中日戰爭期 中國共産黨의 韓國認識

金志勳(Kim Ji-Hoon) 역사학회 2004 역사학보 Vol.0 No.184

Traditional suzerain-vassal state relationship had been widely adopted among Chinese as China-Korea relation. However, such Chinese understanding of Korea was forced to change in modem ages. The causes for the changes were based on complex political changes such as international political changes around China after Sino-Japanese War in 1894 and half-colonization of China, influx of Marxism, liberation movement in china and other Asian nations. Sino-Japanese War in 1894 to 1895 led China to forfeit Suzerain position over Korea. As well, due to inadequate political power to protect herself against the Western Powers, China inevitably reduced political influences over neighboring nations. Besides, the movement of domestic separatism and the aggression from the Western Power made the China to concentrate more on domestic affairs such as unification of China. As domestic contradictions grow, the Marxism joined China politics, and Chinese communist party and the Kuomintang campaigned the national reform. During the Chinese revolution process, many Korean Revolutionists from colonized Korea participated in the revolution, and created close relationships between Chinese and Chosun Revolutions. During the liberation processes in China and Chosun, the Chinese communist party had changed their cognition of Korea. However, the fundamental understanding of the traditional suzerain vassal state relation remained yet. (The second Sino-Japanese War. Many Korean liberalists participated) Chinese communist party basically had a symphathy on Korean liberation movement during the War. Many Korean liberalists participated and lost their lives in Chinese revolution after Japan forcefully occupied Korea in 1910. Those Koreans joined in Whampoa Military Academy under cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and paid dearly in the Guangzhou Uprising and such events. During 1930s, many Korean Revolutionists participated in Chinese revolution to impress Chinese leaders such as Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and so on. However, the traditional Chinese Ideology in Korea was still found in Chinese Communist Party. Chinese communist party's cognitions towards other neighboring Asian nations including Korea was influenced by theoretical instructions of the Comintem(Communist International) and domestic/international situation changes of China. After Red Army's Long March in 1930s, Chinese Communist Party insisted the liberation campagne against Japanese imperialism should be with neighboring nations including Chosun and Taiwan. At that time, China was not able to fight against Japan by herself. The realistic fact of China "Big but Weak" led China to keep proposing the combined forces from neighboring Asian nations against Japan though the Chinese cognition of suzerain state still remained. Those Chinese Communist party's traditional cognition in other Asian neighboring nations were found in 1939 pamphlet or book. "The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party" which describes neighboring nations Korea, Taiwan as vassal nations. However, this Chinese Communist Party's cognition has officially changed due to international situations. The Cairo Conference in 1943 granted priviledges to China to take Manchuria, Taiwan, and Penghuo islands etc. back from Japan. The Cairo Conference also granted Chosun the international independent status in due course. Chinese Communist Party fully accepted this Cairo declaration. After this conference, Chinese Communist Party no longer asked cooperation from Taiwan and so on. This attitude changes resulted from the recognition of China by the U.S. and U.S.S.R positions in Anti - Japanese National United Front. This attitude changes were made through the consideration of political situations and national interests, and thus did not mean the abolishment of the traditional Chinese cognition. Chinese cognition was based on the long history of China and deeply remains in Chinese people and

중국공산당의 “중화민족”에 대한 인식 연구: 중국공산당과 코민테른의 관계를 중심으로

최승현 한국동북아학회 2018 한국동북아논총 Vol.23 No.1

Since the 21st century, there has been a plethora of slogans in China called the “Great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation”. Research in this field is also abundant. In particular, the history, unity of the “Chinese nation" and the contribution of the Chinese Communist Party have already been shared by most related studies as facts. That is to say, the so-called “Chinese nation" is a historical reality and unification from the ancient times, and the Chinese Communist Party has maintained the interests of the “Chinese nation" ever since its establishment. This study examines documents produced by the Communist Party of China prior to the founding of the People 's Republic of China on the “Chinese nation". This course will show how the Chinese Communist Party's perception of the “Chinese nation" has changed. As a result, the following conclusions are presented. First, the Chinese Communist Party emerged in the form of the Chinese branch of the Comintern. Therefore, the perception of the “Chinese nation" of the Communist Party of China was not based on the independent thinking of the Communist Party itself, but on the relationship between the Communist Party and the Comintern. Second, For China, “Ethnic self-determination" means the separation of ethnic minorities, It conflicted with the logic of the “Chinese people" that demanded unity. Therefore the Chinese Communist Party in the period of emphasizing “Ethnic self-determination" could not accept the “Chinese nation". Third, the theoretical underpinnings of “Chinese nation" characterized by historicality, unity, and diversity were formed through the Chinese Communist Party' s independence from the Comintern, or “Sinicization of Marxism". 최근 중국에 “중화민족 위대부흥(中華民族 偉大復興)”이라는 구호가 넘쳐나고 있다. 이와 관련한 학계의 연구 또한 풍성하다. 특히 “중화민족”의 역사성, 통일성 그리고 이에 대한 중국공산당의 공헌은 이미 대부분의 관련연구가 기정사실로서 공유하고 있다. 즉, 이른바 “중화민족”이란 고대로부터 이어온 하나의 역사적 실체이자 통일체이고, 또한 중국공산당은 창당 이래 줄곧 “중화민족”의 이익을 견지해 왔다는 것이다. 본 연구는 중화인민공화국 건국 이전 중국공산당이 “중화민족”에 관해 생산했던 문건의 재검토를 통해 중국공산당의 “중화민족”에 대한 인식의 변화과정을 살펴보고, 그 결과로서 다음의 결론을 제시하였다. 첫째, 중국공산당은 코민테른의 중국지부라는 형식으로 출현했다. 이에 중국공산당의 “중화민족”에 대한 인식과 관련 정책은 중국공산당 스스로의 독립적 사고나 필요에 의한 것이 아니라 중국공산당과 코민테른의 관계로부터 지배를 받았다. 둘째, 중국에게 있어 “민족자결”은 중국 내 각 소수민족의 분리를 지향하는 것으로, 이는 통일성을 요구하는 “중화민족”의 논리와 필연적으로 충돌하였다. 이에 “민족자결”을 강조하던 시기의 중국공산당은 “중화민족”을 부정할 수밖에 없었다. 셋째, 역사성, 통일성, 다양성을 특징으로 하는 당대 중국의 “중화민족”에 관한 이론적 토대는 중국공산당이 코민테른으로부터 독립되면서, 즉 “마르크스주의의 중국화”를 통해 형성되었다.

중국의 당-국가체제에 관한 일고찰- 당내법규를 중심으로-

손한기 인천대학교 중국학술원 2022 비교중국연구 Vol.3 No.1

중국은 우리와 지리적으로 가깝지만 정치·사회·경제·문화 등 제반 영역에서 우리와 큰 차이가 있는데, 그 중심에 사회주의제도와 중국 공산당이 있다. 그래서 우리는 흔히 중국의 정치체제를 ‘당-국가체제’라고 부른다. 당-국가체제란 하나의 특정 당이, 중국의 경우 중국 공산당이 국가를 운영하는 체제이다. 따라서 중국을 제대로 이해하려면 반드시 중국 공산당을 알아야 한다. ‘당-국가체제’라는 독특한 정치 시스템을 가진 중국에서, 중국 공산당은 중국을 어떻게 ‘영도’하는가? 이를 알려면 반드시 중국 공산당의 규범 체계를 이해해야 한다. 이는 반대로 국가의 기본법인 헌법과 각종 조직법 등 법률을 통해서는 중국이라는 국가의 운영시스템을 제대로 파악하기 힘들다는 것을 말한다. 중국 공산당은 과거와 달리 정책 중심의 관리 방식에서 벗어나 의법치국 즉 당내법규와 국가법률 등 규범 중심의 국가 운영방식을 채택하고 있다. 2016년 중공중앙이 공포한 ‘당내법규제도건설강화에 관한 의견(关于加强党内法规制度建设的意见)’은 중국 공산당 창건 100주년을 맞아 당내법규제도건설을 위한 강화하기 위한 내용으로 구성되어 있다. 주요 내용은 “당장을 핵심으로 하고, ‘당의 조직법규제도(党的组织法规制度)’, ‘당의 영도법규제도(党的领导法规制度)’, ‘당의 자체건설법규제도(党的自身建设法规制度)’ 및 ‘당의 감독보장법규제도(党的监督保障法规制度)’로 구성된 1+4의 체계를 구축하며, 장정(당장), 준칙, 조례, 규칙, 규정, 방법, 세칙으로 구성된 1+6의 규범 체계를 형성하는 것이다. ‘당내법규’라는 용어는 1938년 마오쩌둥이 처음으로 사용하기 시작했다고 하지만 당내법규의 의미가 명확한 것은 아니다. 현재 당내법규란 당의 중앙조직, 중앙기율위원회, 당 중앙업무기구, 성·자치구·직할시 당 위원회가 제정한 당의 통일적 의지를 구현하고, 당의 영도 및 당의 건설 활동을 규율하고, 당의 기율에 의지하여 실시를 보장하는 전문적인 규장제도를 말한다. 중국의 법치 현실에 있어서 헌법과 법률도 당이 제정 및 개정하며, 하위 법규 또한 당의 동의가 있어야 제정 및 개정될 수 있다. 더욱이 당내법규가 외부효 즉 법규로서 작용함은 물론 당의 규범성 문건의 경우 국가의 법률로 전환되기도 하며, 당정연합공문의 경우 그 자체가 법규로서 외부효를 가진다. 이러한 당내법규의 문제점은 당내법규가 당‘내’에서 효력을 가질 뿐만 아니라 종종 당‘외’까지 효력을 확장하는 경우가 있다는 점이다. 즉 일부 당내법규는 ‘당의 내부’라는 한계를 넘어서 국가의 법률을 대신하거나 또는 대체하고 있다. 또한 일부 중요 당내법규의 경우 외부에 공개되지 않는 등 국가기밀처럼 취급되고 있다. 따라서 이러한 관행은 반드시 개선되어야 할 것이다. 우리가 중국의 정치 현실과 중국법을 제대로 이해하기 위해서는 당내법규에 대한 이해가 요구된다. 하지만 아직 우리나라에서는 이에 대한 제대로 된 연구 성과가 존재하지 않는다. 이유는 우리를 포함한 거의 모든 국가에서 당의 강령 및 당헌 등은 내부적 효력밖에 없고, 국가기관은 물론 정당에 가입하지 않은 일반 국민에게는 아무런 구속력이 없기 때문이다. 하지만 중국의 경우 우리와 달리 당 내부의 규정이 법률처럼 당원 이외의 국가기관과 국민을 직접 구속하기도 한다. Although China is geographically similar to South Korea, there are great differences with South Korea in political, social, economic, and cultural fields. Its center is the socialist system and the Communist Party of China. Therefore, we usually call China ‘party-state system’. The so-called party-state system refers to a specific party, while China is a system in which the Communist Party runs the country. Therefore, if we want to understand China correctly, we must understand the Chinese Communist Party. In China, which has a unique political system of ‘party-state system’, how does the Chinese Communist Party lead China? To know this, we must understand the normative system of the Chinese Communist Party. On the contrary, this means that it is difficult to grasp the country’s operating system through laws such as the national basic law, the Constitution and various organizational laws. At present, unlike in the past, the Chinese Communist Party has got rid of the policy-centric management method, and has adopted the rule of law, that is, the state operation method centered on internal party regulations and national laws. The Opinions on Strengthening the Construction of the Party's Regulations published by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in 2016 is the content formulated to strengthen the construction of the Party's regulations on the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China. The core content is to build a 1+4 system with the party constitution as the core, consisting of the party's organization and regulation system, the party's leadership regulation system, the party's self-construction regulation system and the party supervision and guarantee regulation system. Articles of Association, Guidelines, Regulations, Rules, Regulations, Methods, Detailed Rules, etc. constitute a 1+6 system. Although the term internal party regulations was first used by Mao Zedong in 1938, the meaning of internal party regulations was not clear. The current inner-party regulations refer to the special rules and regulations formulated by the party's central organization, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the working organs of the Party Central Committee and the party committees of provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the central government to reflect the party's unified will, standardize the party's leadership and Party construction activities, and rely on Party discipline to ensure the implementation. In the reality of the rule of law in China, the constitution and laws are also formulated and revised by the party, and many lower-level laws and regulations need to be approved by the party before they can be formulated and revised. What's more, as an external effect, internal party regulations play a role as laws and regulations. Party normative documents can sometimes be converted into national laws. The party-government joint official document itself can have external effects as laws and regulations. However, the problem with internal party regulations is that although there are many cases in which internal party regulations have external effects, that is, legal effects, some important internal party regulations are not disclosed to the outside world, just like state secrets. Of course, the issue of some internal party regulations that exceed their boundaries or replace national laws should also be improved in the future. If we want to correctly understand China's political reality and correctly grasp Chinese laws, we must understand the party's regulations. However, there is no research result on this in South Korea. The reason is that in almost all countries, including ours, the party’s program and party regulations are only internally valid. Therefore, internal party regulations have no binding force on state agencies or ordinary citizens who have not joined a party.

1920~30년대 북경지역 한인들의 사회주의 혁명운동

손염홍 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2017 한국학논총 Vol.47 No.-

Since the early 1920s, the forces of the Shanghai Faction of Korean Communist Party and the Irkutsk Faction of Korean Communist Party have organized themselves in Beijing and have competitively expanded their influences to take the initiative. Park Yong-man and Shin Chae-ho, who are dissatisfied with the composition and route of the Korean Provisional government in Shanghai, gathered in Beijing to unify the independence army of the Maritime province in Russia and Manchuria, and to promote the armed struggle. In the process of implementing the plan, they established a solidarity relationship with Lee Dong-Hwui's Korea Communist Party and Mun Chnag-Beom's Korean National Soviet. Between 1922 and 1923, communist revolutionaries such as Jang Geun-Sang worked with the Korean students in Beijing to develop revolutionary movements. While studying communist ideology, they organized "Chang Il dang", formed a secret society, "Revolutionary Society", and published "Revolution" to promote communist revolutionary ideas and strategies. Between 1925 and 1926, Korean communists joined the Chinese Communist Party. They were confirmed to have played an active role in the Beijing Special Branch of the Chinese Communist Party and the Beijing Committee of the Communist Youth League of China. In December 1928, after the so-called "December Theses" in which the Comintern ordered the dissolution of the Joseon Communist Party, Korean communists had no choice but to enter the Chinese Communist Party. The revolutionary movements and relations between Jang Gi-Rak and Han Wi-Geon are good examples of the Korean communists' ordeals in the Chinese Communist Party. Especially, the conflicts of the revolutionary lines between these two people would not have existed only in the two people. Jang Ji-Rak, who had been a long-time supporter of the Chinese Revolution, felt doubts about the Chinese Revolution through a series of ordeals, and finally joined the Korean national revolution movement again. On the other hand, Han Sang-Joon and Kim Seung-Ho firmly believed the inseparable relation between Korean national liberation movement and Chinese Revolution participation and put their theory into practice. These Koreans are the representative figures who dedicated themselves to Chinese Revolution before the independence of their country. 1920년 초부터 상해파 고려공산당세력과 이르쿠츠크파 고려공산당세력이 북경에 조직을 두어 주도권을 둘러싸고 경쟁적으로 세력을 확장해 나갔다. 상해 대한민국 임시정부의 구성 및 노선에 불만을 가진 박용만, 신채호를 비롯한 무장투쟁론자들은 북경에 집결하여 연해주, 만주 일대의 독립군을 통합하고 무장투쟁을 전개할 계획을 추진해 나갔다. 그리고 계획을 실행하는 과정에서 이동휘 고려공산당세력 및 문창범 대한국민의회의 사회주의세력과 연대관계를 맺었다. 1922~1923년 사이에 장건상 등 공산주의 혁명가들은 북경의 한인 유학생들과같이 혁명운동을 전개해나갔다. 이들은 공산주의사상을 연구하면서 창일당을 조직하고 비밀결사인 혁명사를 결성하고 ≪혁명≫을 간행하여 공산주의적 혁명사상과방략을 선전했다. 1925~1926년 사이에 중국 공산당에 가입한 한인 공산주의자가 늘어났다. 이들은 중국 공산당 북경특별지부 및 중국공산주의청년단 북경지방위원회 소속 각 지부에서 활약한 사실이 확인되었다. 1928년 12월 코민테른이 조선 공산동 조직 해산을 지시한 이른바 ‘12월 테제’가내려진 이후에 재중 한인 공산주의자는 중국 공산당에 들어가서 활동할 수밖에없게 되었다. 장지락과 한위건의 혁명운동 및 관계는 중국 공산당 내에 활동했던한인 공산주의자들이 겪었던 시련을 잘 보여준 사례라고 할 수 있다. 특히 이 두사람 사이에 빚어진 혁명 노선의 갈등은 비단 이 두 사람한테만 존재했던 것이아니었을 것이다. 일찍부터 장기간 중국 혁명에 투신했던 장지락은 일련의 시련을겪은 끝에 중국 혁명에 대한 회의를 갖게 되고 다시 한국 민족혁명운동에 합류하였다. 반만에 한위건과 김성호는 한국 민족해방운동과 중국혁명 참여의 불가분 관계를 굳건히 믿고 이론의 차원에 머물지 않고 실천으로 옮겼다. 이들은 한인으로서끝까지 중국혁명에 투신하다가 조국해방을 보기 전에 희생한 대표적인 인물이다.

초기 베트남 공산주의운동의 국외 네트워크와 재외활동가, 1928-1934

盧英順(Nho Young-Soon) 동양사학회 2004 東洋史學硏究 Vol.88 No.-

This article examines two rather different contexts for Vietnamese communist movement during the late 1920s and early 1930s. The one is evolved around international communist movement which has been charged by the Third Communist International(Comintern). The early communist movement in Southeast Asia is concerned, the Comintern entrusted its direction to the Nanyang Communist party which was a branch of the Chinese Communist Party(CCP). But this strategy had to be modified as the communist movement in Southeast Asia was developing and the CCP-led communist movement in Southeast Asia turned out to be activities centered by the Chinese and for the Chinese. A remedy for this failure was to promote localization of Southeast Asian communist movement by helping to found a communist party on the national basis. The one who materialized this idea was a Vietnamese international communist, Nguyen Ai Quoc. As the secretary of the Southern Bureau, he presided over the foundations of communist parties in Southeast Asia including the Vietnam Communist Party(VCP), Siam Communist Party and Malayan Communist Party. At the time that the international communist network in the southern China were disclosed and immediately cracked down, communist movement in Southeast Asia was on the verge of distancing from the influence of CCP and more directly of connecting itself to Comintern. The Other theme of this article is about the Vietnamese communists who worked abroad and their activities there. For this the second part of this study was devoted to several 'revolutionary spaces' of the Vietnamese communists ranging from coastal southern China such as Shanghai, inland border areas between China and Vietnam such as Quangxi as far as to northeast Siam through Laos. The Vietnamese revolutionaries in those areas took responsibility of maintaining and reestablishing liaison with Comintern occasionally through the CCP and assisting restoration of the VCP which had been destroyed in the aftermath of the Soviet movements in Nghe-Tinh. The former was carried out by the Vietnamese communists in southern China. The latter task was tried to be carried out by the Vietnamese communists in Siam. More importantly several Vietnamese communists abroad who also were educated in Moscow established an 'Overseas Directing Committee' which was destined to be a provisional central committee of the VCP. In sum the international communist network was a major nutrition for fledging communist parties in South-east Asia including the VCP. Also the Vietnamese revolutionaries outside Vietnam served as a main asset for the VCP by connecting it to helpful international communist networks and by providing inside Vietnam necessary strategies, personnels, and materials in the most needed time and circumstances of the first half of the 1930s.

연변조선인의 국공양당 인식과 대응 -1945년~1949년-

박정수 ( Joung Soo Park ) 고려대학교 역사연구소(구 역사학연구회) 2011 사총 Vol.73 No.-

In this study revealed the Yen-Pien Korean`s recognition and response on the Chinese National Party·the Chinese Communist Party in 1945-1949. When the Chinese Civil War broke out on June 1946 Yen-Pien Korean`s society intervened the war more positively than other minorities. they are supporting actively the Chinese Communist Party. the background of their`s support is to the Chinese Communist Party`s policy for the Yen-Pien Korean`s society and many Koreans have been understanding the Chinese Communist Party as their`s a companion in the Anti-Japanese War. In the early of the war when the Communist Party recruit soldiers, 3,859 persons applied for it. after this time a lot more Yen-Pien Koreans intervened continually. Yen-Pien Defense Ryo consists 20 thousands soldiers. in they Yen-Pien. that is a first mainforce unit in the Yen-Pien`s Koreans society after the independence in 1945. but the unit is doing for defense part. it is differentiate from the Yen-Pien Koreans units in the Chinese Civil War. The Chinese Communist Party have been cognitive the Korean leaders of Anti-Japanese or Social Revolution as the patriots, becouse they recognized highly the Korean`s leader`s contribution for New Chinese. The Yen-Pien Korean`s recognition for the United States became to regard with hostility. then the Yen-Pien Press often reports opposite describing. we can conclude following contents. ① After revival Yen-Pien`s Koreans have been chosen to support the Chinese Communist Party and to be hostile the Chinese National Party. they entried in the Chinese Civil War for their existence and security. But they gave full support for the Chinese Communist Party in 1948-1949. ② The Chinese Communist Party have been cognitived the Korean leaders of Anti-Japan as their patriotes and they recognized highly the ``Anti-Japan hero`` and the civil war heroe`s contribution for New China ③ The Yen-Pien Defense Ryo was the Korean`s very first independence army and self-defense army. But that army have been in to the ``Chinese Peoples`` Liberation Army`` in 1948-1949. ④ The Yen-Pien`s Koreans posed them-selves as the Chinese Citizens in the Civil War. At this times they presented frequently a claim for Self-Government. ⑤ The Yen-Pien Press was consistent the war-time press for the Chinese Communist Center and the political ideas. On the other the press guided a part of the Yen-Pien`s Korean`s self-existense. ⑥ The Yen-Pien`s Koreans recognized the United States and South Korea as their hostilities. these reports was beginning in the Civil War.

해방 후 최익한의 사회주의 운동과 `변백장(辨白狀)`*

송찬섭 ( Song Chan-sup ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2017 역사학연구 Vol.66 No.-

해방 초기 조선공산당을 비롯한 좌파 세력에 대해서는 그간 상당한 성과가 쌓여, 전반의 흐름을 정리한 것뿐만 아니라 개별 정당이나 정파에 대한 연구도 많이 진척되었다. 그러나 주로 비중이 큰 인물에 대한 개별 연구가 진행되었다. 그밖에 수많은 다양한 인물에 대해서도 관심을 넓히면서 연구를 구체화시킬 필요가 있다. 최익한도 그러한 연구 대상에 충분히 포함되는 인물이다. 최익한은 1920년대부터 ML파, 이른바 3차 조선공산당의 중심인물이었으나 구속과 오랜 수감기간 뒤 집필활동으로 생활하였다. 해방과 더불어 최익한은 곧바로 활동을 재개하였다. 처음에는 고려공산당 조직위원회를 조직했으나 통합의 필요성에 따라 장안파 공산당에 합류하였다. 그러나 경성지구위원회를 조직하여 당내 세력을 형성하였다. 박헌영을 중심으로 한 재건파공산당이 결성되면서 양자 간에 주도권 다툼을 벌였을 때, 최익한은 이영, 정백과 더불어 장안파의 삼두마차였다고 할 수 있다. 이영과 정백이 상대적으로 온건파였고, 소극적이었던 입장인 데 비해 최익한은 가장 적극적으로 맞섰다. 뛰어난 이론가이면서 그 자신도 당내에서 일정하게 세력도 있었기 때문이다. 장안파는 재건파에 밀려 결국 해체하고 말았다. 재건파가 일제 말기에 활동을 계속했다는 점 때문에 조직이나 재력이 크게 우월하여 맞서기 어려웠다. 재건파는 공산당을 장악하고 나서 분파 중심으로 활동했기에 장안파 출신, 특히 가장 강렬하게 맞섰던 최익한은 간부에 들지 못하였다. 재건된 조공 내에서 중앙에 맞서 대회파가 반기를 들었을 때도 최익한은 여기에 합류 하였다. 조공, 인민당, 신민당의 3당합당 과정에서 조공 중앙파에 맞서 사로당이 만들어졌을 때, 최익한은 이에 참여했고, 그 뒤 다시 이들을 중심으로 근민당이 결성되었을 때도 참여하였다. 이로써 본다면 최익한은 장안파, 대회파, 사로당, 근민당 등 사회주의 세력 내에서 비주류에 속했던 셈이다. 최익한은 국가건설과 통일전선운동의 일환으로 건국준비위원회, 인민공화국, 반팟쇼투쟁위원회, 민주주의민족전선 등의 단체를 통해 활동하였다. 특히 민주주의민족전선에서는 강령을 작성하는 등 다양한 활동을 하였다. 이러한 활동과 관련하여 일제 말기 자신의 삶에 대해 변명하는 `변백장`을 작성하여 자신의 행위를 구체적으로 밝히기도 하였다. 통일전선에 친일세력이 참여하는 것을 비판하는 상황에서 일제 말기 그가 마치 전향했던 것처럼 비판하는 세력에 대해 자신에 대한 변호가 필요했기 때문이다. 최익한은 미소공위와 좌우합작을 위해 노력했으나 당시의 상황은 단독선거 실시와 단독정부 수립으로 귀결되었다. 1948년 남북연석회의가 개최되었을 때, 최익한은 근민당의 일원으로 참여하고 그 뒤 계속 북에 머물렀다. Lots of historical studies on the leftist force like Korean Communist Party in the early period after the Korean liberation have been accumulated so far. Research about individual political party or factions has been promoted a lot besides whole stream around them. However, a single research on individual was mainly carried out around well-known historical figures. Besides, we need to study numbers of different figures more concretely through increasing our attention to them. Choi lk-han should be studied as such a figure. Choi lk-han used to be the central figure in the ML faction, so-called the third Korean Communist Party since the 1920s, but he wrote for a living after arrest and long imprisonment. He restarted his activities immediately as soon as Korea was liberated. For the first time, he organized the organizing committee of Goryeo Communist Party, but joined Jangan Faction Communist Party in need of integration. However, he formed inner-party force by organizing Gyeongseong District Committee. Choi Ik-han belonged to the troika with Yi Yeong and Jeong Baek when the Jangan faction and Reconstruction faction struggled each other over hegemony, with the organizing Reconstruction Faction Communist Party. While Yi Yeong and Jeong Baek had relatively moderate and passive attitude, Choi Ik-han was most aggressively against the Reconstruction faction because he was a prominent theorist and had his inner-party force to a certain degree. The Jangan faction disbanded after being pushed by the Reconstruction faction. The Jangan faction could not cope with the Reconstruction faction as this group continued activities by the ending period of colonial rule and was superior to Jangan faction in the organization or financial ability. As the Reconstruction faction mainly worked with its faction after dominating the Korean Communist Party, Jangan faction`s members, especially Choi Ik-han, who strongly conflicted with the Reconstruction faction, could not work as a leading staff in the party. Choi Ik-han also joined Rally group when it was against ruling group in the reconstructed Korean Communist Party. He joined Social Labor Party when it was organized to cope with the center group of the Korean Communist Party in the process of merging 3 parties, which were Korean Communist Party, People`s Party, and New People`s Party. After then, he joined Laboring People`s Party with the centering of the force from the Social Labor Party. It mean that Choi Ik-han has not ever been in the main stream of socialists` forces by joining the Jangan faction, the Rally group, the Social Labor Party, and the Laboring People`s Party. Choi Ik-han worked through the organization like Preparatory Committee for National Construction, People`s Republic, Antifascism Fighting Committee, and Democratic People`s Front as the part of building the nation and united front movement. Most of all, he engaged in various activities of the Democratic People`s Front including drafting its platform. Regarding his activities, he illuminated his behaviors by writing the `Letter of Excuse` to defend his life around the end of the colonial rule. In the atmosphere where pro-japanese was blamed for joining the united front, he should defend himself against his opponents who criticised him as if he had submitted to Japanese imperialists. Choi Ik-han made efforts for US-USSR Joint Commission and Coalition between the Left and the Right, but failed. At last, the sole election was carried out and the sole government was established. When the Joint Meeting of the South and the North was opened in 1948, Choi Ik-han joined the meeting as the member of the Laboring People`s Party and kept staying in North Korea after then.

조선사회단체중앙협의회 상설·비상설 논쟁

임경석 역사문제연구소 2019 역사비평 Vol.- No.128

This article aims to define the background and fact surrounding the argument for and against permanent establishment of Korean Central Council for Social Organizations (KCCSO) at its inauguration conference in 1927. According to existing studies, the argument for the permanent establishment of KCCSO is known to have been advocated by Seoul Communist Group or part of it. It, however, is not true. Proponents of the permanent establishment of KCCSO were communists who refused to join the Korean Communist Party until the end, so they were neither Seoul Communist Group members nor Korean Communist Party members. They were just some communist individuals outside the Communist Party. The argument against permanent establishment of KCCSO was not proposed by the ML Communist Group unlike known before. It was not led by ML Communist Group, a faction within the party, but by the Korean Communist Party itself. The argument for and against permanent establishment of KCCSO was an organizational argument. How could laborers’ hegemony be guaranteed in the National United Front? This was the issue of argument. Proponents of the permanent establishment of KCCSO thought that a legal Laborers Party should be created outside the National United Front, Singanhoi. On the contrary, Korean Communist Party looked for the means to ensure the hegemony of laborers in the illegitimate area. They argued that the hegemony could be secured by nothing but the Secret Association, Korean Communist Party. 이 글의 목적은 1927년 조선사회단체중앙협의회 창립대회 석상에서 벌어진 상설·비상설 논쟁의 주체와 성격을 밝히는 데 있다. 기존 연구 성과에 따르면 상설론은 ‘서울파 공산그룹’이거나 그 일부 세력에 의해서 주창된 것으로 알려져 왔다. 그러나 사실은 그게 아니었다. 상설론 지지자들은 조선공산당 입당을 끝까지 거부한 사회주의자들로서 더 이상 서울파 공산그룹의 구성원도, 조선공산당원도 아니었다. 그들은 공산당 바깥에 존재하는 몇몇 사회주의자 개인일 뿐이었다. 비상설론은 기존에 알려진 것처럼 ‘엠엘파 공산당’에 의해서 제기된 것이 아니었다. 엠엘파라는 당내 한 분파가 아니라 조선공산당 자체가 그를 이끌었다. 상설·비상설 논쟁은 조직논쟁이었다. 민족통일전선에서 노동자 헤게모니를 어떻게 보장할 수 있는가? 이것이 논쟁점이었다. 상설론자들은 민족통일전선 단체인 신간회 바깥에 따로 합법적인 노동자당을 만들어야 한다고 생각했다. 그에 반해 조선공산당은 노동자 헤게모니를 보장하는 수단을 비합법 영역에서 찾았다. 다름 아닌 비밀결사 조선공산당이 그를 보장할 수 있다고 주장했다.

중국 공산당 정권유지와 민주집중제 기능

남종호 ( Nam,Jong-ho ) 한중사회과학학회 2016 한중사회과학연구 Vol.14 No.2

Chinese Communist Party is maintaining leadership system on all organizations of the political power and society. And it can be said to be directly the principle of democratic centralism to support this centralization of power system. Chinese Communist Party made clear the establishment of democratic centralism as the basis service discipline of nation. Also, Chinese Communist Party got to recognize the operation effective of the democratic centralism as the touchstone of the long-term hold of power of Chinese Communist Party and as the principle of national ability to rule. Therefore, Chinese Communist Party seems to be more firmly the function of the democratic centralism for the powerful leadership of the Party and seizing power maintain. Presently, Chinese Communist Party is planned the loyalty to party and the leadership strengthening. It is doing with the ultimate goal to tries to maintain solidly the centralization of power and Communist Party`s political power through the strengthening of the basic organization and deference by holding fast to the principle of management of state called democratic centralism.

중국 당내법규에 관한 연구: 회고와 전망

段磊 ( Duan Lei ) 한국외국어대학교 중국연구소 2018 中國硏究 Vol.75 No.-

The institutional characteristics of the party's laws and regulations in the Communist Party of China are embodied in the making subject, the system function and the implementation effect. From the perspective of the historical development, since the Eighteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, obvious achievements have been achieved in the aspects of concept, standardization, implementation and so on. The Communist Party of China has formed a basic framework of "1+4", which includes the party constitution, the party's organizational rules and regulations, the party's leading laws and regulations, the party's self building laws and regulations, and the party's supervision and guarantee system. Since the Eighteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the research of Chinese inner party laws and regulations has focused on the four aspects of institutional construction: the strategic background, practical functions, basic requirements and systematic construction. It has formed a consensus on the nature of party laws and regulations, the relationship between the party laws and regulations and the national laws, the functions and roles of the party laws and regulations and other issues. The related research shows new characteristics in the academic community, research perspective, research scope and research method. The future related research in this field will be further expanded in terms of the party laws and regulations’ philosophical basis, methodology, systematization, the relationship between the party laws and regulations and the modernization of the country's governance systems and capabilities, the foreign party laws and regulations and the comparative study of party laws and regulations, etc.