7세기 중엽 국제정세 변동과 고구려 대외관계의 추이

여호규 대구사학회 2018 대구사학 Vol.133 No.-

In the mid-7th century, Goguryeo’s foreign strategies were centered around its relationship with Tang(唐). In 645, Goguryeo managed to repel Tang’s invasion, and presented itself as a formidable military presence in Northeast Asia. But right after that victory, Tang was able to crush the Seol Yeon-ta(薛延陀) force which had been steadily rising in the region of Mongolia. Tang also created a Gimi(羈縻) system in that region, so Goguryeo’s victory over Tang failed to generate lasting repercussions. After Tang Emperor Taizong’s death, the Changsun Wuji(長孫無忌) regime (of Tang) decided to proceed with a more moderate foreign policy, inadvertently giving room for the Western Turqs[西突闕] to gain power and momentum. Goguryeo wanted to exploit the situation by befriending some Inner Asian states through the Western Turq, while also launching aggressive military campaigns against Khitan and Silla. In other words, while Tang was maintaining a rather passive position, Goguryeo attempted to make both military and diplomatic headways to be able to counteract what Tang would have in mind for the future. Then, the Xu Jing-zong(許敬宗) regime of Tang -which was established in 655- decided to once again employ a more aggressive foreign policy, and made that policy more than evident when it destroyed the Western Turq in 658. Tang then allied itself with Silla and conquered Baekje in 660. It was at this point when Tang was ready to take on Goguryeo, but it was not successful in the beginning because the Khitan and Cheol’reuk(鐵勒) factions suddenly uprose in the Northwest side of Goguryeo. It is confirmed through certain tomb epitaphs that (in order to face Tang) Goguryeo allied itself with the Khitans, so it is also possible that Goguryeo reached a similar agreement with the Cheol’reuk as well. As we can see, Goguryeo was able to stop Tang and repel its attacks through military means as well as diplomatic methods. Tang had to pause its advances only after crushing the Baekje refugees trying to reclaim their homeland and putting down Cheol’reuk. And since July 664, the Tang government engaged in preparations for the TaiShan(泰山) mountain’s Bongseon(封禪) ceremony. Figuring that Tang was essentially putting the Goguryeo campaign on hold, Goguryeo decided to use the situation to enhance its relationship with Tang, and had its own Crown prince Boknam(福男) attend the ceremony himself. So, apparently Goguryeo was dealing with international conditions surrounding itself in a timely manner and even effectively. But in the end, it was not able to keep itself from being internally divided, or prevent its own ultimate fall. There must have been something that Goguryeo overlooked while trying to keep up with the rapidly changing international dynamics. It also seems Goguryeo lacked a comprehensive perspective to set a plan that would better ready itself to cope with them. 7세기 중엽 고구려의 대외관계는 對唐政策을 중심으로 전개되었다. 고구려는 645년에 당의 침공을 격퇴함으로써 대내외에 자국의 군사력을 과시하고, 국제적 위상을 크게 높일 수 있었다. 다만 당이 곧바로 몽골초원에서 흥기하던 薛延陀를 격파하고, 羈縻體制를 확립함에 따라 고구려의 당군 격퇴 여파는 크게 확산되지 못했다. 태종 사망 이후 唐의 長孫無忌 정권이 온건한 대외정책을 펴자, 西突闕이 크게 흥기했다. 이에 고구려는 서돌궐을 통해 내륙아시아 방면의 세력과 연계를 도모하는 한편, 契丹과 신라에 대해 공세적인 군사작전을 전개했다. 고구려가 당의 온건책을 틈타 공세적인 외교정책과 군사작전을 전개하며 당을 견제할 기반을 확충한 것이다. 655년에 성립한 唐의 許敬宗 정권은 강경한 대외정책으로 선회하여 658년 서돌궐을 괴멸시켰다. 그런 다음 신라와 연합해 660년에 백제를 멸망시킨 다음, 곧바로 고구려 원정에 나섰다. 다만 당은 별다른 전과를 올리지 못했는데, 고구려 서북방에서 契丹과 鐵勒이 크게 흥기했기 때문이었다. 이때 고구려가 거란과 연계한 사실은 묘지명을 통해 확인되는데, 鐵勒과도 연계했을 가능성이 있다. 이처럼 고구려는 다양한 군사전략과 외교정책을 통해 당의 공격을 저지했다. 이에 당은 백제 부흥군과 鐵勒을 평정한 데 만족하며 664년 7월부터 泰山 封禪을 추진했다. 당이 고구려 원정을 보류한 것이다. 이에 고구려는 당과의 관계를 개선할 기회가 마련되었다고 판단하고, 태자 福男을 파견해 봉선의식에 참여했다. 현상적인 추이만 놓고 본다면, 고구려는 멸망 직전까지도 급변하는 국제정세에 비교적 효과적으로 대응했다고 평가할 수 있다. 그렇지만 이러한 평가로는 고구려가 내분의 와중에 갑자기 멸망한 원인을 찾기 어렵다. 당시 고구려가 급변하는 국제정세를 얼마나 정확하게 인식했는지, 또 새로운 국제질서에 대응하기 위한 보다 근본적인 대외정책을 수립하려고 고민했는지 등을 더욱 다각도로 검토할 필요가 있다.

高句麗 貴族姓 淵氏와 蓋氏 硏究

이동훈 고조선단군학회 2022 고조선단군학 Vol.49 No.-

고구려 말기 최고의 권력자였던 연개소문(淵蓋蘇文)가문은 평양 천도 이후에 등장한 신출 가문이 아니라 고구려 초기부터 등장한 고구려의 유력한 전통귀족가문이었다. 연개소문 가문의 시조 전승(傳乘)에 의하면 연개소문 가문의 시조는 ‘물’에서 기원하였다. 『삼국사기(三國史記)』에 의하면 고구려 제2대 유리왕은 ‘사물택(沙勿澤)’이라는 지역에서 고구려왕에게 내부한 재지 유력자에게 ‘사물(沙勿)’이라는 이름과 ‘위(位)’라는 성씨를 수여했다. 여기서 ‘위(位)’는 고대 한국어와 친연관계가 있는 일본의 만요가나(万葉仮名)에서 ‘ウィ/wi’라고 발음되는데, ‘정(井)’과 발음이 같다. 그러므로 ‘위(位)’는 ‘우물’ 즉 ‘물’과 관련이 깊은 고구려어를 한자로 표기한 것이라는 것을 알 수 있다. 또한 연개소문의 정변을 기록한 『일본서기(日本書紀)』에는 연개소문을 ‘이리가수미(伊梨柯須彌,イリカスミ)’라고 표기하였다. ‘이리(伊梨)’는 ‘물, 하천, 우물’을 의미하는 고구려어 ‘얼(ərV/irV)’을 한자로 표기한 것이다. 『삼국사기』에는 ‘정(井)’ ‘천(泉)’ ‘연(淵)’으로 표현된다. 그러므로 ‘위(位)’나 ‘이리(伊梨)’나 모두 연개소문의 성씨인 ‘연(淵)’과 동일한 의미라는 것을 알 수 있다. 이것으로 ‘위(位)’라는 성씨를 가진 ‘사물(沙勿)’은 연개소문 가문의 조상이라는 것이 확인된다. 한편 부여와 고구려 초기 역사에서 중요한 역할을 했던 ‘해(解)’씨는 태조왕(太祖王) 이후 사료에 등장하지 않는다. 이에 대해 본고는 『삼국유사(三國遺事)』에 수록된 ‘양명(羊皿)설화’에서 연개소문의 성씨를 ‘개씨(蓋氏)’라고 한 것에 주목했다. ‘개씨(蓋氏)’는 중국의 역사서에 의하면 고구려 왕실의 성씨인 고씨(高氏)와 통혼 관계를 형성할 정도로 고구려에서 지위가 높은 귀족 가문의 성씨였다. 그럼에도 불구하고 ‘개씨(蓋氏)’의 역사에 대해 알려진 바가 없다. 그런데 고대 한국어에서 ‘개(蓋)’와 ‘해(解)’의 음가는 동일하였다. 모두 /kai/ 로 발음되었기 때문에 상호 치환될 수 있는 한자였다. 본고는 이에 근거하여 고구려 초기에 ‘해(解)’를 성씨로 삼았던 집단이 고구려 중기부터 그들의 성씨 표기를 ‘개(蓋)’로 변경한 것으로 이해했다. 고구려에서 성씨의 사용은 그 역사가 길다. 그런데 고구려는 독자적인 문자가 없었기 때문에 중국의 한자(漢字)를 빌려 그들의 성씨를 표기하였다. 고구려어를 한자로 표기하는 방식은 한자 사용이 보급되고 한자에 대한 이해가 심화됨에 따라 음차(音借)표기에서 훈차(訓借)표기로 바뀌는 경향이 나타났다. 성씨 표기도 마찬가지였다. 연개소문 가문은 초기에는 음차표기 방식을 이용하여 그들의 성씨를 ‘위(位)’ 또는 ‘이리(伊梨)’라고 하였고, 후에는 훈차표기 방식을 이용하여 ‘연(淵)’으로 표기했다. 해(解)씨에서 개(蓋)씨의 변화도 음차표기에서 훈차표기로 이해할 수 있다. 이것으로 ‘개씨(蓋氏)’ 가문 역시 그 연원이 오래되었으며 그 위상은 고(高)씨에 버금갔다는 것이 확인된다. 이것이 바로 고구려 말기에 이르러 왕실의 성씨인 ‘고(高)’씨를 넘어설 정도로 그 위상이 높았던 연개소문의 성씨를 ‘개(蓋)’씨로 이해한 ‘양명(羊皿)설화’가 탄생한 배경이 되었다. 고구려 귀족성 연씨와 개씨 연구를 통해 고구려 초기 지배 세력이 평양 천도 이후에도 고구려의 지배 세력으로서 위상을 유... The family of Yeon Gaesomun(淵蓋蘇文), the most powerful person at the end of Goguryeo, was not a new family that appeared after the transfer of the capital to Pyeongyang but a traditional noble family of Goguryeo that had been influential from the beginning of Goguryeo. According to the stories about the founder of Yeon Gaesomun’s family, the founder of Yeon Gaesomun’s family originated from ‘water’. According to 『Samguksagi(三國史記)』, in a region called ‘Samultaek(沙勿澤)’, King Yuri, the second king of Goguryeo, awarded the name, ‘Samul(沙勿)’, and the surname, ‘Wi(位)’, to the local influencer who adhered to the king of Goguryeo. Here, ‘Wi’ is pronounced as ‘ウィ/wi’ in Japan’s Manyogana that is related to ancient Korean, and the pronunciation is the same as ‘jeong(井)’. Therefore, we can see that ‘Wi(位)’ is a Chinese character that represents a Goguryeo word which is deeply related to ‘well’, that is, ‘water’. Also, 『Ilbonseogi(日本書紀)』 dealing with the revolution of Yeon Gaesomun marks Yeon Gaesomun as ‘Irigasumi(伊梨柯須彌, イリカスミ)’. ‘Iri(伊梨)’ consists of Chinese characters that represent a Goguryeo word, ‘eol(ərV/irV), that means ‘water, river, or well’. In 『Samguksagi』, it is expressed as ‘Jeong(井)’, ‘Cheon(泉)’, or ‘Yeon(淵)’. Therefore, we can see that both ‘Wi(位)’ and ‘Iri(伊梨)’ have the same meaning as ‘Yeon(淵)’, the family name of Yeon Gaesomun. This confirms that ‘Samul(沙勿)’ who had the surname of ‘Wi(位)’ was one of the ancestors of Yeongaemun’s family. Meanwhile, the surname of Hae(解) that played important roles in the history of Buyeo and early Goguryeo does not appear in historical records after King Taejo. Concerning that, this researcher paid attention to ‘the Tale of Yangmyeong(羊皿)’ contained in 『Samgukyusa(三國遺事)』 in which the family name of Yeon Gaesomun is referred to as ‘Gae(蓋)’. According to Chinese history books, ‘Gae’ was the surname of such a high-positioned noble family in Goguryeo that it formed a marriage relationship with the surname of Ko(高氏) which was the last name of the royal family in Goguryeo. Despite that, nothing is known about the history of the family of ‘Gae’. Yet, in ancient Korean, ‘gae(蓋)’ and ‘hae(解)’ sounded the same. Since they were both pronounced as /kai/, the Chinese characters could be replaced with each other. Grounded on that, this researcher has figured that the group that used ‘hae(解)’ as their last name in early Goguryeo changed their family name to ‘gae(蓋)’ from the middle of Goguryeo. In Goguryeo, the use of surnames had a long history. However, since Goguryeo did not have its own characters, they borrowed Chinese characters to mark their surnames. As Chinese characters came to be distributed more and the understanding of Chinese characters got deepened, the way of marking Goguryeo words with Chinese characters tended to change from sound-based(音借) to meaning-based(訓借) marking. The same was true of marking the last names. In the beginning, Yeon Gaesomun’s family used the way of sound-based marking and marked their surname as ‘Wi (位)’ or ‘Iri(伊梨)’, but later, they adopted meaning-based marking and marked it as ‘Yeon(淵)’. The change from Hae(解) to Gae(蓋) can also be understood with the change from sound-based to meaning-based marking. This confirms that the family of ‘Gae’(蓋氏), too, has a long history and its status is comparable to that of the family of ‘Go(高)’. This was the very background about the birth of ‘the Tale of Yangmyeong(羊皿)’ which understood Yeon Gaesomun’s last name as Gae(蓋) that had such a high status even exceeding that of the royal family’s surname, ‘Go’, around the end of Goguryeo. Through research on Goguryeo’s aristocratic surnames, Yeon and Gae, ...

고구려어의 문법 형태 재구

정광 국제고려학회 서울지회 2007 국제고려학회 서울지회 논문집 Vol.10 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to study the language of Goguryeo, which was established around A.D. 0, dominated the northern part of Korean Peninsula as well as the Manchuria, stood against Chinese dynasties such as Sui and Tang, and was finally overthrown by Silla-Tang alliance. This paper tries to be faithful to the actual data, and to seek a comparative study based on linguistic theory. The data of this study are the place names in Goguryeo from Samguk Sagi, Samguk Yusa, Goryeosa as well as Chinese history book. Based on the data, this paper reconstructs the language of Goguryeo and interprets the meaning of the language. Among many theories on the origin of Japanese language, one of the most plausible one is that Japanese language is branched from Korean language. Where Japanese language originated and what language family it belongs to are still highly controversial issues. Up to now, many studies have tried to figure out the origin of Japanese language. As the idea of Goguryeo language becomes more and more concrete, more studies purpose to find out cognitive words from Goguryeo and Japanese language. As a result, the hypothetical Japanese-Goguryeo family of languages is gaining its power. The corpus of Goguryeo language from the ancient history books of Korea and neighboring nations consists of words and grammatical morphemes with clear annotations. There are total 139 entries, which can be proven to be the language of Goguryeo including some of known borrowed words. Most of the entries have the same etymological origin as Japanese words. However, the data of Goguryeo language are mostly composed of fragmentary vocabulary, which makes it difficult to reconstruct the Japanese-Goguryeo family of languages. Unless more supplementary data are discovered in the future, the reconstruction of the Japanese-Goguryeo family of languages will never be as simple as that of Germanic family of languages. This study criticizes the previous studies which interprets the Chinese characters that transcribed Goguryeo language based on the reconstructed ancient Chinese. Instead, this study concludes that the interpretation of Chinese transcription of Goguryeo’s place names in Samguk Sagi, the Geography Book, and Chinese ancient history books should be based on the ancient and medieval Chinese, especially the northern-eastern accent of Chinese of Tang. This accent is proven to be connected with the language of Silla, as well as the ancient Japanese language. This calls for further research, since it is necessary to find out whether the similarity between the languages of Silla and Goguryeo is due to etymology or convergence, or the language contact.

신라 금관에 선행한 고구려 금관의 발전 양상과 금관의 주체

朴仙姬(Park, Sun-Hee) 백산학회 2011 白山學報 Vol.- No.90

Goguryeo golden crowns were the beginning of Korean golden crowns. The reason of the change of Goguryeo Golden Crown style can be explained from the difference of the king’s ruling objective combined with the changing political and social situation that the Goguryeo people pursued. The King Sosurim era can be explained as a time of establishing a centralizing system following territorial expansion, strengthening the royal authority and making the foundations of southward expansion policy. This means that a golden crown that symbolizes the progenitor mythology to reconsolidate the sovereign power leading to the Goguryeo-centric national character and a stronger divinity of the royal authority. However at the Great King Gwanggeto era, a golden crown of Jeolpoong Style which looks like a common official hat, also has close relation of the policies at that time. At that time, Goguryeo ruled over the whole Korean Peninsula, Manchuria, and technically, Japanese regions and made them pay tributes as liege states which resulted in making a national order of the Gojosun Domain which includes the whole Korean Peninsula and Manchuria. Goguryeo, making a nation that carries on Gojosun as a successor was the national policy since the foundation of the country and was fulfilled at the Great King Gwanggeto era. Therefore, the usage of Jeolpoong Style for golden crown was justified because it was the style that several countries of Gojosun used commonly. The golden crown which was not only the royal crown was a symbol that strengthens the authority of the King of Goguryeo but also be a pretext to rule as the successor of Gojosun. The golden crown that shows a more developed style is the golden crown that was excavated from Gangseo-gun. This golden crown has 7 splendid flame patterns as erected decks around the circumference. Like this, after the transfer of the capital to Pyungyang, the introduction of flame pattern erected decks that symbolizes Haemosu means the change of the symbolic meaning and objectives of the royal authority. Goguryeo kept on war with surrounding countries until till their end. This means the transfer of their capital to Pyeongyang should have deep relations with the foreign policies and also with the revival of Haemosu. However the history of Goguryeo wars doesn’t seem to be due to make economic foundations through territorial expansion as general understandings. This is because when China was internally disordered, having war with them should be easier than with other countries of the Korean Peninsula. However when Goguryeo recovered the Yoseo area, they changed their point of war to the southern Korea Peninsula. This can only mean that the goal of Goguryeo by making war was not for territorial expansion but for recovering the territory of Gojosun and reviving their order. Thus, the fact that the golden crown of the Great King Gwanggeto era was made Jeolpoong Style, common in the Korean Peninsul and Manchuria at the time of Gojosun, means that Goguryeo wanted to show that they are the successor of Gojosun at least formally. This concept was introduced in the golden crown excavated from Gansung-li which is known to be made at King Jangsu era, and symbolized the the Dangun of Gojosun. the son of the sun, into flame patterns as erected decks. Like these examples, the golden crown style of Goguryeo has been developed with free will of moulding and decoration skills according to political and social changes. The golden crown style of Goguryeo, including erected decks, Dalgae decks, patterns, sofisticated workmanship for metal, has went through a unique process and was descended right to Silla golden crowns, later resulting in the important cultural characteristic of the Korean race. Therefore, the common view that Korean golden crowns are from Siberian shamans and other cultural traditions of Eurasian races should be corrected.

古新羅高句麗系蓮花文수막새 硏究

정지연 영남고고학회 2012 嶺南考古學 Vol.- No.61

Shilla's old-styled roof-tiles are categorized as Baekje style, Goguryeo style and Shilla style for the origin of roof-tiles. It is a general viewpoint that the lotus-flower roof-tiles of Goguryeo Style was influenced by Goguryeo's lotus-flower roof-tiles, considering that they have the similar design to those excavated in Jian, the capital of Goguryeo and Pyongyang and that the technique of making roof-tiles passed down to Shilla. The lotus-flower roof-tiles of Goguryeo style have the similar motif in their design and pattern but its manufacturing technique is different from that of Goguryeo, which requires more meticulous exploration. Comparing the design and pattern of the lotus-flower roof-tiles of Goguryeo style with those of Goguryeo, we can find there are a lot of different factors in their shapes but we can conclude that those of Goguryeo style applied part of the motif from those of Goguryeo, for we can not entirely ignore their relation in the composition of wadang's surface and the shape of lotus-flower plate. In addition, the possibility of its modification can't be excluded, whereas there is a different aspect in manufacturing technique. In case of lotus-flower roof-tiles of Goguryeo style, entire or part of the wadang juyon's upper part are cut and male-rooftile is attached to it. And in case of lotus-flower eaves-tiles of Goguryeo, the back of wadang or the fore-end of male-rooftile gets nicked with a bamboo-knife or a serrated-tool and then the wadang and the male rooftile are joined. The joining technique of lotus-flower roof-tiles of Goguryeo style has not been found on the lotus-flower roof-tiles of Goguryeo. To find the way of rooftile's spreading, the manufacturing technique has to be paid the most attention to, but the influential relation is not confirmed, which makes us to conclude that the lotus-flower roofs-tiles of Goguryeo style in the ancient Shilla era applied part of design while we can also assume that the manufacturing subject of rooftiles is Shilla's local. 지금까지 신라 고식수막새는 백제계, 고구려계, 신라계로 나누어 그 양식의 기원을 찾아왔다. 고구려계 연화문수막새는고구려의 옛 수도인 집안·평양 출토 연화문수막새와 문양요소가 유사한 점이 인정되어 고구려 연화문수막새의 영향을받았으며, 이는 고구려 제와술이 신라로 전해진 것으로 연구되어 왔다. 그러나 필자의 분석결과 고신라 고구려계 연화문수막새는 문양면에서 분명 고구려 연화문수막새와 비슷한 모티브를 가지지만, 제작기법면에서는 전혀 다른 방법으로 제작되었음이 확인되었다. 문양적 측면에서 고신라 고구려계 연화문수막새와 고구려 연화문수막새를 비교한다면 연판의 형태와 와당면의 구성에 있어서 고구려 전 시기에 걸쳐 유행한 것으로 보이는 가장 특징적 문양요소인 구획선과 주위에 원권이 돌아가는 반구형의 자방이 고신라 고구려계 연화문수막새에서는확인되지 않고 자방에 배열되는 연자의 유무에 있어서도 차이점을 보이지만 끝이 뾰족한 연판형태, 구획선이 없는 수막새의 와당면과 일부 유사한 점을 들어 그 관계를 전혀 무관하다고 설명할 수는 없다고 생각된다. 일부 문양요소에서 차이를보이는 것은 신라화되면서 변형되었을 가능성이 있는 것이다. 이에 반해 제작기법의 측면에서는 큰 차이를 보이는데 고신라 고구려계 연화문수막새는 와당의 주연 상단부를 전체 또는 일부 잘라낸 후 수키와를 접합하고, 고구려 연화문수막새는대칼이나 다치구 등의 도구를 이용하여 와당 뒷면이나 수키와 선단부에 상처를 내어 와당과 수키와를 접합한다. 고구려연화문수막새의 접합기법은 고신라 고구려계 연화문수막새에서는 확인되지 않고 있다. 종합하면 제와술의 이동에 있어서 가장 주목해야할 점은 제작기술이며, 관찰 결과 기술적인 상호관계가 분명하지 않다. 다만 문양요소가 동일한 점이 있으므로 고구려와 신라의 교류의 맥락에서 영향관계가 있었을 것으로 파악되며 기와를 제작하는 주체는 신라 재지의 와공이었을 것으로 추정된다.

A CHRONOLOGICAL STUDY OF GOGURYEO POTTERY

( Choi Jongtaik ) 국립중앙박물관 2008 Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology (JKAA) Vol.2 No.0

Although Goguryeo (高句麗, 37 BC-668) pottery has been increasingly subject to examination since the 1980s, evidenced by a number of studies carried out in Ji'an (集安), China and in South Korea, it appears that little attention has been paid to its overall development and characteristics. For instance, Chinese scholars have studied Goguryeo pottery only in terms of establishing a chronology of funerary rites, and indeed Korean studies have been similarly limited. This paper attempts to address the origin and development of Goguryeo pottery by examining vessel types and production techniques. Three developmental stages are recognized: the early period (before 300 AD), the middle period (300-500) and the late period (after 500). Goguryeo pottery is generally characterized by its fine clay ground, wheel-thrown technique, daesangpasu (带狀把手: strap-shaped handles), and flat base. The pottery of the early period, primarily hand-modeled, contains more sand than pottery of the later stages whereas that of the middle period, mostly wheelthrown, is made out of fine clay. Only a few vessel types show evidence of burnishing, which would seem to contradict the common assumption that a polished finish characterizes Goguryeo pottery. Vessels discovered have been found to bear a variety of surface decoration. The ones from the middle period feature various incised designs such as jeomnyeolmun (点烈文: dotted-row pattern), yeonsoksagakmun (连绩死角文: continuous square dot pattern), gapgolmun (鱼骨文: fishbone pattern), geochimun (锯齿文: saw-tooth pattern), gyeokjamun (格子文: lattice pattern), dongsimwonmun (同心圆文: concentric circle pattern), pasangmun (波状文: wavyline pattern), and junghomun (重弧文: concentric semicircular pattern). Although these designs continued to be used well into the late period, it appears that ammun (暗文: pattern made by pressing and rubbing the surface) tended to be the most commonly used in that period. Throughout the three periods, the surface of Goguryeo pottery is of an overall yellowish color, though with time gray hues became increasingly predominant. Goguryeo pottery was formed in the tradition of Bronze Age pottery (which features daesangpasu and polishing) found in the mid-Amnokgang (鸭绿江: river) and Hunjiang (浑江: river in China) basins, and influenced by Han (漢, 206 BC-220) China. Goguryeo vessels, including funerary objects, can be categorized into twenty-four types. The early period produced fewer vessel types than the middle period, during which all twenty-four types were produced. This indicates that all features characterizing Goguryeo pottery would have been established by around 300 when Goguryeo was established as a state. Thus, Goguryeo pottery evolved in line with the formation and development of Goguryeo as a monarchy. The gray and hard-surfaced pottery of Goguryeo in the late period continued to be produced in Balhae (渤海, 698-926) as well as in Baekje (百濟, 18 BC-660) and Unified Silla (統一新羅, 668-935), which would support the belief that Goguryeo's political influence expanded across these territories after the sixth century.

착고와로 본 고구려 묘상 건축물의 성격

주홍규 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2023 민족문화논총 Vol.83 No.-

Goguryeo was an ancient country with a wide area from northeast China to the central region of the Korean Peninsula. Goguryeo is known to have traditional tombs with characteristics different from those of neighboring countries, such as tombs, and the tombs of Goguryeo reflect the people's views on life at the time. However, as there are few documentary records on the tombs of Goguryeo, the information that can be obtained through textual materials on the characteristics of the tombs and the view of the life of the Goguryeo people is very limited. Recently, with the progress of excavation research on the ruins of Goguryeo, various archaeological relics have been discovered in Goguryeo tombs. It is regarded as important as a data to judge the time of the construction of the Goguryeo Tombs. However, research on tiles unearthed from Goguryeo tombs has been largely based on historical research, and the main purpose is to reveal the buried tombs, whereas the investigation of the use of tiles excavated from tombs has been stingy. This study was to clarify archaeologically the possibility of the existence of tomb structures in Goguryeo tombs and the reasons for the excavation of roof tiles from Goguryeo tombs, focusing on the chakgowa (착고와) excavated from the giant Jeokseokchong(적석총) of Goguryeo. The chaggowa(착고와) was used for the construction of buildings with tiled roofs. Among the tombs excavated roof tiles from Jeokseokchong(적석총) in Goguryeo today are Usanha(우산하)3319, Seodaechong(서대총), and Cheonchuchong(천추총). It is difficult to grasp the aspects of the buildings built on the tombs of Goguryeo at the time only from the literatures. However, through the purpose of using the chakgowa(착고와) excavated from these tombs, even the changing aspects of the tomb system in the Goguryeo era can be inferred. Therefore, the excavation of chakgowa(착고와) from Goguryeo tombs proves the existence of structures built on tombs. It is understood that structures built on these tombs began to be built in Goguryeo from about the 3rd century to the 5th century, and no more tombsang structures were built in the 6th century. This is most likely the result of changes in the tomb system introduced in Goguryeo society. and it was possible to estimate a new change in the Goguryeo tomb system in which consciousness of the dead was transferred from the ground to the inside of the tomb.

근대 일본인의 고구려 고분벽화 조사 및 모사, 그리고 활용

김용철(Kim Yongcheol) 한국미술사학회 2007 美術史學硏究 Vol.254 No.254

이 논문은 근대 일본인의 고구려 고분벽화 조사 및 모사가 미술가들 사이에서 ‘고구려취미’로 이어진 양상을 규명한 것이다. 주지하는 바와 같이 고구려 고분벽화는 식민지시대 일본인들에 의해 조사되었고, 그 결과 고구려 고분벽화의 조사, 연구는 타율성론 등에 바탕을 둔 식민사관이 반영되어 있다. 조사, 연구를 주도한 세키노 타다시(關野貞)가 고구려 고분벽화를 중국 육조시대 회화의 예로 인식한 것은 그 좋은 예이다. 하지만, 고구려 고분벽화에 대한 근대 일본인의 인식은 오리엔탈리즘이나 식민주의적 시각만으로는 설명할 수 없다. 예를 들면, 벽화의 모사화 제작을 주도한 오바 츠네키치(小場恒吉)는 부분적으로 關野貞와 인식을 공유하였으나, 고구려 고분벽화에 강하게 매료되었던 것으로 보인다. 모사화에 나타나 있는 그의 열정은 고구려 고분벽화와 아스카(飛鳥)시대 미술과의 연관성, 그리고 벽화의 조형적인 박력에 기인한 것이었다. 고구려 고분벽화가 일본에 알려지자 미술가들이 벽화의 영향을 받았다. 화가들과 공예가들이 강서대묘 사신도와 같은 모티프를 그들의 작품 속에 활용하였던 것이다. 코바야시 코케이(小林古徑), 야스다 유키히코(安田?彦)‘ 요시무라 타다오(吉村忠夫), 그리고 하타케야마 킨세이 (?山錦成)는 그와 같은 영향을 보여주는 중요한 예들이다. 따라서 근대 일본에서는 식민지 조선의 풍물에 주목한 이국취미와는 구별되는 ‘고구려취미’가 존재하였음을 알 수 있다. ‘고구려취미’는 두 가지 측면을 드러내준다. 첫 번째는 고구려 고분벽화의 박력 있는 회화표현이 일본의 미술가들에게 영향을 주었다는 것이고, 두 번째는 그들이 고대 일본에 대한 고구려 문화의 영향을 확인하였다는 것이다. 그러나, 한 가지 분명한 것은 ‘고구려취미’를 드러낸 일본의 미술가들이 고구려 고분벽화의 제작 주체인 역사 속의 한국인에 대해서는 관심을 갖지 않았다는 점이다. 그 점에서 그들은 야나기 무네요시(柳宗悅)와 다르다. 앞으로도 한국의 문화유산에 대한 근대 일본의 인식에 대해서는 더욱 자세하고 다양한 각도에서 연구가 진행되어야 한다. This paper examines the japanese discovery of mural paintings in Goguryeo tombs during the colonial rule in Korea, and how this spurred the "Taste for Goguryeo" in modem japanese art. Modem studies of Goguryeo tomb murals were initiated by Japanese scholars during the Japanese colonial rule in the Korean peninsular (1910-1945). As a result. colonialist notions of Korean history. which was subordinate to the history of China. prevailed in the studies of these tomb murals as well. Thus the murals were not regarded as examples of a unique Goguryeo art. but rather as "good" examples of paintings of the Six Dynasties period in China, by scholars such as Sekino Tadashi, one of the first scholars who did research on the Goguryeo murals. However, it is not possible to argue that the Orientalist or colonialist approaches were the only views on this subject. For example, Oba Tsunekichi, who produced copies of the Goguryeo murals, seemed to have been fascinated with the paintings, although he shared Sekino Tadashi's recognition of Goguryeo mural paintings to a certain degree. Due to the enthusiasm and passion seen in his copies of the paintings, it is probable that he was interested not only in the similarity between the Goguryeo tomb murals and Asuka an of ancient Japan. but also in the powerful expression of the artists. As Goguryeo tomb mural paintings were introduced to the japanese. several artists were influenced by the paintings japanese painters and artisans applied the motives of the Goguryeo tomb murals, for example. the four directional animals depicted in a mural within the Great Tomb of Gangseo. Kobayashi Kokei, Yasuda Yukihiko, Yoshimura Tadao, and Hatakeyama Kinsei Call be included among a few significant painters in modem japan who show such influence Thus it is possible to argue that the 'Taste for Goguryeo," distinct from mere exoticism. arose in modem japanese an during the colonial rule over the Korean peninsular. This 'Taste for Goguryeo" was manifest in two aspects: the influence of me powerful expression seen in Goguryeo tomb murals. and the recognition of the influence of Goguryeo an and culture on ancient japanese art However, artists interested in this 'Taste for Goguryeo" did not show interest in the producers of this art, i.e. the Goguryeo people, or Koreans. In this aspect, the studies of Yanagi Muneyoshi was peerless. Thus it is imperative that future studies focus on modem japanese approaches and understandings of Korean culture.

후고구려의 對중국 외교 관련 기록 검토

홍창우 한국중세사학회 2018 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.52

This article was written to review diplomatic records between the Later Goguryeo[後高句麗] and China. We can’t find the records that the Later Goguryeo has diplomatic relationship with other countries in internal material such as Samguksagi(『三國史記』) and Samgukyusa(『三國遺事』). For this reason, it is often said that Gungye(弓裔), the king of the Later Goguryeo, did not have the ability to form diplomatic relationship or was negligent in diplomacy. But the later Goguryeo has government ministries such as Suchunbu(壽春部), Bongbinbu(奉賓部) and Sadae(史臺) in charge of diplomatic affairs. And Gungye was encouraged by the accomplishment of capturing the Later Beakje[後百濟]’s ship which was sailing to Wúyuè[吳越] from west coast. At that time, there were some merchants who traveled to and from China and the Later Goguryeo to engage in business transactions. Therefore, the Later Goguryeo was not unrelated to the international order of the time and was not insensitive to grasp the flow. In this situation, the diplomatic records of the Later Goguryeo in some chinese materials must be noted. In Zīzhìtōngjiàn[『資治通鑑』] written by Sīmăgu°ng[司馬光], there is information that ‘Gōngài[躬乂]’, the king of ‘Dàifēngguó[代封國]’, sent the envoy named Kim Ib-gi(金立奇) to ‘Wú[吳]’ in 919. But this record is not free from the question that Gungye really sent the envoy because Gungye’s the Later Goguryeo perished in 918. Therefore, it was King Taejo(太祖) of Goryeo(高麗) who sent the envoy to Wú, not Gungye. In Liáoshi[『遼史』], there is information that Goryeo paid a tribute to Qìdān[契丹] in 915 and 918(Feb. and Mar.) previous Wang Geon(王建)’s Goryeo was established. But there is a claim that it can’t be seen as an act of the Later Goguryeo because of we can’t find the Later Goguryeo’s diplomatic records in internal materials and have a skeptical response about historial materials value of Liáoshi. However Wanggeon’s Goryeo and Gungye’s the Later Goguryeo was recognized as Goryeo by the chinese history(正史). For that reason, the word ‘Goryeo’ in Liáoshi should be regarded as the Later Goguryeo. Especially this study pay attention to the word ‘Gōngài(躬乂)’ that was written by Zīzhìtōngjiàn. The word ‘Gōngài(躬乂)’ that the humiliated written by Zīzhìtōngjiàn is continuously founded in other chinese materials. If Gungye sent the envoy, he would not have written himself as ‘Gōngài(躬乂)’. Then it is most likely that it was deliberately ‘referred to’ by someone and was probably the work of King Taejo of Goryeo. As he could not become a king as long as Silla(新羅) regime lasted, he needed to have some justification for being crowned king. So King Taejo needed to emphasize that he had to take the throne by cutting off Gungye. Therefore, the word ‘Gōngài(躬乂)’ in Zīzhìtōngjiàn is likely to be ‘hearsay’ due to the dispatch of Kim Ib-gi. In the case of Liáoshi, it is true that the historical value is still suspected. However, in the recent research, Liáoshi ‘s record problem seems to be gradually being cleared. Based on this, this study judged that the dispatch of envoys to Qìdān was an actual incident. And it is presumed that the two countries’ interests were based on the common denominator of Balhae(渤海). The Qìdān needed to check Balhae to make inroads into the continent, and the Later Goguryeo was required to stabilize its northern provinces to secure the upper hand in the period of the three states. This situation has led to the negotiation between the two countries.

전통시대 중국 지리서에 나타난 고구려인식

박인호(Park, In-Ho) 한국사학사학회 2007 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.15

This article aims to examine how the chinese cognized to Goguryeo in the geographies of Chinese traditional dynasties not in the Korean traditional historical records. It seems that the Chinese apparently didn't cognize to the stages of Goguryeo as a dynasty with the governing authority and they also showed the confused cognitions about the pre-Goguryeo dynasty and the Goguryeo dynasty. The chineses records to the same age of Goguryeo corresponding to the age of Buk-Wi shows that they cognized to Goguryeo dynasty as an immense territorial dynasty and they had both the conflicting cognition and the view point which cognized Chinese as the core and Goguryeo as the branch by recording tribute custom from Goguryeo. In the historical records of Su and Dang Dynasties, most of them were filled with records about tribute custom from Goguryeo and their conquest events toward Goguryeo. That means they had the viewpoint rather of the antagonism than the concerns of the ways of lives of Goguryeo peoples. Chinese historical records were written by the viewpoint that they were different from Goguryeo in relating to race and ethnical relations and cultural custom and legislation. On the other hand, historical records of Goguryeo shows that Goguryeo had the differentiated cognition that they were born as descendants of emperor in Heaven. In historical records of the late Dang dynasty and since Song dynasty, they show the differentiated cognition that Goguryeo were developed as the process of the independent growth and development and downfall compared with Chinese. And they recognized Goguryeo as the antagonizing dynasty for Dang and Song dynasties. Peoples of Song dynasty were seemed that they didn't know the ancient history of Korea before Goguryeo dynasty or they especially misunderstood some relating to Goguryeo dynasty. They showed the confused cognition that they misunderstood the Goguryeo as the Goryeo or the Silla as the Goryeo when they had described the histories of Goryeo dynasty. They understood differently that on the one hand, they regarded Goguryeo as the descendant of Buyeo, and as a uncultivated savage separated with chinese dynasty. On the other hand they described Goguryeo dynasty as the country that was taken the titles of court and books which recorded the lunar calendar from Chinese dynasties. It reveals that their cognition of Goguryeo were distorted more or less in the geographies of Won dynasty and they had ambiguously cognized in relating to the succession from the Goguryeo to the Goryeo dynasty. Especially in the ≪Yosa≫ and ≪Geumsa≫ written in Won dynasty, they intended to scale down the reign area of the Goguryeo in the Yo-dong area by expanding the reign area of Pre-chosun dynasty and Samhan into the Yo-dong area. In spite of that, it reveals that geographical records written in Won dynasty kept the same cognition revealed in geographies of Dang and Song dynasties by preserving facts that the Goguryeo had originated fromBuyeo dynasty. But in passing over Myeong and Cheong dynasties, Chinese seemed to understand the korea as succeeding dynasties from Gija to Wiman, Hansagun, Samguk, Goryeo and Chosun dynasty. In geography written by Myeong dynasty, there were usually dealt with things of Chosun dynasty corresponding to Myeong dynasty. At the result, Goguryeo in geographies of Myeong dynasty was dealt poorly than geographies of Song and Won dynasties. In the part of historical geography of geographies Myeong dynasty, it usually dealt the fact that the Goguryeo occupied the area of Yodong after Jin dynasty. In geography written by Myeong dynasty, most of records focused on the Yodong area meant that Myeong dynasty had the increased interests of the Yodong area. In historical records written by Cheong dynasty, the chinese recognized that the Chosun dynasty was succeeded from the Goguryeo, Yemaek, Silla, Baekje and Okjeo dynasties. On the other hand, it appeare