiment in Korea. Such issues as discrepancy of North Korea policy between Korea and the U.S., relocation of the United States Forces Korea, and war time operational control were pointed out as the major factors that undermined the Korea-U.S. alliance. This paper examines the decision making processes of those issues mentioned above to define the factors that led the deterioration of the Korea-U.S. alliance. The result of the examination of the three cases shows that the discrepancy of between Korea and the U.S. with regard to North Korea policy and dispute about relocation of the United States Forces Korea had been led by the U.S., while the issue of war time operational control was initiated by the Korean government. Especially the major factors that led the U.S. to content with Korea with regard to the issues was the Bush government's new grand strategy. Thus, it is clear that it was not such Korean domestic factors as the Ro Moohyun government's self-reliance policy and anti-American sentiment but the U.S. grand strategy that undermined the Korea-U.S. alliance.

美軍政期 對日軍政貿易과 綿紡織産業

서문석 한일경상학회 2021 韓日經商論集 Vol.90 No.-

Purpose: This study examined the impact of the Military Government’s trade with Japan during the U.S. Military Government period (1945.9-1948.8) on South Korea’s cotton textile industry. Through this, we understood the situation of the cotton textile industry, South Korea’s representative sector, and looked at the impact of the U.S. Military Government’s import policy on the cotton textile industry and companies in the South Korea shortly after the collapse of the colonial economy. Research design, data, and methodology: South Korea’s colonial economic system, which had been built around the munitions industry, collapsed when its colonial rule ended. Most factories stopped procuring raw materials and components, and the Japanese-owned company’s operators disappeared. The South Korean economy was paralyzed when workers left the plant that stopped operating. When the Cold War began, the U.S. military government in South Korea expanded its trade with Japan through GHQ. Machinery imported from Japan by the U.S. military government included parts related to cotton spinning. Parts and consumables of cotton spinning facilities imported from Japan were distributed to vested textile factories under the control of the U.S. military government. South Korea’s cotton textile industry, which suffered from a shortage of cotton parts and supplies, repaired a considerable number of facilities in 1947. At that time, representative large-scale vested textile factories began to increase efficiency in terms of facilities, operations, raw materials, and labor. Results: The U.S. military government restored part of the dismantled colonial economic system through military trade with Japan and restored Korea-Japan economic relations. The U.S. military government's move was revealed when the Delegation of Korea to Japan was established and the Korea-Japan trade agreement was signed under the leadership of GHQ in 1949, which eventually contributed to the signing of the Korea-Japan Agreement in 1965. Implications: In conclusion, the military government’s trade between Korea and Japan during the U.S. Military Government period played a role in expanding the colonial economic relationship to after Liberation. In addition, it provided the prototype of the cooperative relationship established by Korean and Japanese companies after the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan

한일회담 단절을 통해서본 한국의 독도등대설치와 일본-일본의회 독도관련 속기록을 중심으로, 1953~54-

곽진오 한국일어일문학회 2011 日語日文學硏究 Vol.76 No.2

The suspension of the Korea-Japan conference was a burdensome incident to both countries. The Japanese Diet's internal record on Dokdo is an important source that shows Japan's responsive policies to Korea at that time. During the process of the Korea-Japan conference, oral arguments over the right of claim led to suspension of the conference. It took four years and six months to restart the Korea-Japan conference, and during the suspension, The Japanese Diet discussed a variety of policies regarding the Korean peace line and Dokdo issue. There were strong voices claiming that Korea's peace line issue should be solved by military power, and the Dokdo issue by the ICJ. The Korea-Japan conference suspension, however, was not the problem of only Korea and Japan,but also the problem of the U.S. which had deep interest relations in East Asian security issues within the Cold War system. Thus, the Japanese Diet's policies toward Korea do not progress as planned, and the decreased importance of the Japanese Department of Foreign Affairs due to the discontinuity of Korea-Japan conference is one cause of this poor progress. As communication between Korea and Japan becomes difficult due to the cease of the conference, the Japanese Diet claims that Japan take the Dokdo issue to the ICJ and form a stronger claim over Dokdo sovereignty. This research paper is constituted of the following four chapters. The first chapter explains this research's difference from previous ones and this research's contribution to the academic field. The second chapter analyzes the Korea-Japan conference suspension and the Japanese Diet's response, and the third chapter analyzes the Korean lighthouse establishment in Dokdo and the Japanese Diet's response and limits. Finally, the fourth concluding chapter analyzes why Dokdo is Korea's territory, and the limits of Korean Dokdo policies according to the Japanese Diet.