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      • KCI등재

        쟁점논단 : 일제말기 강제동원 기록의 수집과 활용을 위한 제언 -기록화 전략(Documentation Strategy)과 문화콘텐츠 구축 방법론-

        권미현 ( Mi Hyun Kwon ) 한일민족문제학회 2014 한일민족문제연구 Vol.26 No.-

        The Commission on Verification & Support for the Victims of Forced Mobilization under Japanese Colonialism in Korea, under the commission has carried out its activities for the fact finding on the victims of forced mobilization, disbursement of compensations, collection & compilation of materials, exhibition, etc. But, the commission is a temporal organization whose duration is set, and is set to transfer its public affairs to the National Archives of Korea when the duration is terminated. Though the commission has so far done various activities to guide the public to history of the forced mobilization with the inspection reports, publication of a single book, exhibitions, etc, it may be asked whether distinct affairs the commission promoted up to now can be continued if the affairs & the related records are transferred to the National Archives of Korea. It seems that history of the forced mobilization is composed of the hierarchy of various subjects who were attackers & victims, the third victims in the whole Koreans at that time and is a compositively textured structure with channels of the mobilization & the wide mobilization area. There are a variety of context and background in history of the forced mobilization, such as those who, subjects personally experienced such facts, records including all public and private spheres, spots where historical events took place, and recollection & oral statement of the experienced, etc. These various information is required to coordinate as a structure comprehensible to the context. The documentation strategy is to proceed a plan to secure adequate records including production of them by drawing domains to make the documentation and analyzing states of it for the records existing on ongoing issues, and to promote the plan by applying it to the multi-institutional approach that plural subjects cooperate one another. This is believed to be a methodology to collect records suitable for situations dependent on the recollection & the oral statement of the people involved or concerned as time, subjects, and places are definite like history of the forced mobilization, records related to it is dispersed and preserved in various institutions and individual places, and some records are hid or disappeared. Steps to realize general documentation strategy were thought to be composed of consultant groups, organization & integrated management of records, production of records for preliminary research & analysis, selection for documentation, networking of locations where records are placed & collection records, and complement of missing records. On the basis of this, it`s presented that the documentation of forced mobilization would consist in the step of entrance & target setting, preliminary research & analysis of the missing for records, category of documentation & determination of investigation method, production of records for complement of the missing, and organization of materials & construction of network. The ultimate purpose of the documentation of forced mobilization is a basic study not only to collect records for construction of culture contents but to concretely realize a series of researches history of the forced mobilization and the commission has so far promoted in a little bigger framework. The culture contents of history of the forced mobilization will be of help to restore & reproduce it many contemporary members of society have personally understood. It`s addressed, in the method to construct the culture contents, to limit to the place based on contents which can show web contents and event. time. space, etc available in the digital environment collectively. The step to construct general culture contents is made through procedures of contents target & determination of type, analysis of case & investigation of materials, utilization of materials, and design, development, reproduction & appraisal of contents. There are e-learning, digital museum, educational theme park and culture map of the museum & the park in the culture contents to construct through these procedures with the records of the forced mobilization.

      • KCI등재

        Quantification of Mobilization Grade for Mean Peak Force During Central Posteroanterior Mobilization of C3- C5 in Asymptomatic College Students

        ( Ho Jung An ),( Seo Yoon Heo ),( Jung Hyun Choi ),( Wan Suk Choi ) 국제물리치료연구학회 2017 Journal of International Academy of Physical Ther Vol.8 No.4

        The purpose of this study was to measure the mean peak mobilization forces to the cervical spine 3-5 with grade III and grade IV of posteroanterior (PA) mobilization. Asymptomatic 25 college subjects were participated in the trial and eligible physical therapists performed cervical mobilization. The mean peak mobilization force was measured during the PA mobilization with grade III and grade IV by attaching a flexible force transducer over the C3-C5 spinous process. Three cycles of PA mobilization were performed in each spine and the therapist took approximately 2.5s to complete mobilization. After applying the grade III mobilization to the C3-C5, 30 minutes later, the grade IV mobilization was applied to the same area again. There were no significant differences between C3, C4 and C5 during grade III as well as grade IV. Upon comparing the mean peak force of grade III with mean peak force of grade IV at the C3, C4 and C5 respectively, an insignificant difference was also observed. The mean peak mobilization force was 4.53±1.79 N at the C3, 5.10±1.91 N at the C4, and 5.17±2.63 N at the C5 during grade III force was applied. The mean peak mobilization force was 4.40±1.56 N at the C3, 5.53±2.01 N at the C4, and 5.38± 2.73 N at the C5 during grade IV force was applied. This study suggested that the mean peak force of the grade III and grade IV mobilization in the C3-C5 was similar each other, also there was no difference between mean peak force of grade III and grade IV on C3, C4 and C5.

      • KCI등재

        國內 强制連行 硏究, 未來를 위한 提言

        鄭惠瓊(Chung, Hye-Kyung) 한일민족문제학회 2004 한일민족문제연구 Vol.7 No.-

        The study on the forced mobilization, which began in 1973, can be divided into two parts - the study on the mobilization policy and the study on the real situation of mobilizing Koreans as workers, soldiers, army civilian employees and sexual slaves. Most of the early studies dealt with the exploitation of the mobilized labor forces in order to reveal the severe conditions that the Koreans had to suffered from. Since then, Korean researchers have engaged in the study, sometimes with the economical approach and somtimes, with the general view of the wartime mobilization system. In the 2000s, there was rapid development of the study, thanks to the actual movement for legislating the special law of the thorough investigation of the forced mobilization and the inauguration of the committee specializing the mobilization within the Association of Korean-Japanese National Studies. Although many papers revealed the concrete reality about of the forced mobilization, the studies are not enough to cover the whole aspects of the problem. Many case studies are needed to investigate the workforce mobilization and the recruitment. It is important to increase the objects of the study and to expand the realm of the study. This paper reviewed the recent studies about the forced mobilization and proposed the direction of the study. I focused on the controversial terms and relegated categories and the materials for the study. I hope that my proposal contribute to the future study of the forced mobilization.

      • KCI등재

        구술을 통해 본 일제하 제주도내 강제동원의 실태와 특징

        지영임 ( Young Im Chi ) 한국사회사학회 2006 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.72

        The study aims to find the truth and feature of the forced mobilization of Jeju islanders who were mobilized to construct the military facilities under the Japanese imperial rule on the basis of the oral history. First of all, as results of having oral testimonies to the Jeju islanders who were forcefully mobilized to labor working and conscription, the forced labor mobilization in Jejudo had been begun relatively early year in 1930s and intensively concentrated from 1943 to 1945 about the time of establishment of Decisive Operation 7. Most of the forced laborers were mobilized to construct Altre airfield (Mosulpo), Jeongtre airfield (Jeju city) and Jindre airfield (the east of Jeju city) which needed massive labor force. The villagers near these areas had ever mobilized in every other day. And, the Jeju-native conscript soldiers were forced to construct the military facilities largely in Myongdoam, Arari, Orari and Mt. Dansan. Finally, they concentrated in Eoseungsaeng Oreum (near the Hallasan mountain) where the Japanese 58th Army Headquarters were supposed to move. These Jeju soldiers were mobilized to construct military facilities and roads, etc. Obtaining labor force through the military system in Jejudo were obviously appeared in 1945. Besides the labor mobilization and conscription, Jeju islanders were extremely suffered from the forced collection system. The human and material resources of Jeju islanders were totally mobilized during the period of the total war since the outbreak of the Pacific war with been conscripted the buildings and farmlands. But, the structural contradiction by the total mobilization system did not appeared the forms of the struggle against the Japanese rule but expressed as the violence to the clerks and chiefs of the Myon. It made the conflict in Jeju community.

      • KCI등재

        대구ㆍ경북지역 학생 강제동원의 군사적 특성과 국제법적 불법성

        김경남 ( Kim Kyung-nam ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2022 嶺南學 Vol.- No.81

        본고의 목적은 아시아태평양전쟁기 한반도 내 병참기지의 역할이 후 방병참기지로 변화함에 따라, 대구·경북 소재 학교의 학생들은 대구의 시가지계획과 대구 군사 기지의 노무 수요 발생에 따른 노동력을 감당하기 위하여 강제 동원되었다는 것을 분명히 밝히는 것이다. 또한 이러한 일본정부의 학생 강제 동원 행위는 1932년 시행된 국제노동기구(ILO)의 규정, 즉 학생 강제노동 금지 조항을 명백히 위반하고 있다는 점을 분명히 밝히고 있다. 학생 강제 동원은 국가총동원법과 조선교육령이라는 법적 장치를 만들어 실시하였으며, 1938년 이후 노무동원 일수를 점차 늘려 1944년 4월 1일부터는 수업을 전면 근로 동원으로 대체하였다. 대구경북의 경우 학생들은 1938년부터 1941년까지 조선근로동원기구 하에서 학생근로보국대와 학교총력대로 편성되어 육군보병제80연대의 지휘를 받았고, 1943년부터는 경북24부대 대구사관구의 휘하에서 강제 동원되었다는 것을 밝혔다. 학생들은 주로 군사 도로와 군수 기업, 항공부대 확대를 위한 정지작업, 격납고 설치, 방공호 굴 파기, 수류탄 만들기 등에 투입되었으며, 학생들로서는 감당하기 힘든 작업을 감내하는 피해를 입었다. 따라서 한반도내 학생 강제동원 문제는 지금까지 한·일간의 외교 문제나 대일항쟁기 강제동원피해보상 문제에서 다루지 못한 사안으로서, 향후 학생 강제 동원에 대한 각 지역의 국제법적 위반 사례가 지속적이고 본격적으로 이루어지기를 기대한다. This article investigates the military characteristics of the forced mobilization enforced on students of the secondary schools in Daegu-Gyeongbuk regions by Japanese colonial authorities. After all, it reveals its illegality in terms of the internal laws in context that the role of Korean peninsula as a military supply base had changed and the role of Daegu-Gyeongbuk as a strategic military base had shifted into the rear supply base corresponding to the expansion of Imperial Japanese warfare into the wars with China and the Allied Powers in the Pacific War. In Korean peninsula, the forced mobilization of students was carried out by the legal devices of ‘National Mobilization Law(국가총동원법)’ and ‘Chosun Education Oder(조선교육령)’. For Daegu - Gyeongbuk regions, the students had been mobilized as the ‘Students Labor Patriotic Squad(학생근로보국대)’ under the supervision of the 80th regiment of Army infantry(육군보병 제80연대) from 1938 to 1941. After when they were forcedly mobilized as the organization of the ‘Student All-Out Force(학생총력대)’ under the direction of ‘Daegu Military Distict of Gyeongbuk 24th Army(경북24부대 대구사관구)’. The purpose of their mobilization was to build the military roads and munitions works and improve the facilities of air base for the expansion of air forces. This mobilization demonstrated that Japanese imperial government had violated the regulations of the International Labor Organization for the prohibition of student compulsory labor enforced from 1932 on. Given the above findings, the problem of the student forced mobilization has not been deal with so far in discussion of Compensation for Compulsory Mobilization Damage between Korea and Japan. And so, it is necessary to create a foundation for the continuous and full-fledged research of it in the future.

      • KCI등재

        Effects of Joint Mobilization on Foot Pressure, Ankle Moment, and Vertical Ground Reaction Force in Subjects with Ankle Instability

        윤나미,서연순,강양훈 한국운동역학회 2016 한국운동역학회지 Vol.26 No.2

        Objective: The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of joint mobilization on foot pressure, ankle moment, and vertical ground reaction force in subjects with ankle instability. Method: Twenty male subjects (age, 25.38 ± 3.62 yr; height, 170.92 ± 5.41 cm; weight, 60.74 ± 9.63 kg; body mass index (BMI), 19.20 ± 1.67 kg/m2) participated and underwent ankle joint mobilization. Weight¬bearing distribution, ankle dorsi/plantar flexion moment, and vertical ground reaction force were measured using a GPS 400 and a VICON Motion System (Oxford, UK), and subsequently analyzed. SPSS 20.0 for Windows was used for data processing and paired t-tests were used to compare pre- and post-mobilization measurements. The significance level was set at α = .05. Results: The results indicated changes in weight-bearing, ankle dorsi/plantar flexion moment, and vertical ground reaction force. The findings showed changes in weight-bearing distribution on the left (pre 29.51 ± 6.31 kg, post 29.57 ± 5.02 kg) and right foot (pre 32.40 ± 6.30 kg, post 31.18 ± 5.47 kg). There were significant differences in dorsi/plantar flexion moment (p < .01), and there were significant increases in vertical ground reaction forces at initial stance (Fz1) and terminal stance (Fz2, p < .05). Additionally, there was a significant reduction in vertical ground reaction force at midstance (Fz2, p < .001). Conclusion: Joint mobilization appears to alter weight-bearing distribution in subjects with ankle instability, with resultant improvements in stability. Objective: The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of joint mobilization on foot pressure, ankle moment, and vertical ground reaction force in subjects with ankle instability. Method: Twenty male subjects (age, 25.38 ± 3.62 yr; height, 170.92 ± 5.41 cm; weight, 60.74 ± 9.63 kg; body mass index (BMI), 19.20 ± 1.67 kg/m2) participated and underwent ankle joint mobilization. Weight¬bearing distribution, ankle dorsi/plantar flexion moment, and vertical ground reaction force were measured using a GPS 400 and a VICON Motion System (Oxford, UK), and subsequently analyzed. SPSS 20.0 for Windows was used for data processing and paired t-tests were used to compare pre- and post-mobilization measurements. The significance level was set at α = .05. Results: The results indicated changes in weight-bearing, ankle dorsi/plantar flexion moment, and vertical ground reaction force. The findings showed changes in weight-bearing distribution on the left (pre 29.51 ± 6.31 kg, post 29.57 ± 5.02 kg) and right foot (pre 32.40 ± 6.30 kg, post 31.18 ± 5.47 kg). There were significant differences in dorsi/plantar flexion moment (p < .01), and there were significant increases in vertical ground reaction forces at initial stance (Fz1) and terminal stance (Fz2, p < .05). Additionally, there was a significant reduction in vertical ground reaction force at midstance (Fz2, p < .001). Conclusion: Joint mobilization appears to alter weight-bearing distribution in subjects with ankle instability, with resultant improvements in stability.

      • KCI등재

        구술로 보는 일제하의 강제동원과 ‘인천조병창’

        이상의 연세대학교 국학연구원 2019 동방학지 Vol.188 No.-

        This paper examines the components of the Incheon Arsenal in the late Japanese Colonial Period and the experience of its forced laborers based on 12 oral statements. The Incheon Arsenal was a facility built by the Japanese Army in Bupyeong, Incheon, and the only arsenal in Korea. It saw massive forced mobilization, which made it the most representative ground of forced mobilization. Koreans from around the Gyeonggi-do area were forcefully mobilized by the Incheon Arsenal in 1939 to build factories. People from all over the country were then mobilized again in 1941, after the factories opened, to manufacture weapons and carry out any related work. Most of the Koreans mobilized in the process were victims of forced mobilization. However, as the Incheon Arsenal was a military facility outside of Japan, it is very difficult to secure data about it, particularly as the related documents were destroyed by the Japanese Army. Immediately after the liberation of Korea, the Japanese Army stationed itself in the Incheon Arsenal for over 20 days, until it was occupied by the US Army. During that time, it incinerated any document that could not be brought back to Japan, making it hard to recover relevant data today. Therefore, the oral statements of those who actually worked in the arsenal and who can provide insider details of the place are deeply valuable. Using oral statements, this paper intends the following: first, to examine the mobilization process and structures of the Incheon Arsenal, including 1) the mobilization methods and process, and 2) the structure of the technical training school. Second, in order to examine the members and the working conditions of laborers, to look into 1) who made up the laborers and what their roles were at worksites, 2) the everyday lives of the mobilized laborers and their working environments, and 3) severance and regulations at worksites. Third, in order to examine laborers’ awareness of forced mobilization and their resistance, to investigate 1) how laborers were aware of forced mobilization and Japanese Imperialism, 2) laborers’ resistance and escape, and 3) the euphoria of liberation and the process of returning home. 이 글은 12명의 구술을 바탕으로 일제 지배 말기 인천조병창의 구성과 강제동원 노무자들의 경험세계에 대해 규명한 논문이다. 조선 내에서는 유일한 무기공장이었던 인천조병창은 아시아·태평양전쟁기 일본육군이 인천의 부평지역에 설치한 시설이다. 이곳은 대규모의 강제동원이 행해진 곳으로, 국내 강제동원의 가장 대표적인 현장이다. 인천조병창에서는 1939년부터 공장을 건설하면서 경기도 일대의 조선인을 강제동원한 데 이어 1941년 개창(開廠) 이후에는 공장에서 무기를 만들고 그에 관련된 일을 하는 데 필요한 사람들을 전국에서 강제동원하였다. 이 과정에서 인천조병창에 동원된 모든 조선인은 강제동원 피해자에 해당된다. 그런데 인천조병창은 드물게 일본 본토 밖에 있었던 군사시설로서 관련 자료를 확보하기가 매우 어렵다. 해방 직후 미군이 진주하기까지 20일이 넘는 기간 동안 인천조병창에는 일본군이 그대로 주둔하면서 일본으로 가져갈 수 없는 문서를 통째로 소각하였기 때문이다. 아직 관련 문서가 드러나지 않는 현재로서는 조병창에서 직접 강제동원과 노동을 경험한 사람들만이 실상을 전해줄 수 있으므로 그들의 구술은 인천조병창 연구에 소중한 가치가 있다고 하겠다. 본 논문에서 구술을 통해 고찰한 내용은, 먼저 인천조병창의 노무자 동원과정과 조병창의 구조로서, 1) 노무자 동원 방식과 과정, 2) 인천조병창과 기능자양성소의 구조에 대해 살펴보았다. 이어 인천조병창의 노무자 구성과 노동실태를 고찰보기 위해 1) 노무자 구성과 노동현장에서의 역할, 2) 동원 노무자의 일상과 노동환경, 3) 노동현장의 단절과 통제양상에 대해 알아보았다. 그리고 인천조병창으로의 강제동원에 대한 노무자들의 인식과 그들의 저항에 대해 살펴보기 위해 1) 강제동원과 일제에 대한 인식, 2) 탈출을 통한 노무자의 저항, 3) 해방의 감동과 귀가 과정에 대해 알아보았다.

      • KCI등재

        日帝强占期 國內 勞務動員에 대한 硏究

        金旻榮(Kim, Min-Young) 한일민족문제학회 2009 한일민족문제연구 Vol.16 No.-

        日帝強占期における‘強制動員’被害者に対する調査と研究は、朝鮮外動員に集中されている為に、朝鮮内動員の場合はそれに遥かに及ばないのが実情である。しかし、動員された述べ人員をみると、解放直前の1944年だけを見ても、‘道内動員’と記された朝鮮内動員は245万人を上回るほど、その規模は大きかった。当時の強制動員は、日本帝国主義の官憲によって、法的、組織的、体系的に行なわれていたので、朝鮮内外への動員が一定の相互連関を持ちながら行なわれたことをも明らかにされるべきであろう。あわせて、朝鮮内動員の強制性も重要な課題である。これらを含めて初めて強制動員の全貌が明らかになると考えられる。本稿の目的は、日帝強占期の韓半島内における収奪及び軍需物資の基地化のための道路、港湾、空港、干拓事業等朝鮮内労務動員と関連する現場事例調査と、その被害の真相糾明の必要性を提起することにあった。そこで、朝鮮内労務動員に関する先行研究を概括し、とくに全羅北道に関する基礎調査の事例を紹介して今後の調査課題を提示した。このことを契機に、朝鮮内労働力動員の未解決問題を確認し、その全体像に向けての調査と研究が盛んになることを期待する。とくに地域の近現代史関連の調査と研究とが深まることと思われる。 Until now, studying the forcibly mobilized victims by Japanese imperialism, most researches took a focus on mobilization overseas. About domestic mobilization, there are only a few researches. However, domestic mobilization took place on a huge scale. For example, the domestically mobilized people were more than 2,450,000 in 1944. The Japanese authorities systematically executed forced mobilization using laws and organizations. We should clarify how domestic mobilization was forcibly proceeded and in the interactions of authorities. In conclusion, without analysis of domestic mobilization, we cannot find out the whole aspect of forced mobilization. In this paper, I intended to examine the case of domestic mobilization for constructing roads, ports and airports according to military purposes. Through the field research, I also want to suggest the necessity to inquire the content of damage. First, I summarized the study of domestic mobilization so far and secondly, introduced the example of Jeonbuk and showed what should be done in the future study. I expect that other researchers find many subjects to be solved in the domestic mobilization and inquire further, especially in the regional case study.

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        아시아태평양전쟁기 한인 ‘강제동원’에 관한 연구의 동향과 과제- 한국과 일본의 연구를 중심으로 -

        김광열(Kim, Gwang-Yol) 한일민족문제학회 2019 한일민족문제연구 Vol.36 No.-

        本稿は、1965年の朴慶植「朝鮮人強制連行の記録」以来、韓国と日本で 行われた朝鮮人「強制動員」関連の研究を労働力動員および兵力動員中心に 検討して、今後の課題を提示しようとするものである。 日本における関連研究は1960年代の半ばから始まった。朝鮮総督府の役割 を含めた抑圧的な動員の実態や、主な動員対象であった朝鮮農民の生活実 態まで注目したり、日朝の間の労務動員のシステムが異なっていたというところに まで関心が及んだ。さらに、その過程で動員現場で働かされた朝鮮人の処遇 を日本人の場合と比較して朝鮮人が差別的な状況におかれていたことを究明し たし、動員による負傷や死亡に対しても無責任な状態に置かれていたことを注目 した。一方、韓国における関連研究は1980年代から本格化した。動員に関す る政策、送出過程における総督府機関の役割、動員現場への配置過程、 被動員朝鮮人が置かれた劣悪な待遇などに注目した。韓国と日本で行われた 研究の共通点は朝鮮人動員に「強制性」があったと究明することであった。相 違点は何かといえば、日本での研究はその「強制性」とともに「特殊性」(日本人 との比較)まで把握しようとしたのに対し、韓国での研究は動員の事実と「強制性 」の追究を一貫して行った傾向があったと言えよう。 以来、韓国と日本で 行われた朝鮮人「強制動員」関連の研究を労働力動員および兵力動員中心に 検討して、今後の課題を提示しようとするものである。 日本における関連研究は1960年代の半ばから始まった。朝鮮総督府の役割 を含めた抑圧的な動員の実態や、主な動員対象であった朝鮮農民の生活実 態まで注目したり、日朝の間の労務動員のシステムが異なっていたというところに まで関心が及んだ。さらに、その過程で動員現場で働かされた朝鮮人の処遇 を日本人の場合と比較して朝鮮人が差別的な状況におかれていたことを究明し たし、動員による負傷や死亡に対しても無責任な状態に置かれていたことを注目 した。一方、韓国における関連研究は1980年代から本格化した。動員に関す る政策、送出過程における総督府機関の役割、動員現場への配置過程、 被動員朝鮮人が置かれた劣悪な待遇などに注目した。韓国と日本で行われた 研究の共通点は朝鮮人動員に「強制性」があったと究明することであった。相 違点は何かといえば、日本での研究はその「強制性」とともに「特殊性」(日本人との比較)まで把握しようとしたのに対し、韓国での研究は動員の事実と「強制性 」の追究を一貫して行った傾向があったと言えよう。 The purpose of this article is to examine how the research of Korean forced mobilization in the Asia - Pacific War has developed in Korea and Japan, and propose future tasks. The research conducted in Japan have seen the oppressive mobilization of labor and mobilization of troops, including the role of the colonial ruling body, which was carried out against the Korean people at that time. It also paid attention to the actual situation of the life of Korean farmers who were the main mobilization targets. In addition, tried to compare the discriminatory treatment of Korean who were present at the mobilization site with those of Japanese, and also paid attention to the irresponsible treatment of injuries or deaths caused by mobilization. On the other hand, the research conducted in Korea also tried to clarify the role of the colonial ruling body in charge of the transmission process and the mobilization work, and the impossibility of revealing the inhuman and poor situation of Koreans in the mobilization area. It is common to point out that there was a ‘coercion’ in the mobilization of Koreans in the Pacific War, both Japan and Korea. As for the differences, research in Japan tries to pursue its specificity in addition to its ‘coercion’, whereas research in Korea tends to concentrate on the mobilization of facts and ‘coercion’. Nevertheless, the question of whether the specificity and “coerciveness” of the mobilization of the Korean people is clearly defined is not a situation that can be said to be quite certain. The tasks are as follows. It is necessary to clarify how the colonial rule of the Japanese Empire on the Korean Peninsula, which was the cause of the mobilization of Koreans and functioned in the background, functioned in the total mobilization system. The reason is that Koreans mobilized by the Japanese empire were ultimately a kind of national discriminatory policy using the discriminatory structure of colonial rule. Therefore, it is necessary to observe the following detailed subject. Above all, labor mobilization needs to be identified by industry, and military mobilization by type, on the actual situation of mobilization developed on the Korean peninsula. It is because there are many unknown parts of mobilization in the Korean peninsula. Whether it is labor mobilization or military mobilization, it is necessary to thoroughly understand how the system of mobilization system implemented in the Korean Peninsula and Japan was different. In addition to the fact that the Koreans who were mobilized from abroad, including Japan, were placed in a poor environment and were highly likely to suffer injuries and deaths, or were not only restricted in paying wages, were unable to pay most of their wages even after the end of the war, It is necessary to disclose how it differs from the mobilization of the Japanese at that time, such as the fact that it was not responsible for at all. It is

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        일제 강제동원의 배상 판결과 대응방안

        김재형,김종국 조선대학교 국제문화연구원 2020 국제문화연구 Vol.13 No.1

        Japan forced approximately six million Koreans mobilized in the six years from 1939 to 1945, and over 1,000 Japanese war criminal enterprises took the head for this forced mobilization. At last, in October 30(2018) and November 29(2018), Korean Supreme Court handed down judgments in favor of the plaintiffs, some Korean victims of forced mobilization by Japan. The defendants were the Mitsubishi Heavy Industries and the New Nippon Steel of war criminal enterprises. Since then, further lawsuits related to the forced mobilization have been filed. Japan's Prime Minister Abe claims that the issue of compensation for victims of forced mobilization was resolved by the Korea-Japan Claims Agreement in 1965, and that the ruling of the Korean Supreme Court ordering Japanese companies to compensate was inconsistent with the Agreement. Following the Supreme Court's ruling, the victims are trying to seize and enforce the related property, but they have been suspended due to Japanese strong opposition. As a result, the relationship between Korea and Japan is showing signs of prolongation, and the damage between the two countries is growing like a snowball. And various measures have been proposed to solve it. So how do we respond? First, it is necessary to strongly cope with the Japanese government and Japanese war criminal enterprises in a way that denies the Korean jurisdiction and challenges it. Second, we need to come up with an agreement with the Japanese government. Currently, various countermeasures are being sought to reach an agreement with Japan. A countermeasure among them is 1+1+α proposal, which is considered the most convincing. This proposal is that Japanese enterprises, Korean enterprises and Korean government are jointly responsible for the victims of forced mobilization. However, even if the proposal is agreed between the two countries, it must be accompanied by a true apology from the Japanese government and war criminal enterprises. 2018년 10월말과 11월말에 대법원에서 잇따라 일제강점기 강제동원 피해자들에게 승소판결을 선고함에 따라 한일관계가 급속하게 악화되어 현재에 이르고 있다. 일본의 아베 총리는 계속해서 강제동원 피해자들의 배상 문제는 1965년 한일청구권협정으로 해결되었다며 일본 기업에 배상을 명령한 한국대법원 판결이 이 협정에 어긋나는 것이라고 주장하고 있다. 대법원의 판결을 계기로 하급심에서도 승소판결이 잇따라 내려지고 이에 따라 관련재산을 압류하고 강제집행을 하려고 하고 있지만 일본의 강력한 반대에 부딪혀 사실상 중단된 상태이다. 이에 따라 한일간의 관계가 장기화될 조짐마저 보이고 있어 양국의 피해는 눈덩이처럼 커지고 있다. 그렇다면 우리는 어떻게 대응해야 할 것인가? 첫째, 일본정부와 일본기업이 대한민국의 사법권을 정면으로 부정하고 이에 도전하는 행위에 대해서는 어떤 식으로든 강력하게 대처할 필요가 있다. 마지막 보루인 대한민국의 법원에서 승소판결은 중요한 역사적 의미를 내포하고 있고 대한민국 국민들의 주권과 사법부의 권위를 세우는 일이기 때문이다. 둘째, 일본 정부와의 합의를 도출해내야 한다. 현재 일본과의 합의를 위해 여러 가지 대응방안이 모색되고 있는데, 그 중에서 양국 기업과 한국 정부가 연대해서 책임을 지는 안인 1+1+α 안이 가장 설득력 있는 안으로 여겨진다. 1965년 한일청구권협정 체결로 일본으로부터 지원받은 금액을 가지고 세 가지의 관련 법률까지 제정하여 강제동원 피해자들에게 일정한 금액을 지급한 것으로 미루어볼 때 우리 정부의 책임을 완전 부정할 수는 없기 때문이다. 다만 이 안이 양국 간에 합의가 되더라도 반드시 일본 정부의 진정한 사과가 수반되어야 할 것이다.

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