4~5세기 고구려의 王室 神聖化 관념에 대한 검토

최일례 한국고대사탐구학회 2021 한국고대사탐구 Vol.39 No.-

The Goguryeo’s royal reverence idea was derived from the sacred lineage perception on founders. The Jian Goguryeo Tablet, King Gwanggaeto Tablet, and Moduru Stele that were built approximately in the 4th and 5th centuries have a lineage perception that founders of Goguryeo are offsprings of the heavenly gods and grandchildren of the water god. The important thing is that the idea of reverence to the Goguryeo royal family was not found in all the records of the 4th and 5th centuries. In the memorial inscriptions of the Anak #3 Tomb and Deokheungri Tobm that were built in the similar periods only personal achievements are recorded. Also, the Chungju Goguryeo Tablet that was assumed to have been written in the 5th century is an official record of Goguryeo, but there was no information on sacred lineage of Goguryeo founders. Chumo, founder of Goguryeo, ran from North Buyeo and was settled in Biryusu. During the process, Gyerubu that was represented by founder Chumo took the initiative away from Sonobu[=Yeonnobu=Biryubu] that was a dominant power of natives in Jolbon. In the process Gyerubu expanded its initiative, it was assumed that they would labor at securing legitimacy as a representative of the League and efficient control of the people. It was also revealed from the fact that Goguryeo kings themselves gave sacrificial rites to primogenitors of league member countries for integration with the League during the general meetings. On every October, Goguryeo kings themselves gave sacrificial rites to all of the gods including Ryongseong, Ilsin, Kahansin, Kijasin and Susin. Chinese people considered that there were lots of Eumsa(sacrificial services given by those who did not have right to serve) in Goguryeo because the Goguryeo kings gave sacrificial rites to the subjects of sacrificial rites that were not seen as the same ancestors to them. In particular, Sonobu, a previous royal power, established an independent royal ancestor’s shrine in the middle 3th century to give a sacrificial service to their founders. It means that the Gyerubu sovereignty did not secure its exclusive initiative even at that period. Then in the 4th and 5th centuries, Jian Goguryeo Tablet and King Gwanggaeto Tablet as official records of Goguryeo and even personal inscriptions declared the sacred idea that Goguryeo’s founder is the son of Habaek, the son of Lord of Heaven. King Gwanggaeto kept tomb keepers from being traded, which means that influential parties’ acquisition of tomb keepers was strictly limited. At the time when Goguryeo sovereignty was strengthened, the sacred lineage idea of Goguryeo royal family was also emphasized. In conclusion, it was suggested that the sacred lineage idea reflected the situation of the period when Goguryeo sovereignty was expanding its exclusive initiative over influential parties and achieved its absolute superiority. 고구려의 왕실 존숭 관념은 시조에 대한 신성한 출자 인식에서 출발한다. 4~5세기 무렵 작성된 「집안고구려비」, 「광개토왕비」, 「모두루묘지명」에는 고구려의 시조가 하늘[天神]의 자손이며 물[水神]의 외손이라는 신성한 출자 인식을 담고 있다. 중요한 것은 4~5세기의 모든 기록물에서 고구려 왕실에 대한 존숭 관념은 보이지 않는다. 비슷한 시기에 작성된 안악3호분과 덕흥리고분 묘지명에서는 개인의 행적을 위주로 묘지명을 작성하였다. 또한 5세기 경에 만들어졌을 가능성이 높은 「충주고구려비」 역시도 고구려의 공식적인 기록물이지만 고구려 시조의 신성한 출자 정보는 없다. 고구려 시조 추모는 북부여에서 도망하여 와서 비류수가에 정착하였다. 그 과정에서 시조 추모로 대표되는 계루부는 졸본을 중심으로 토착해 온 선주민의 지배세력 소노부[=연노부=비류부]를 누르고 주도권을 장악하였다. 계루부가 주도권을 확장해 나가는 과정에서 연맹체의 대표[왕]로서 정통성 확보와 민에 대한 효율적인 지배를 고심하였을 것이다. 이는 연맹체와의 통합을 위해 각 연맹체의 시조신에 대한 제사를 國中大會 기간에 고구려 왕이 직접 지내는 것에서도 드러난다. 고구려 왕은 매년 10월이면 靈星, 日神, 可汗神, 箕子神 등과 隧神에 대한 제사를 모두 그리고 몸소 제사지냈다. 중국인들의 눈에 동일한 조상으로 볼 수 없는 제사 대상을 더군다나 고구려의 왕이 직접 제사지내는 것을 두고 고구려에는 淫祀가 많다고 하였다. 특히 前 왕실세력인 소노부는 3세기 중엽에도 여전히 독자적인 종묘를 세우고 자신들의 시조에 대한 제의를 유지하고 있었다. 해당 시기까지도 계루부 왕권이 배타적인 지배력을 확보하지 못한 상태였음을 반영한다. 그러다가 4~5세기 무렵 고구려의 공식적 기록물인 「집안고구려비」, 「광개토왕비」와 개인의 묘지명에까지 고구려의 시조가 ‘天帝之子 河伯之孫’이라는 왕실에 대한 신성 관념을 천명하고 있다. 그리고 광개토왕은 왕릉의 수묘인에 대한 매매 금지를 발령함으로써 유력세력의 수묘인 취득을 강력하게 제한하는 모습을 발견할 수 있다. 고구려 왕권이 강화된 시기 고구려 왕실의 신성한 출자 관념 역시도 강조되고 있는 양상이다. 결과적으로 고구려 왕실의 신성한 출자 관념은 고구려 왕권이 유력세력에 대한 배타적인 지배력을 확보해 나가던 그래서 왕실의 절대적 우위를 설정했던 시대상의 반영으로 이해할 수 있다.

고구려의 對후연관계와 요동 확보의 의미

백다해 고구려발해학회 2024 고구려발해연구 Vol.80 No.-

이 글은 4세기 후반~5세기 초반에 전개되었던 고구려와 후연의 관계를 통해 고구려의 요동 진출 양상을 재검토하고, 후연과 고구려의 입장에서 요동의 전략적 가치를 파악하며, 나아가 고구려의 요동 확보가 가지는국제관계사적 함의를 밝히는 데 목적이 있다. 「능비」 영락 5년조에 수록된 395년 광개토왕의 요동 순행 기사와 『양서』 고구려전에서 확인되는 고구려의요동군 경략 기사는 고구려의 요동 진출 시점을 가늠하는 필수 사료이다. 이 글에서는 두 개의 사료를 재검토함으로써 고구려가 395년 이전에 요동 일대로 진출하였다는 기존의 학설을 재확인하였다. 이와 함께 그동안주목하지 않았던 『십육국춘추』 및 『십육국춘추집보』의 기록을 이용해 고구려가 4세기 후반 요동으로 진출하였을 가능성을 탐색하였다. 후연은 4세기 말까지 고구려의 요동 진출에 별다른 반응을 보이지 않았다. 그러나 400년 모용성이 즉위하면서부터 후연의 상황이 바뀌었다. 모용성은 중원 회복이 어려워진 상황에서 후연의 재흥을 위해 요동 수복을 꾀하였다. 과거 전연처럼 요서와 요동을 연계함으로써 중원을 회복하고자 했던 것이다. 이로 인해 요동을둘러싼 고구려와 후연의 공방전은 격화되었다. 요동은 후연의 재도약의 발판이었다. 한편 요동은 후연뿐만 아니라 고구려에게도 중요한 도약의 공간이었다. 고구려는 요동을 확보한 후 이 지역을 자국에 필요에 적합한 공간으로 재편하였다. 그 가운데 주목되는 것은 城과 교통로의 재편이다. 특히 교통로의 재정비는 5세기 고구려 국제관계의 특징과 연계된 중요한 지점이다. 실제로 고구려는 요동을 확보한후, 요동이 가진 연결망의 허브라는 속성을 이용해 이전보다 다양한 세력과 교섭하였다. 이는 5세기 고구려국제관계의 특징인 국제관계의 장기지속화, 안정화, 다면화의 토대가 되었다. This text purposes to examine the expansion of Goguryeo(高句麗) into Liaodong(遼 東) through the relationship between Goguryeo and Later Yan(後燕), which unfolded from the late 4th century to the early 5th century. Moreover it seeks to understand the strategic value of Liaodong and further clarify the implications of Goguryeo's securing of Liaodong in the context of international relations. The records of King Gwanggaeto's tour to Liaodong in 395, found in the “The Stele of King Gwanggaeto(廣開土王碑)”, and the accounts of Goguryeo's military activities in Liaodong in the “Liangshu(梁書)” are essential sources for gauging the timing of Goguryeo's expansion into Liaodong. By re-evaluating these two historical sources, this article reaffirms the existing theory that Goguryeo expanded into the Liaodong region before 395. Additionally, it explores the possibility that Goguryeo ventured into Liaodong in the late 4th century by utilizing records from the “Shiliu guo chunqiu(十六 國春秋)” which had not been previously emphasized. Until the late 4th century, the Later Yan did not show any significant response to Goguryeo's advance into Liaodong. However, the situation changed with the ascension of Murongsheng(慕容盛) in 400. In a context where recovering the Zhongyuan(中 原) became difficult, he sought to seek revival Later Yan by reclaiming Liaodong. He dreamed of recovering the Zhongyuan by linking the Liaoxi(遼西) and Liaodong regions, similar to the past with Former Yan(前燕). As a result, the conflict between Goguryeo and Later Yan over Liaodong intensified. In short, Liaodong was a stepping stone for Later Yan's national revival. Liaodong was also an important area for Goguryeo. In fact, after securing Liaodong, Goguryeo reorganized the region according to its own needs. Notably, the reconstruction of transportation routes stands out. The issue of transportation routes is also useful for examining Goguryeo's international relations in the 5th century. Through various transportation routes connected to Liaodong, Goguryeo engaged with various powers active in North China(華北), Shandong(山東), the Jiangnan(江南), and the steppe. Unlike the previous periods, the negotiations between Goguryeo and these powers in the 5th century took on a long-term nature, influenced by Liaodong's characteristic as a hub of connectivity. In summary, securing Liaodong became the cornerstone of the multi-faceted diplomacy that characterized Goguryeo's international relations in the 5th century.

7세기 중엽 국제정세 변동과 고구려 대외관계의 추이

여호규 대구사학회 2018 대구사학 Vol.133 No.-

In the mid-7th century, Goguryeo’s foreign strategies were centered around its relationship with Tang(唐). In 645, Goguryeo managed to repel Tang’s invasion, and presented itself as a formidable military presence in Northeast Asia. But right after that victory, Tang was able to crush the Seol Yeon-ta(薛延陀) force which had been steadily rising in the region of Mongolia. Tang also created a Gimi(羈縻) system in that region, so Goguryeo’s victory over Tang failed to generate lasting repercussions. After Tang Emperor Taizong’s death, the Changsun Wuji(長孫無忌) regime (of Tang) decided to proceed with a more moderate foreign policy, inadvertently giving room for the Western Turqs[西突闕] to gain power and momentum. Goguryeo wanted to exploit the situation by befriending some Inner Asian states through the Western Turq, while also launching aggressive military campaigns against Khitan and Silla. In other words, while Tang was maintaining a rather passive position, Goguryeo attempted to make both military and diplomatic headways to be able to counteract what Tang would have in mind for the future. Then, the Xu Jing-zong(許敬宗) regime of Tang -which was established in 655- decided to once again employ a more aggressive foreign policy, and made that policy more than evident when it destroyed the Western Turq in 658. Tang then allied itself with Silla and conquered Baekje in 660. It was at this point when Tang was ready to take on Goguryeo, but it was not successful in the beginning because the Khitan and Cheol’reuk(鐵勒) factions suddenly uprose in the Northwest side of Goguryeo. It is confirmed through certain tomb epitaphs that (in order to face Tang) Goguryeo allied itself with the Khitans, so it is also possible that Goguryeo reached a similar agreement with the Cheol’reuk as well. As we can see, Goguryeo was able to stop Tang and repel its attacks through military means as well as diplomatic methods. Tang had to pause its advances only after crushing the Baekje refugees trying to reclaim their homeland and putting down Cheol’reuk. And since July 664, the Tang government engaged in preparations for the TaiShan(泰山) mountain’s Bongseon(封禪) ceremony. Figuring that Tang was essentially putting the Goguryeo campaign on hold, Goguryeo decided to use the situation to enhance its relationship with Tang, and had its own Crown prince Boknam(福男) attend the ceremony himself. So, apparently Goguryeo was dealing with international conditions surrounding itself in a timely manner and even effectively. But in the end, it was not able to keep itself from being internally divided, or prevent its own ultimate fall. There must have been something that Goguryeo overlooked while trying to keep up with the rapidly changing international dynamics. It also seems Goguryeo lacked a comprehensive perspective to set a plan that would better ready itself to cope with them. 7세기 중엽 고구려의 대외관계는 對唐政策을 중심으로 전개되었다. 고구려는 645년에 당의 침공을 격퇴함으로써 대내외에 자국의 군사력을 과시하고, 국제적 위상을 크게 높일 수 있었다. 다만 당이 곧바로 몽골초원에서 흥기하던 薛延陀를 격파하고, 羈縻體制를 확립함에 따라 고구려의 당군 격퇴 여파는 크게 확산되지 못했다. 태종 사망 이후 唐의 長孫無忌 정권이 온건한 대외정책을 펴자, 西突闕이 크게 흥기했다. 이에 고구려는 서돌궐을 통해 내륙아시아 방면의 세력과 연계를 도모하는 한편, 契丹과 신라에 대해 공세적인 군사작전을 전개했다. 고구려가 당의 온건책을 틈타 공세적인 외교정책과 군사작전을 전개하며 당을 견제할 기반을 확충한 것이다. 655년에 성립한 唐의 許敬宗 정권은 강경한 대외정책으로 선회하여 658년 서돌궐을 괴멸시켰다. 그런 다음 신라와 연합해 660년에 백제를 멸망시킨 다음, 곧바로 고구려 원정에 나섰다. 다만 당은 별다른 전과를 올리지 못했는데, 고구려 서북방에서 契丹과 鐵勒이 크게 흥기했기 때문이었다. 이때 고구려가 거란과 연계한 사실은 묘지명을 통해 확인되는데, 鐵勒과도 연계했을 가능성이 있다. 이처럼 고구려는 다양한 군사전략과 외교정책을 통해 당의 공격을 저지했다. 이에 당은 백제 부흥군과 鐵勒을 평정한 데 만족하며 664년 7월부터 泰山 封禪을 추진했다. 당이 고구려 원정을 보류한 것이다. 이에 고구려는 당과의 관계를 개선할 기회가 마련되었다고 판단하고, 태자 福男을 파견해 봉선의식에 참여했다. 현상적인 추이만 놓고 본다면, 고구려는 멸망 직전까지도 급변하는 국제정세에 비교적 효과적으로 대응했다고 평가할 수 있다. 그렇지만 이러한 평가로는 고구려가 내분의 와중에 갑자기 멸망한 원인을 찾기 어렵다. 당시 고구려가 급변하는 국제정세를 얼마나 정확하게 인식했는지, 또 새로운 국제질서에 대응하기 위한 보다 근본적인 대외정책을 수립하려고 고민했는지 등을 더욱 다각도로 검토할 필요가 있다.

A CHRONOLOGICAL STUDY OF GOGURYEO POTTERY

( Choi Jongtaik ) 국립중앙박물관 2008 Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology (JKAA) Vol.2 No.0

Although Goguryeo (高句麗, 37 BC-668) pottery has been increasingly subject to examination since the 1980s, evidenced by a number of studies carried out in Ji'an (集安), China and in South Korea, it appears that little attention has been paid to its overall development and characteristics. For instance, Chinese scholars have studied Goguryeo pottery only in terms of establishing a chronology of funerary rites, and indeed Korean studies have been similarly limited. This paper attempts to address the origin and development of Goguryeo pottery by examining vessel types and production techniques. Three developmental stages are recognized: the early period (before 300 AD), the middle period (300-500) and the late period (after 500). Goguryeo pottery is generally characterized by its fine clay ground, wheel-thrown technique, daesangpasu (带狀把手: strap-shaped handles), and flat base. The pottery of the early period, primarily hand-modeled, contains more sand than pottery of the later stages whereas that of the middle period, mostly wheelthrown, is made out of fine clay. Only a few vessel types show evidence of burnishing, which would seem to contradict the common assumption that a polished finish characterizes Goguryeo pottery. Vessels discovered have been found to bear a variety of surface decoration. The ones from the middle period feature various incised designs such as jeomnyeolmun (点烈文: dotted-row pattern), yeonsoksagakmun (连绩死角文: continuous square dot pattern), gapgolmun (鱼骨文: fishbone pattern), geochimun (锯齿文: saw-tooth pattern), gyeokjamun (格子文: lattice pattern), dongsimwonmun (同心圆文: concentric circle pattern), pasangmun (波状文: wavyline pattern), and junghomun (重弧文: concentric semicircular pattern). Although these designs continued to be used well into the late period, it appears that ammun (暗文: pattern made by pressing and rubbing the surface) tended to be the most commonly used in that period. Throughout the three periods, the surface of Goguryeo pottery is of an overall yellowish color, though with time gray hues became increasingly predominant. Goguryeo pottery was formed in the tradition of Bronze Age pottery (which features daesangpasu and polishing) found in the mid-Amnokgang (鸭绿江: river) and Hunjiang (浑江: river in China) basins, and influenced by Han (漢, 206 BC-220) China. Goguryeo vessels, including funerary objects, can be categorized into twenty-four types. The early period produced fewer vessel types than the middle period, during which all twenty-four types were produced. This indicates that all features characterizing Goguryeo pottery would have been established by around 300 when Goguryeo was established as a state. Thus, Goguryeo pottery evolved in line with the formation and development of Goguryeo as a monarchy. The gray and hard-surfaced pottery of Goguryeo in the late period continued to be produced in Balhae (渤海, 698-926) as well as in Baekje (百濟, 18 BC-660) and Unified Silla (統一新羅, 668-935), which would support the belief that Goguryeo's political influence expanded across these territories after the sixth century.

신라 금관에 선행한 고구려 금관의 발전 양상과 금관의 주체

朴仙姬(Park, Sun-Hee) 백산학회 2011 白山學報 Vol.- No.90

Goguryeo golden crowns were the beginning of Korean golden crowns. The reason of the change of Goguryeo Golden Crown style can be explained from the difference of the king’s ruling objective combined with the changing political and social situation that the Goguryeo people pursued. The King Sosurim era can be explained as a time of establishing a centralizing system following territorial expansion, strengthening the royal authority and making the foundations of southward expansion policy. This means that a golden crown that symbolizes the progenitor mythology to reconsolidate the sovereign power leading to the Goguryeo-centric national character and a stronger divinity of the royal authority. However at the Great King Gwanggeto era, a golden crown of Jeolpoong Style which looks like a common official hat, also has close relation of the policies at that time. At that time, Goguryeo ruled over the whole Korean Peninsula, Manchuria, and technically, Japanese regions and made them pay tributes as liege states which resulted in making a national order of the Gojosun Domain which includes the whole Korean Peninsula and Manchuria. Goguryeo, making a nation that carries on Gojosun as a successor was the national policy since the foundation of the country and was fulfilled at the Great King Gwanggeto era. Therefore, the usage of Jeolpoong Style for golden crown was justified because it was the style that several countries of Gojosun used commonly. The golden crown which was not only the royal crown was a symbol that strengthens the authority of the King of Goguryeo but also be a pretext to rule as the successor of Gojosun. The golden crown that shows a more developed style is the golden crown that was excavated from Gangseo-gun. This golden crown has 7 splendid flame patterns as erected decks around the circumference. Like this, after the transfer of the capital to Pyungyang, the introduction of flame pattern erected decks that symbolizes Haemosu means the change of the symbolic meaning and objectives of the royal authority. Goguryeo kept on war with surrounding countries until till their end. This means the transfer of their capital to Pyeongyang should have deep relations with the foreign policies and also with the revival of Haemosu. However the history of Goguryeo wars doesn’t seem to be due to make economic foundations through territorial expansion as general understandings. This is because when China was internally disordered, having war with them should be easier than with other countries of the Korean Peninsula. However when Goguryeo recovered the Yoseo area, they changed their point of war to the southern Korea Peninsula. This can only mean that the goal of Goguryeo by making war was not for territorial expansion but for recovering the territory of Gojosun and reviving their order. Thus, the fact that the golden crown of the Great King Gwanggeto era was made Jeolpoong Style, common in the Korean Peninsul and Manchuria at the time of Gojosun, means that Goguryeo wanted to show that they are the successor of Gojosun at least formally. This concept was introduced in the golden crown excavated from Gansung-li which is known to be made at King Jangsu era, and symbolized the the Dangun of Gojosun. the son of the sun, into flame patterns as erected decks. Like these examples, the golden crown style of Goguryeo has been developed with free will of moulding and decoration skills according to political and social changes. The golden crown style of Goguryeo, including erected decks, Dalgae decks, patterns, sofisticated workmanship for metal, has went through a unique process and was descended right to Silla golden crowns, later resulting in the important cultural characteristic of the Korean race. Therefore, the common view that Korean golden crowns are from Siberian shamans and other cultural traditions of Eurasian races should be corrected.

착고와로 본 고구려 묘상 건축물의 성격

주홍규 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2023 민족문화논총 Vol.83 No.-

Goguryeo was an ancient country with a wide area from northeast China to the central region of the Korean Peninsula. Goguryeo is known to have traditional tombs with characteristics different from those of neighboring countries, such as tombs, and the tombs of Goguryeo reflect the people's views on life at the time. However, as there are few documentary records on the tombs of Goguryeo, the information that can be obtained through textual materials on the characteristics of the tombs and the view of the life of the Goguryeo people is very limited. Recently, with the progress of excavation research on the ruins of Goguryeo, various archaeological relics have been discovered in Goguryeo tombs. It is regarded as important as a data to judge the time of the construction of the Goguryeo Tombs. However, research on tiles unearthed from Goguryeo tombs has been largely based on historical research, and the main purpose is to reveal the buried tombs, whereas the investigation of the use of tiles excavated from tombs has been stingy. This study was to clarify archaeologically the possibility of the existence of tomb structures in Goguryeo tombs and the reasons for the excavation of roof tiles from Goguryeo tombs, focusing on the chakgowa (착고와) excavated from the giant Jeokseokchong(적석총) of Goguryeo. The chaggowa(착고와) was used for the construction of buildings with tiled roofs. Among the tombs excavated roof tiles from Jeokseokchong(적석총) in Goguryeo today are Usanha(우산하)3319, Seodaechong(서대총), and Cheonchuchong(천추총). It is difficult to grasp the aspects of the buildings built on the tombs of Goguryeo at the time only from the literatures. However, through the purpose of using the chakgowa(착고와) excavated from these tombs, even the changing aspects of the tomb system in the Goguryeo era can be inferred. Therefore, the excavation of chakgowa(착고와) from Goguryeo tombs proves the existence of structures built on tombs. It is understood that structures built on these tombs began to be built in Goguryeo from about the 3rd century to the 5th century, and no more tombsang structures were built in the 6th century. This is most likely the result of changes in the tomb system introduced in Goguryeo society. and it was possible to estimate a new change in the Goguryeo tomb system in which consciousness of the dead was transferred from the ground to the inside of the tomb.

5세기 말~6세기 초 국제정세 변동과 고구려의 외교정책

여호규 단국대학교 동양학연구원 2025 동양학 Vol.- No.99

이 글은 5세기 말~6세기 초 국제정세 변동과 고구려의 외교정책을 고찰한 것이다. 이 시기 국제정세는 북위와 각국의 외교교섭 양상을 통해 473~479년, 480~484년, 485~493년, 494~506년, 507~519년, 520~534년등 6시기로 나눌 수 있다. 473~479년에는 고구려가 북위에 자주 사신을 파견한 것을 계기로 북위 중심의 국제교역망이 활성화되고각국이 활발하게 교섭했다. 고구려는 이를 통해 북위와 이해관계를 공유하며 외교적 긴장을 완화하는 한편, 475년에 백제 도성을 함락하는 등 동방지역에서 세력을 확장했다. 479년에 남조의 왕조 교체에 따라 국제정세가 급변하는 가운데, 북위, 유연, 남제가 치열한 공방전을 벌였다. 이에 고구려는 479년에 유연과 함께 지두우 분할을 도모하는 한편, 481년에는 신라 도성 북방까지 진격했다. 고구려가 주요 강대국의 공방전을 활용해 세력 확장을 도모한 것인데, 북위의 개입 가능성을 차단하기 위해 북위와의 외교교섭을 중단했다. 483년 북위와 남제의 화친으로 국제정세가 점차 안정되었다. 특히 북위는 유연의 침공을 방어하고, 제도를정비하기 위해 유화책을 전개했다. 이에 485~493년에 북위와 각국의 교섭이 활발하게 이루어졌다. 고구려와토욕혼이 동방과 서방에서 북위와의 외교교섭을 주도했는데, 토욕혼이 여러 주변국과 함께 북위에 사신을 파견한 반면, 고구려는 단독으로 북위와 교섭했다. 북위는 492년 유연을 격파하고, 494년 낙양으로 천도한 다음, 남조(남제-양)를 대대적으로 정벌했다. 이로인해 494~506년에 북위와 각국의 교섭이 위축되었고, 고구려도 북위의 개입을 차단하기 위해 물길과의 각축전에서 퇴각했다. 다만 고구려는 이 시기에도 북위에 자주 사신을 보내 정세변화를 파악하는 한편, 북위의 개입 가능성이 낮은 한반도 방면에서는 군사작전을 전개해 백제와 신라의 동맹을 약화시키고자 했다. 507~519년에 북위와 양의 전쟁은 북위가 우위를 보이는 가운데 교착 상태에 빠졌다. 이에 따라 국제정세가안정되고, 각국이 북위나 양과 활발하게 교섭하는 외교의 시대가 열렸다. 다만 북위가 거의 모든 주변국과 교섭함에 따라 고구려와 토욕혼의 역할과 비중은 감소했다. 고구려는 북위로부터 독자세력권을 인정받은 다음, 506년부터 백제에 대한 공격을 재개하여 한반도 방면에서 압도적 우위를 구축하려 했다. 이처럼 고구려는 480~484년을 제외하면 5세기 말~6세기 초에 북위와의 외교교섭을 지속하며 동방지역에서세력을 확장하는 정책을 폈다. 다만 520~534년에 북위의 국정 혼란으로 북위와 각국의 외교교섭이 급격히 위축되었는데, 고구려도 북위 대신 양과의 교섭을 통해 국제정세 동향을 파악했다. 동아시아 국제정세와 고구려외교정책이 새로운 국면으로 접어든 것이다. This article examines the changes in the international situation and Goguryeo’s foreign policy in the late 5th and early 6th centuries. The international situation during this period can be divided into six periods: 473~479, 480~484, 485~493, 494~506, 507~519, and 520~534 through diplomatic negotiations between the Northern Wei(北魏) and each country. From 473 to 479, the international trade network centered on the Northern Wei was activated, and each country actively negotiated with the Northern Wei. Goguryeo’s frequent dispatch of envoys to the Northern Wei from 472 sparked the international trade network centered on the Northern Wei. Through this, Goguryeo shared interests with the Northern Wei, eased diplomatic tensions, and expanded its power in the Eastern region by capturing Baekje(百濟)’s capital in 475. The international situation changed dramatically with the change of dynasty in South China in 479. In particular, the Northern Wei, Rouran(柔然), and Southern Ji(南齊) engaged in a fierce battle. In response, Goguryeo sought to divide the Didouyu(地豆于) with Rouran in 479, and advanced to the north of the Silla capital in 481. Goguryeo sought to expand its power by utilizing the battle of major powers, while stopped diplomatic negotiations with the Northern Wei in order to block the possibility of the Northern Wei’s involvement. The international situation gradually stabilized with the establishment of friendly relations between the Northern Wei and the Southern Ji in 483. In particular, the Northern Wei took conciliatory measures to defend against the invasion of Rouran and to organize the national system. As a result, negotiations between the Northern Wei and each country took place actively from 485 to 493. Goguryeo and Tuyuhun(土谷渾) led diplomatic negotiations with the Northern Wei in the East and the West. However, Goguryeo alone negotiated with the Northern Wei, while Tuyuhun dispatched envoys to the Northern Wei along with several neighboring countries. The Northern Wei defeated Rouran in 492 and moved the capital to Luoyang(洛陽) in 494 before conquering the Southern Dynasty(Southern Ji / Liang). This resulted in a contraction of negotiations between the Northern Wei and each country in 494~506, and Goguryeo also retreated from a battle with the Mulgil(勿吉) to block the intervention of the Northern Wei. However, during this period, Goguryeo frequently sent envoys to the Northern Wei to understand the changes in the international situation, while also attempting to weaken the alliance between Baekje and Silla by conducting military operations on the Korean Peninsula, where the possibility of intervention by the Northern Wei is low. The war between the Northern Wei and the Liang came to a standstill from 507 to 519, when the North Wei prevailed. As a result, the international situation was stabilized, and an era of diplomacy was begun in which each country actively negotiated with the Northern Wei and the Liang. However, as the Northern Wei negotiated with almost all neighboring countries, the role and proportion of Goguryeo and Tuyuhun decreased. After being recognized by the Northern Wei for its independent sphere of influence, Goguryeo resumed its attacks on Baekje to establish an overwhelming advantage in the Korean Peninsula from 506. As such, Goguryeo continued diplomatic negotiations with the Northern Wei in the Late 5th and Early 6th Centuries, except for 480~484, and implemented a policy to expand its power in the Eastern region. However, diplomatic negotiations between the Northern Wei and each country shrank sharply due to the chaos of the Northern Wei in 520~534, and Goguryeo also understood the international situation through negotiations with the Liang instead of the Northern Wei. The international situation in East Asia and the foreign policy of Goguryeo have entered a new phase.

高句麗 貴族姓 淵氏와 蓋氏 硏究

이동훈 고조선단군학회 2022 고조선단군학 Vol.49 No.-

고구려 말기 최고의 권력자였던 연개소문(淵蓋蘇文)가문은 평양 천도 이후에 등장한 신출 가문이 아니라 고구려 초기부터 등장한 고구려의 유력한 전통귀족가문이었다. 연개소문 가문의 시조 전승(傳乘)에 의하면 연개소문 가문의 시조는 ‘물’에서 기원하였다. 『삼국사기(三國史記)』에 의하면 고구려 제2대 유리왕은 ‘사물택(沙勿澤)’이라는 지역에서 고구려왕에게 내부한 재지 유력자에게 ‘사물(沙勿)’이라는 이름과 ‘위(位)’라는 성씨를 수여했다. 여기서 ‘위(位)’는 고대 한국어와 친연관계가 있는 일본의 만요가나(万葉仮名)에서 ‘ウィ/wi’라고 발음되는데, ‘정(井)’과 발음이 같다. 그러므로 ‘위(位)’는 ‘우물’ 즉 ‘물’과 관련이 깊은 고구려어를 한자로 표기한 것이라는 것을 알 수 있다. 또한 연개소문의 정변을 기록한 『일본서기(日本書紀)』에는 연개소문을 ‘이리가수미(伊梨柯須彌,イリカスミ)’라고 표기하였다. ‘이리(伊梨)’는 ‘물, 하천, 우물’을 의미하는 고구려어 ‘얼(ərV/irV)’을 한자로 표기한 것이다. 『삼국사기』에는 ‘정(井)’ ‘천(泉)’ ‘연(淵)’으로 표현된다. 그러므로 ‘위(位)’나 ‘이리(伊梨)’나 모두 연개소문의 성씨인 ‘연(淵)’과 동일한 의미라는 것을 알 수 있다. 이것으로 ‘위(位)’라는 성씨를 가진 ‘사물(沙勿)’은 연개소문 가문의 조상이라는 것이 확인된다. 한편 부여와 고구려 초기 역사에서 중요한 역할을 했던 ‘해(解)’씨는 태조왕(太祖王) 이후 사료에 등장하지 않는다. 이에 대해 본고는 『삼국유사(三國遺事)』에 수록된 ‘양명(羊皿)설화’에서 연개소문의 성씨를 ‘개씨(蓋氏)’라고 한 것에 주목했다. ‘개씨(蓋氏)’는 중국의 역사서에 의하면 고구려 왕실의 성씨인 고씨(高氏)와 통혼 관계를 형성할 정도로 고구려에서 지위가 높은 귀족 가문의 성씨였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 ‘개씨(蓋氏)’의 역사에 대해 알려진 바가 없다. 그런데 고대 한국어에서 ‘개(蓋)’와 ‘해(解)’의 음가는 동일하였다. 모두 /kai/ 로 발음되었기 때문에 상호 치환될 수 있는 한자였다. 본고는 이에 근거하여 고구려 초기에 ‘해(解)’를 성씨로 삼았던 집단이 고구려 중기부터 그들의 성씨 표기를 ‘개(蓋)’로 변경한 것으로 이해했다. 고구려에서 성씨의 사용은 그 역사가 길다. 그런데 고구려는 독자적인 문자가 없었기 때문에 중국의 한자(漢字)를 빌려 그들의 성씨를 표기하였다. 고구려어를 한자로 표기하는 방식은 한자 사용이 보급되고 한자에 대한 이해가 심화됨에 따라 음차(音借)표기에서 훈차(訓借)표기로 바뀌는 경향이 나타났다. 성씨 표기도 마찬가지였다. 연개소문 가문은 초기에는 음차표기 방식을 이용하여 그들의 성씨를 ‘위(位)’ 또는 ‘이리(伊梨)’라고 하였고, 후에는 훈차표기 방식을 이용하여 ‘연(淵)’으로 표기했다. 해(解)씨에서 개(蓋)씨의 변화도 음차표기에서 훈차표기로 이해할 수 있다. 이것으로 ‘개씨(蓋氏)’ 가문 역시 그 연원이 오래되었으며 그 위상은 고(高)씨에 버금갔다는 것이 확인된다. 이것이 바로 고구려 말기에 이르러 왕실의 성씨인 ‘고(高)’씨를 넘어설 정도로 그 위상이 높았던 연개소문의 성씨를 ‘개(蓋)’씨로 이해한 ‘양명(羊皿)설화’가 탄생한 배경이 되었다. 고구려 귀족성 연씨와 개씨 연구를 통해 고구려 초기 지배 세력이 평양 천도 이후에도 고구려의 지배 세력으로서 위상을 유... The family of Yeon Gaesomun(淵蓋蘇文), the most powerful person at the end of Goguryeo, was not a new family that appeared after the transfer of the capital to Pyeongyang but a traditional noble family of Goguryeo that had been influential from the beginning of Goguryeo. According to the stories about the founder of Yeon Gaesomun’s family, the founder of Yeon Gaesomun’s family originated from ‘water’. According to 『Samguksagi(三國史記)』, in a region called ‘Samultaek(沙勿澤)’, King Yuri, the second king of Goguryeo, awarded the name, ‘Samul(沙勿)’, and the surname, ‘Wi(位)’, to the local influencer who adhered to the king of Goguryeo. Here, ‘Wi’ is pronounced as ‘ウィ/wi’ in Japan’s Manyogana that is related to ancient Korean, and the pronunciation is the same as ‘jeong(井)’. Therefore, we can see that ‘Wi(位)’ is a Chinese character that represents a Goguryeo word which is deeply related to ‘well’, that is, ‘water’. Also, 『Ilbonseogi(日本書紀)』 dealing with the revolution of Yeon Gaesomun marks Yeon Gaesomun as ‘Irigasumi(伊梨柯須彌, イリカスミ)’. ‘Iri(伊梨)’ consists of Chinese characters that represent a Goguryeo word, ‘eol(ərV/irV), that means ‘water, river, or well’. In 『Samguksagi』, it is expressed as ‘Jeong(井)’, ‘Cheon(泉)’, or ‘Yeon(淵)’. Therefore, we can see that both ‘Wi(位)’ and ‘Iri(伊梨)’ have the same meaning as ‘Yeon(淵)’, the family name of Yeon Gaesomun. This confirms that ‘Samul(沙勿)’ who had the surname of ‘Wi(位)’ was one of the ancestors of Yeongaemun’s family. Meanwhile, the surname of Hae(解) that played important roles in the history of Buyeo and early Goguryeo does not appear in historical records after King Taejo. Concerning that, this researcher paid attention to ‘the Tale of Yangmyeong(羊皿)’ contained in 『Samgukyusa(三國遺事)』 in which the family name of Yeon Gaesomun is referred to as ‘Gae(蓋)’. According to Chinese history books, ‘Gae’ was the surname of such a high-positioned noble family in Goguryeo that it formed a marriage relationship with the surname of Ko(高氏) which was the last name of the royal family in Goguryeo. Despite that, nothing is known about the history of the family of ‘Gae’. Yet, in ancient Korean, ‘gae(蓋)’ and ‘hae(解)’ sounded the same. Since they were both pronounced as /kai/, the Chinese characters could be replaced with each other. Grounded on that, this researcher has figured that the group that used ‘hae(解)’ as their last name in early Goguryeo changed their family name to ‘gae(蓋)’ from the middle of Goguryeo. In Goguryeo, the use of surnames had a long history. However, since Goguryeo did not have its own characters, they borrowed Chinese characters to mark their surnames. As Chinese characters came to be distributed more and the understanding of Chinese characters got deepened, the way of marking Goguryeo words with Chinese characters tended to change from sound-based(音借) to meaning-based(訓借) marking. The same was true of marking the last names. In the beginning, Yeon Gaesomun’s family used the way of sound-based marking and marked their surname as ‘Wi (位)’ or ‘Iri(伊梨)’, but later, they adopted meaning-based marking and marked it as ‘Yeon(淵)’. The change from Hae(解) to Gae(蓋) can also be understood with the change from sound-based to meaning-based marking. This confirms that the family of ‘Gae’(蓋氏), too, has a long history and its status is comparable to that of the family of ‘Go(高)’. This was the very background about the birth of ‘the Tale of Yangmyeong(羊皿)’ which understood Yeon Gaesomun’s last name as Gae(蓋) that had such a high status even exceeding that of the royal family’s surname, ‘Go’, around the end of Goguryeo. Through research on Goguryeo’s aristocratic surnames, Yeon and Gae, ...

고구려어의 문법 형태 재구

정광 국제고려학회 서울지회 2007 국제고려학회 서울지회 논문집 Vol.10 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to study the language of Goguryeo, which was established around A.D. 0, dominated the northern part of Korean Peninsula as well as the Manchuria, stood against Chinese dynasties such as Sui and Tang, and was finally overthrown by Silla-Tang alliance. This paper tries to be faithful to the actual data, and to seek a comparative study based on linguistic theory. The data of this study are the place names in Goguryeo from Samguk Sagi, Samguk Yusa, Goryeosa as well as Chinese history book. Based on the data, this paper reconstructs the language of Goguryeo and interprets the meaning of the language. Among many theories on the origin of Japanese language, one of the most plausible one is that Japanese language is branched from Korean language. Where Japanese language originated and what language family it belongs to are still highly controversial issues. Up to now, many studies have tried to figure out the origin of Japanese language. As the idea of Goguryeo language becomes more and more concrete, more studies purpose to find out cognitive words from Goguryeo and Japanese language. As a result, the hypothetical Japanese-Goguryeo family of languages is gaining its power. The corpus of Goguryeo language from the ancient history books of Korea and neighboring nations consists of words and grammatical morphemes with clear annotations. There are total 139 entries, which can be proven to be the language of Goguryeo including some of known borrowed words. Most of the entries have the same etymological origin as Japanese words. However, the data of Goguryeo language are mostly composed of fragmentary vocabulary, which makes it difficult to reconstruct the Japanese-Goguryeo family of languages. Unless more supplementary data are discovered in the future, the reconstruction of the Japanese-Goguryeo family of languages will never be as simple as that of Germanic family of languages. This study criticizes the previous studies which interprets the Chinese characters that transcribed Goguryeo language based on the reconstructed ancient Chinese. Instead, this study concludes that the interpretation of Chinese transcription of Goguryeo’s place names in Samguk Sagi, the Geography Book, and Chinese ancient history books should be based on the ancient and medieval Chinese, especially the northern-eastern accent of Chinese of Tang. This accent is proven to be connected with the language of Silla, as well as the ancient Japanese language. This calls for further research, since it is necessary to find out whether the similarity between the languages of Silla and Goguryeo is due to etymology or convergence, or the language contact.

古新羅高句麗系蓮花文수막새 硏究

정지연 영남고고학회 2012 嶺南考古學 Vol.- No.61

Shilla's old-styled roof-tiles are categorized as Baekje style, Goguryeo style and Shilla style for the origin of roof-tiles. It is a general viewpoint that the lotus-flower roof-tiles of Goguryeo Style was influenced by Goguryeo's lotus-flower roof-tiles, considering that they have the similar design to those excavated in Jian, the capital of Goguryeo and Pyongyang and that the technique of making roof-tiles passed down to Shilla. The lotus-flower roof-tiles of Goguryeo style have the similar motif in their design and pattern but its manufacturing technique is different from that of Goguryeo, which requires more meticulous exploration. Comparing the design and pattern of the lotus-flower roof-tiles of Goguryeo style with those of Goguryeo, we can find there are a lot of different factors in their shapes but we can conclude that those of Goguryeo style applied part of the motif from those of Goguryeo, for we can not entirely ignore their relation in the composition of wadang's surface and the shape of lotus-flower plate. In addition, the possibility of its modification can't be excluded, whereas there is a different aspect in manufacturing technique. In case of lotus-flower roof-tiles of Goguryeo style, entire or part of the wadang juyon's upper part are cut and male-rooftile is attached to it. And in case of lotus-flower eaves-tiles of Goguryeo, the back of wadang or the fore-end of male-rooftile gets nicked with a bamboo-knife or a serrated-tool and then the wadang and the male rooftile are joined. The joining technique of lotus-flower roof-tiles of Goguryeo style has not been found on the lotus-flower roof-tiles of Goguryeo. To find the way of rooftile's spreading, the manufacturing technique has to be paid the most attention to, but the influential relation is not confirmed, which makes us to conclude that the lotus-flower roofs-tiles of Goguryeo style in the ancient Shilla era applied part of design while we can also assume that the manufacturing subject of rooftiles is Shilla's local. 지금까지 신라 고식수막새는 백제계, 고구려계, 신라계로 나누어 그 양식의 기원을 찾아왔다. 고구려계 연화문수막새는고구려의 옛 수도인 집안·평양 출토 연화문수막새와 문양요소가 유사한 점이 인정되어 고구려 연화문수막새의 영향을받았으며, 이는 고구려 제와술이 신라로 전해진 것으로 연구되어 왔다. 그러나 필자의 분석결과 고신라 고구려계 연화문수막새는 문양면에서 분명 고구려 연화문수막새와 비슷한 모티브를 가지지만, 제작기법면에서는 전혀 다른 방법으로 제작되었음이 확인되었다. 문양적 측면에서 고신라 고구려계 연화문수막새와 고구려 연화문수막새를 비교한다면 연판의 형태와 와당면의 구성에 있어서 고구려 전 시기에 걸쳐 유행한 것으로 보이는 가장 특징적 문양요소인 구획선과 주위에 원권이 돌아가는 반구형의 자방이 고신라 고구려계 연화문수막새에서는확인되지 않고 자방에 배열되는 연자의 유무에 있어서도 차이점을 보이지만 끝이 뾰족한 연판형태, 구획선이 없는 수막새의 와당면과 일부 유사한 점을 들어 그 관계를 전혀 무관하다고 설명할 수는 없다고 생각된다. 일부 문양요소에서 차이를보이는 것은 신라화되면서 변형되었을 가능성이 있는 것이다. 이에 반해 제작기법의 측면에서는 큰 차이를 보이는데 고신라 고구려계 연화문수막새는 와당의 주연 상단부를 전체 또는 일부 잘라낸 후 수키와를 접합하고, 고구려 연화문수막새는대칼이나 다치구 등의 도구를 이용하여 와당 뒷면이나 수키와 선단부에 상처를 내어 와당과 수키와를 접합한다. 고구려연화문수막새의 접합기법은 고신라 고구려계 연화문수막새에서는 확인되지 않고 있다. 종합하면 제와술의 이동에 있어서 가장 주목해야할 점은 제작기술이며, 관찰 결과 기술적인 상호관계가 분명하지 않다. 다만 문양요소가 동일한 점이 있으므로 고구려와 신라의 교류의 맥락에서 영향관계가 있었을 것으로 파악되며 기와를 제작하는 주체는 신라 재지의 와공이었을 것으로 추정된다.