Within and/or Beyond Perception and Ideology

Taeheok Lee 한국라틴아메리카학회 2016 라틴아메리카연구 Vol.29 No.1

Why do leftist governments in Latin America prefer building relationships with China rather than with the U.S., particularly in the twenty-first century? This paper examines the nature of the interrelationship between the U.S. and Latin America, and that between China and Latin America, and argues that the embedded political and ideological aspects are key factors to consider when answering the question, albeit in a prevailing capitalism-oriented world economy. This has been evident in the historical trajectory of China’s relationship with Latin America, which has evolved in a manner quite different from the way in which the U.S. has interacted with Latin America. While this paper acknowledges that economic factors are more important in shaping the nature of relationships among nation-states, this research explores the extent to which the elites’ individual levels of perception and their embedded ideological orientation towards the third party plays a critical role in guiding the interaction which they carry out among themselves.

CCTV America 뉴스에 대한 신뢰도 및 시청의도 연구 -미국 일반 대중들의 중 국에 대한 태도를 중심으로-

이에스더 한국외국어대학교 국제커뮤니케이션연구소 2016 東西言路 Vol.40 No.-

‘공공외교’가 국제관계의 중요한 화두로 대두되면서 선진국들이 미디어 전략으로서 국제 영어뉴스 방송을 강화하며 글로벌 여론을 조성하고 있 다. 중국은 미디어 외교를 국가 정책으로 채택하여 CCTV를 중심으로 해 외방송을 확대하고 2012년에 CCTV America를 설립, 영어 뉴스 채널을 운 영하고 있다. 본 연구는 기존 선행연구에서 다루어지지 않았던 미국 일반대중을 대상 으로 CCTV America에 대한 반응을 탐색하는 최초의 연구로서, 일반 대중 들의 중국에 대한 태도가 CCTV America 뉴스의 신뢰도 및 시청 의도와 어떤 관계가 있는지를 탐색하고자 하였다. 이를 위해 온라인 플랫폼 아마 존의 집합지성 일터인 M-Turk를 통해 온라인 설문조사를 실시하여 미국거주자 275명의 자발적인 샘플을 수집하였다. 설문조사 결과 미국인들의 중국에 대한 태도와 CCTV America 신뢰도 간의 결정계수가 낮아 두 변인 간의 유의미한 관계를 설명하기가 어려웠 으며, CCTV America 시청의도에 대한 설명력 수치 또한 높지 않았다. 이 는, CCTV America 신뢰도와 시청의도에 영향을 미치는 것에는 중국에 대 한 태도 외에 다른 변인들이 여러 개 숨어있다는 점을 시사한다. 샘플들의 뉴스 시청 시간, 해외 뉴스 신뢰도, CCTV America 이용가능 성, 지역별 CCTV America 시청 빈도, 인구통계학적 요소 등 다른 변수에 대한 선행연구를 추가하여 유의미한 결과를 도출할 수 있는 추가 연구가 필요하다. As public diplomacy has emerged as an important agenda in international relations, English news media serve as a significant source of soft power. Like other globally leading countries, China has begun the global deployment of its media industry with intensity on China Central Television (CCTV), one of the most significant and largely devoted means to achieve external communication and the management of its international image and influence of the country. As possibly being the first study of exploring the response of American pubic on CCTV America, this study looks at the effect of CCTV America with the focused on how the attitude of the American public to China affect the credibility and viewing intention of CCTV America News through the online survey staged on Amazon M-Turk. Through analyzing the data collected by 275 samples, this study finds that it is hard to explain a significant relation between the attitude to China and the credibility of CCTV America news among the American public and that the figure of explanation ability to viewing intention is not high. This findings imply that other factors than attitude to China possibly affect the credibility and viewing intention to CCTV America News. Additional study is requested to draw further significant result by adding literature reviews on news viewing habit, credibility of international news and availability of CCTV America.

제임스 헨리 돈웰의 생애와 미국 장로회에서의 영향력에 관한 연구

김호욱 ( Ho Wook Kim ) 한국복음주의역사신학회 2011 역사신학 논총 Vol.21 No.-

Southern Presbyterian Church in America was allocated Honam region as area of mission work according to signed a comity agreement in January 1893 which made Honam region have a close relation with Southern Presbyterian Church in America. There is no doubt that missionaries of Southern Presbyterian Church in America inculcated theological color of 19th century that Southern Presbyterian Church in America had when they built Kingdom of God in Honam region. Therefore, studying theology of 19th century`s Southern Presbyterian Church is very important in that it can help find the root of theological identity that presbytery of Honam region has had. Then, what was theology of 19th century`s Southern Presbyterian Church in America? Theologians at home and abroad consider theology of 19th century`s Southern Presbyterian Church in connection with that of two theologians, James Henley Thornwell(1812-62) and Robert Dabney(1820-98). Was 19th century`s Southern Presbyterian Church based on theology of James Henley Thornwell and Robert Dabney as calvinists depend heavily on theology of John Calvin? This study proved the influence of Thornwell on Southern Presbyterian Church in America by examining his influence ranging from 19th century to the present on Southern Presbyterian Church in America after introducing his life. The reason this paper studied Thornwell is as follows; First, studying one theologian not two theologians was considered the effective of limited space; Second, Thornwell was better progenitor than Dabney in many sides; Third, Thornwell had a deeper and wider influence on 19th century`s Southern Presbyterian Church in America. Studying Thornwell`s life arid influence clearly revealed the following reasons why he could be placed at the center of 19th century`s theology of Southern Presbyterian Church in America. First, Thornwell is recognized as a scholar representing 19th century`s theology of Southern Presbyterian Church. Second, influence of Thornwell`s theology continued to this day throughout the United States of America on centering Presbyterian Church in America(PCA) not limited to temporary influence on Southern Presbyterian Church of 19th century. Third, Thornwell`s having influence throughout the United States of America can be interpreted his influence may be expanded into Presbyterian Church throughout the world. Materials related to Thornwell proved that his influence continued throughout his life not short term influence. He was recognized with his own ability beyond the title of chairman of Old School Presbytery. Activities of Thornwell as church statesman, theologian and preacher show his another influence. Conference and general assembly of Old School Presbytery did not always accept his argument. For example, Thornwell argued with Charles Hodge(1797-1878) over the authority of the governing elders of church before his argument was accepted by general assembly of Southern Presbyterian Church in America. Though he had a short life of fifty years, his theology built basics of 19th century`s theology of Southern Presbyterian Church. This study revealed that he had a great influence on Old School presbytery and Southern Presbyterian Church. And his influence ranged over many fields besides Christian doctrines, politics of church and education.

Revising the Sign of America: The Postcolonial Humanism of America Is in the Heart

( Jae H. Roe ) 한국영어영문학회 2003 영어 영문학 Vol.49 No.4

Carlos Bulosan`s autobiographical novel .America Is in the Heart revises American history from the perspective of a Filipino immigrant. After the Philippines became a U.S. colony following the Spanish-American War in 1898, there was continued resistance against the U.S. and the ruling classes of the Philippines. The peasants were the leaders of this resistance, and Bulosan, as the son of a poor peasant, experienced this history of oppression and struggle. Part One records this experience, and reveals the disparity between the American ideals of freedom and democracy and the reality of colonial domination. Such disparity between the ideals and reality of the U.S. becomes the central theme of the novel. In the U.S., Bulosan becomes a migrant worker and later participates in movements against economic exploitation and racial discrimination. Through this process, he comes to believe that the gap between the ideals of freedom and democracy and the reality of the U.S. is caused by capitalism and racism, and that the ideals of America can only be realized through class struggle. The America to which the title refers is not the reality of America but this radical ideal that America represents for Bulosan. In other words, the America in his heart is a sign of an ideal that does not exist in reality but must be realized. From Part Two to Part Four, Bulosan records the pain and suffering experienced by the Filipinos in the U.S., but maintains his hope that the ideals represented by America can be realized. The claim that America is in the heart is an expression of this hope. In order to discuss the historical and political context of America Is in the Heart, this essay quotes from various sources that deal with the history of the Philippines, the relationship between the Philippines and the U.S., the history of Filipino immigrants, the oppression and struggles of migrant workers in California, and so on.

태평양전쟁기 재미한인의‘전시행동’

김도형(Kim, Do-Hyung) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2004 역사문화연구 Vol.21 No.-

1903년 미주지역에 첫발을 내디딘 이후 한인들은 힘든 노동을 통해 생활을 유지하면서도 푼푼이 모은 돈을 독립운동자금으로 내놓았으며, 조국의 독립을 위해 미국과 미국민을 상대로 선전활동을 전개하였다. 재미한인들은 항상 미일간의 전쟁이 발생하면 한인들이 미국을 도와 참전하여, 일본으로부터 조국을 독립시킬 수 있을 것이라고 생각해 왔다. 그러다가 1941년 12월 일본의 진주만 기습으로 전쟁이 발발하였다. 그로 인해 그동안 한국의 독립운동에 대해 냉담했던 미국이 한국의 독립운동과 재미한인에 대하여 재인식하게 되었다. 태평양전쟁이 발발하자 재미한인들은 전쟁지원, 전쟁참가, 외교활동, 전시공작 등에 참여하면서, 미국인과 미국사회에 그들의 존재를 재인식시키고자 하였다. 왜냐하면 자신들의 행동 여하에 따라 독립운동과 미국의 대한정책에 커다란 영향을 미칠 수 있기 때문이다. 다시 말해 태평양전쟁기 재미한인의 ‘전시행동’과 지원활동으로 연합국이 승리한다면, 일제로부터 조국을 해방시킬 수 있고 나아가 전후 대한정책에 영향을 미칠 수 있기 때문이다. 또한 태평양전쟁이 발발하면서 미국인과 미국정부도 재미한인들의 ‘전시행동’으로 그들을 판단하고자 하였다. 그런 면에서 태평양전쟁은 미국사회에서 한인들을 재인식시킬 수 있는 기회이기도 했다. 특히, 1943년 12월 ｢카이로선언｣은 재미한인들에게 새로운 희망과 추진력을 가져다 주었다. 재미한인들이 일본에 대항하여 싸우고 있다는 사실을 미국을 비롯한 연합국에 알릴 필요가 있었다. 때문에 전시체제의 온갖 어려움 속에서도 재미한인들은 전시지원을 하였으며, 미국의 전시공작에 참여하여 강도 높은 훈련을 받았으며, 심지어 미군에 참전하여 목숨을 받치기도 하는 등 미국의 전쟁수행에 공헌하였다. ｢카이로선언｣ 이후 미국정부는 재미한인들을 재인식하기 시작하였지만 근본적으로 미국의 세계정책이라는 큰 틀에서 재미한인들을 이용하였을 뿐이었다. 재미한인들이 미국인과 미국정부에 필요한 존재로 인식될 수 없었던 이유 가운데 하나는 재미 한인사회의 내부적 문제점이 지적될 수 있다. 태평양전쟁을 전후한 시기 재미 한인사회의 단결과 연합이 필요한 시기였다. 이같은 요구에 응하여 재미 한인사회는 기존의 파벌과 이해관계를 인정한 채 물리적으로 결합시킨 재미한족연합위원회를 결성하였다. 그러나 재미 한인사회는 역사적으로 보아 이같은 물리적 결합은 가능할 지라도, 근본적인 화학적 결합이 불가능한 특수한 사회적 조건을 가지고 있었다. 이러한 조직상의 문제점이 내재된 가운데 결성된 재미한족연합위원회는 그 자체적으로 한계를 내포하고 있었다. 재미한족연합위원회의 조직적 한계는 독립운동과 전시지원에 통일적 운용을 저해하였으며, 그 결과 한인들의 총력적 ‘전시행동’에도 불구하고 미국과 미국인들에게 재미 한인사회는 분열되고 질서없는 모습으로 비춰지게 했다. 그와 연관되어 전후 미국의 대한정책은 재미한인들의 열망과는 상당한 차이를 보이게 되었다. Koreans immigrated to America in 1903 which Koreans had the state themselves. But because of Japanese annexing Korea in 1910, Koreans in America became a missing child of the community of nations. Thus Koreans had got a harsh treatment from other ethics. In spite of hard working, they tried to gain independence to Japanese. They formed organizations like the Korea National Association for independence, and they started to move in order to propaganda diplomatic movement for American government and American people. Koreans in America always thought that if maybe break out war with America and Japan, Koreans America will engage in war for America. And America will win the Japanese, in result Korea must be liberation from Japan. At this time, the Japanese struck the Peal Harbor in 1941. US government and American people had cognizance Koreans in America. Koreans in America thought if the allied win the Japanese, Korea must be free from the Japanese. And Koreans in America have taken the activities of wartimes as engaging war, supporting war and diplomatic propaganda. On the other hand, American government also judged to Koreans in America as the activities of wartimes. After the Cairo Declaration, Koreans in America, firmly trusted the independence of Korea, tried to support the US government for Korean independence from the Japanese. Some of Koreans engaged in the special team organized by the OSS, and rose the fund for war bond, even to lose the lives for the US. Nevertheless, the US government could not recognized the Koreans in America as the allied. Because Koreans in America still split into several factions. Especially, though the United Korean Committee have organized before the Pacific War, would not work to the independence movement and not united the Koreans in America. And US government and America people considered Koreans in America to disordered the people. So that US managed Korea to make difference from thinking of Koreans in America after the Second World War.

해방 후 ‘미국의 소리(Voice of America) 한국어방송’에 관한 연구(1945~1950)

장영민 한국근현대사학회 2009 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.50 No.-

The Voice of America, at the root, was a propaganda machine. Though, this does not indicate that the broadcasting consistently distorted facts and varnish truths. It sometimes stood at the side of objectivity and authenticity. To add, it did contribute to cultural understanding and circulation of information. However, the Voice of America was operated to its native country’s advantage in order to strengthen security and increase interests, rather than pursuing universal values of journalism. The characteristic and capacity of this type of abroad-propaganda-media was an inborn limit of the Voice of America. The Voice of America Korean Service under the Department of State had these intrinsic characteristics and limits. At the beginning of the military occupation, it was safety, cooperation with the Soviet, and understanding of the US that were mainly concentrated. Figures, cultures, policies, current issues of US took most of the part in the broadcasting compared to criticism or condemnation on communism and communist countries. Still, aiming to enhance the interests of US, the propaganda was never given up on. As the Cold War approached, the Voice of America that was suffering its downfall began to strengthen its position as the abroad-propaganda-media. It is difficult to say that Korean Service broadcasting did nothing but to demonstrate propaganda and instigate in an explicit way, clear propaganda broadcastings were sent out in important circumstances. Exclusive broadcast of federalization of the Soviet Union by Park, Hyun Young, broadcasts on May 10th election, and the ones on economic aid are typical examples of propaganda broadcastings. The Korean programs had been divided into news, commentary, feature, or news, commentary and feature, music. As of November 1945, news and commentary occupied 43% and 37%, and music was 20%. But, after the anti-communist and anti-soviet programs were increased, entertainments sharply decreased contrary to the strengthened news. The scripts were written in English by the American writers complied with the daily and weekly guidances. Personnels of the review part studied the scripts thoroughly. After putting the deletion, option, sustain marks, they sent them to the Korean Desk. Korean staffs transcribed the broadcasting scripts, and announced. Korean broadcasting time was 1 hour per day on 1946, but it was reduced to 15 minutes(7:45~8:00, AM) and 30 minutes(8:30~9:00, PM), and kept until the breaking of the Korean War. The Voice of America Korean language broadcast used the short wave was transmitted to the Korean peninsular from the San Francisco facilities via the Honolulu relay base. About latter part of 1945, WVTPng of FEN and KBS network began to rebroadcast the Voice of America modulated into the medium standard wave. It made The Voice got the large Korean listening population. The Korean service was criticized severely by Korean peoples for the poor announcing. Also the USAMGIK demanded the strong propagandistic messages. The Voice of America Korean Service tried to improve the broadcasting quality, and on the end of 1949, the positive atmosphere to estimate that effort was developed. According to the survey conducted on November of 1949, half part of Korean listeners was regular listener. And most of them were the youth from teens to below 25, liked feature and music than news programs. On the other hand, the tendency toward preferring news and commentary was appeared among the older. The Voice of America, at the root, was a propaganda machine. Though, this does not indicate that the broadcasting consistently distorted facts and varnish truths. It sometimes stood at the side of objectivity and authenticity. To add, it did contribute to cultural understanding and circulation of information. However, the Voice of America was operated to its native country’s advantage in order to strengthen security and increase interests, rather than pursuing universal values of journalism. The characteristic and capacity of this type of abroad-propaganda-media was an inborn limit of the Voice of America. The Voice of America Korean Service under the Department of State had these intrinsic characteristics and limits. At the beginning of the military occupation, it was safety, cooperation with the Soviet, and understanding of the US that were mainly concentrated. Figures, cultures, policies, current issues of US took most of the part in the broadcasting compared to criticism or condemnation on communism and communist countries. Still, aiming to enhance the interests of US, the propaganda was never given up on. As the Cold War approached, the Voice of America that was suffering its downfall began to strengthen its position as the abroad-propaganda-media. It is difficult to say that Korean Service broadcasting did nothing but to demonstrate propaganda and instigate in an explicit way, clear propaganda broadcastings were sent out in important circumstances. Exclusive broadcast of federalization of the Soviet Union by Park, Hyun Young, broadcasts on May 10th election, and the ones on economic aid are typical examples of propaganda broadcastings. The Korean programs had been divided into news, commentary, feature, or news, commentary and feature, music. As of November 1945, news and commentary occupied 43% and 37%, and music was 20%. But, after the anti-communist and anti-soviet programs were increased, entertainments sharply decreased contrary to the strengthened news. The scripts were written in English by the American writers complied with the daily and weekly guidances. Personnels of the review part studied the scripts thoroughly. After putting the deletion, option, sustain marks, they sent them to the Korean Desk. Korean staffs transcribed the broadcasting scripts, and announced. Korean broadcasting time was 1 hour per day on 1946, but it was reduced to 15 minutes(7:45~8:00, AM) and 30 minutes(8:30~9:00, PM), and kept until the breaking of the Korean War. The Voice of America Korean language broadcast used the short wave was transmitted to the Korean peninsular from the San Francisco facilities via the Honolulu relay base. About latter part of 1945, WVTPng of FEN and KBS network began to rebroadcast the Voice of America modulated into the medium standard wave. It made The Voice got the large Korean listening population. The Korean service was criticized severely by Korean peoples for the poor announcing. Also the USAMGIK demanded the strong propagandistic messages. The Voice of America Korean Service tried to improve the broadcasting quality, and on the end of 1949, the positive atmosphere to estimate that effort was developed. According to the survey conducted on November of 1949, half part of Korean listeners was regular listener. And most of them were the youth from teens to below 25, liked feature and music than news programs. On the other hand, the tendency toward preferring news and commentary was appeared among the older.

Moving and Gathering through Religion: Transnational Connections among the Korean Diaspora from Latin America

Bae, Jin Suk(배진숙) 한국외국어대학교 영미연구소 2015 영미연구 Vol.35 No.-

This article is based on the premise that not all members of the Korean diaspora in the U.S. originated from South Korea, but instead they are in some cases secondary migrants (i.e., remigrants) from various places in Latin America. Given the active religious participation among Korean remigrants from Latin America, this article specifically examines how religion has shaped their series of migration and adjustment processes and how the remigrants have, in turn, formed and used religious institutions and networks. Methodologically, this study utilizes extensive interview data from 102 people of Korean descent from Latin America currently residing in the New York area, as well as other secondary sources. The research findings show that, for some Koreans, religion precipitates not only their initial movement to Latin America, but also their later remigration to the U.S. The impact of religion with respect to Koreans’ migration purposes tends to expand gradually from religious leaders to a wider range of laypersons. Considering Korean migration patterns from Korea to Latin America, religion is a primary influence on the movements of religious leaders and their families; in secondary migrations from Latin America to the U.S., religious networks and institutions have a much greater significance for Korean immigrants in general. This is partly ascribed to Koreans’ active religious participation in immigrant societies in the Americas. Central to professional, social, and religious lives, relationships made through church often represent significant or primary relationships in Latin America. Connections established in Latin American-based churches influence not only the initial migration process, but also the later resettlement of immigrants in the U.S. Furthermore, this study attempts to identify patterns of Koreans’ interracial interactions in the religious arena. In particular, it focuses on how Korean remigrants from Latin America have participated in Korean religious communities’ outreach to Latin America. Drawing upon their immigrant and religious experiences in Latin America, Korean remigrants in the New York area have played important roles by linking the Korean American religious community with other Korean diaspora groups and natives of Latin America.

Moving and Gathering through Religion: Transnational Connections among the Korean Diaspora from Latin America

배진숙 한국외국어대학교 영미연구소 2015 영미연구 Vol.35 No.-

This article is based on the premise that not all members of the Korean diaspora in the U.S. originated from South Korea, but instead they are in some cases secondary migrants (i.e., remigrants) from various places in Latin America. Given the active religious participation among Korean remigrants from Latin America, this article specifically examines how religion has shaped their series of migration and adjustment processes and how the remigrants have, in turn, formed and used religious institutions and networks. Methodologically, this study utilizes extensive interview data from 102 people of Korean descent from Latin America currently residing in the New York area, as well as other secondary sources. The research findings show that, for some Koreans, religion precipitates not only their initial movement to Latin America, but also their later remigration to the U.S. The impact of religion with respect to Koreans’ migration purposes tends to expand gradually from religious leaders to a wider range of laypersons. Considering Korean migration patterns from Korea to Latin America, religion is a primary influence on the movements of religious leaders and their families; in secondary migrations from Latin America to the U.S., religious networks and institutions have a much greater significance for Korean immigrants in general. This is partly ascribed to Koreans’ active religious participation in immigrant societies in the Americas. Central to professional, social, and religious lives, relationships made through church often represent significant or primary relationships in Latin America. Connections established in Latin American-based churches influence not only the initial migration process, but also the later resettlement of immigrants in the U.S. Furthermore, this study attempts to identify patterns of Koreans’ interracial interactions in the religious arena. In particular, it focuses on how Korean remigrants from Latin America have participated in Korean religious communities’ outreach to Latin America. Drawing upon their immigrant and religious experiences in Latin America, Korean remigrants in the New York area have played important roles by linking the Korean American religious community with other Korean diaspora groups and natives of Latin America.

박인환의 미국 기행 관련 작품에 나타난 미국 인식의 양가성 - 산문과 시의 인식 차이를 중심으로

염철 사단법인 한국문학과예술연구소 2021 한국문학과 예술 Vol.40 No.-

Park In-hwan's prose and poems related to travel in the America were written based on the same experience of traveling to the America. Therefore, his perception of the America should be consistent, but peculiarly, prose describes the America positively, while poetry portray the America negatively. The main reason for the ambivalence between prose and poetry is that the perspective of evaluating the America punctions differently in prose and poetry. Park In-hwan, who writes prose, accepts the America on the basis of the dimension of everyday self, that is, the usefulness or physical freedom for everyday life. Therefore, the huge economic scale of the America, the democratic political system, and the civic consciousness of keeping order and caring for others are positively accepted. On the other hand, Park In-hwan, who writes poems, views the America from the perspective of spiritual freedom, as well as the anxieties and worries of modern people in capitalism and civilization. For this reason, the everyday self and the poetic self collide with each other, revealing the more sensitive resistance than longing for the America. Unfortunately, as he passed away in a year after visiting the America, it is impossible to prove how the outcome of the confrontation would be solved. However, it was probably the poetic ego who hoped Park In-hwan would ultimately win the battle. Writing poems, as revealed in the postscript of "The Colleted Poems" was the "desperate thing he could rely on in living in society." 박인환의 미국 기행 관련 산문과 시는 미국 여행이라는 동일한 체험을 소재로 쓴 글이다. 따라서 미국에 대한 그의 인식 태도도 일관되게 드러나는 것이 일반적이겠지만, 특이하게도 산문에서는 미국을 긍정적으로 서술하는 반면 시에서는 미국을 부정적으로 형상화한다. 이처럼 산문과 시에서 미국에 대한 인식 태도가 양가성을 보이는 가장 중요한 이유는 미국을 평가하는 관점이 산문과 시에서 다르게 작동하기 때문이다. 산문을 쓰는 박인환은 일상적 자아의 차원, 즉 일상생활의 유용함 또는 물리적인 자유라는 기준으로 미국을 평가한다. 그러므로 미국의 거대한 경제 규모, 민주주의 정치 체제, 질서를 지키고 다른 사람을 배려하는 시민 의식 등이 긍정적으로 수용된다. 이와는 달리 시를 쓰는 박인환은 자본과 문명에서 비롯하는 현대인의 불안과 고민, 정신적인 자유라는 기준으로 미국을 평가한다. 이 때문에 일상적 자아와 시적 자아가 서로 충돌하면서 미국에 대한 동경보다는 저항 의식이 강하게 드러난다. 아쉽게도 미국에 다녀온 지 일 년 만에 그가 요절함으로써 그 대결의 결과가 어느 쪽으로 판가름이 났을지는 알 수 없게 되었다. 하지만 박인환이 그 싸움에서 궁극적으로 승리하기를 바랐던 쪽은 아마도 시적 자아였을 것이다. 『선시집』 후기에서 밝힌 대로 시를 쓴다는 것은 그가 “사회를 살아가는 데 있어서 가장 의지할 수 있는 마지막 것”이었기 때문이다.

1900~1920년대 북미 한인유학생사회와 도산 안창호

장규식 한국근현대사학회 2008 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.46 No.-

Students and migrant workers were two major groups of the early Korean community in America. Especially the first generation students including Dosan Ahn Chang-ho were the pioneers of founding the Korean community of North America in 1900s. Dosan came to San Francisco in 1902 to study. There lived about 20 students and ginseng merchants at that time. Along with them, Dosan established the Korean Fellowship Society in September of 1903, which became the first Korean organization in North America. The Korean Fellowship Society was developed into the United Korean Association (共立協會) in April of 1905, which proclaimed the beginning of the Korean national movement in North America. Besides Dosan, Rhee Syng-man and Park Yong-mahn arrived in America as students in the mid-1900s. Syngman Rhee distanced himself from the Korean community and concentrated on his own studies. But Park Yong-mahn moved on to Denver of Colorado and Lincoln of Nebraska, where he established the Boys’ Military Academy during his study and initiated a foundation for the Korean independence movement in the Midwestern US. The majority of the Korean students stayed in both California and Nebraska during the 1910s, mainly because there were two major centers for them: the Korean Student Center in Claremont of Southern California, and the Boys’ Military Academy in Hastings of Nebraska. The Claremont Student Center was established by the Korean National Association(大韓人國民會) in order to produce future Korean leaders through education. The Student Center opened for the first time in September 1908, taking in 10 resident students. They lived together and cultivated patriotism and freedom of thought through the weekly debate. They also attended American schools to learn English and other academic skills. The Korean National Association built a new Student Center house in Claremont and held an opening ceremony on October 14, 1911. Around that time, Dosan returned from Korea as a political exile, and the Student Center became instrumental in carrying out Dosan’s vision for the national movement. Meanwhile in Nebraska, the student activities were centered on the Boys’ Military Academy(少年兵學校) which was established by Park Yong-mahn. Park trained the young students for the independence war against Imperial Japan. He opened the Military Academy within a farm in Kearny, Nebraska in June 1909 and moved it to Hastings College in the following year. The school continued its operation, training 30 students every year for two months in summer until 1914. It was notable that the Korean Students’ Alliance was formed on the basis of the school in December of 1912, which was the first Korean students’ association united in North America. Many of these students in 1910s went on to become middle-management leaders in the Korean National Association of North America and the Young Korean Academy(興士團). Furthermore, they also sponsored Korean independent movement. Korean students during the 1920s were different a lot. These students came with official permission from the Japanese colonized government, vis-à-vis the students in exile from the previous decade. These newly arrived ones were highly educated, and they entered colleges or college preparatory schools. There were only 70 college students in 1919, but by 1930, the number grew to 300. With the increase of college student population, in Chicago and New York areas in particular, the dynamics of the student activities in the US changed. In April 1921, the students sought to build a new coalition in support of the March 1st independence movement back in the homeland. The student group formed "The Korean Student Federation of North America" and held its first Convention in Chicago in 1923. Around the time when the student organizations became properly active, Dosan left for Shanghai to set up the Provisional Government for Republic of Korea in April 1919 and he wasn’t di... Students and migrant workers were two major groups of the early Korean community in America. Especially the first generation students including Dosan Ahn Chang-ho were the pioneers of founding the Korean community of North America in 1900s. Dosan came to San Francisco in 1902 to study. There lived about 20 students and ginseng merchants at that time. Along with them, Dosan established the Korean Fellowship Society in September of 1903, which became the first Korean organization in North America. The Korean Fellowship Society was developed into the United Korean Association (共立協會) in April of 1905, which proclaimed the beginning of the Korean national movement in North America. Besides Dosan, Rhee Syng-man and Park Yong-mahn arrived in America as students in the mid-1900s. Syngman Rhee distanced himself from the Korean community and concentrated on his own studies. But Park Yong-mahn moved on to Denver of Colorado and Lincoln of Nebraska, where he established the Boys’ Military Academy during his study and initiated a foundation for the Korean independence movement in the Midwestern US. The majority of the Korean students stayed in both California and Nebraska during the 1910s, mainly because there were two major centers for them: the Korean Student Center in Claremont of Southern California, and the Boys’ Military Academy in Hastings of Nebraska. The Claremont Student Center was established by the Korean National Association(大韓人國民會) in order to produce future Korean leaders through education. The Student Center opened for the first time in September 1908, taking in 10 resident students. They lived together and cultivated patriotism and freedom of thought through the weekly debate. They also attended American schools to learn English and other academic skills. The Korean National Association built a new Student Center house in Claremont and held an opening ceremony on October 14, 1911. Around that time, Dosan returned from Korea as a political exile, and the Student Center became instrumental in carrying out Dosan’s vision for the national movement. Meanwhile in Nebraska, the student activities were centered on the Boys’ Military Academy(少年兵學校) which was established by Park Yong-mahn. Park trained the young students for the independence war against Imperial Japan. He opened the Military Academy within a farm in Kearny, Nebraska in June 1909 and moved it to Hastings College in the following year. The school continued its operation, training 30 students every year for two months in summer until 1914. It was notable that the Korean Students’ Alliance was formed on the basis of the school in December of 1912, which was the first Korean students’ association united in North America. Many of these students in 1910s went on to become middle-management leaders in the Korean National Association of North America and the Young Korean Academy(興士團). Furthermore, they also sponsored Korean independent movement. Korean students during the 1920s were different a lot. These students came with official permission from the Japanese colonized government, vis-à-vis the students in exile from the previous decade. These newly arrived ones were highly educated, and they entered colleges or college preparatory schools. There were only 70 college students in 1919, but by 1930, the number grew to 300. With the increase of college student population, in Chicago and New York areas in particular, the dynamics of the student activities in the US changed. In April 1921, the students sought to build a new coalition in support of the March 1st independence movement back in the homeland. The student group formed "The Korean Student Federation of North America" and held its first Convention in Chicago in 1923. Around the time when the student organizations became properly active, Dosan left for Shanghai to set up the Provisional Government for Republic of Korea in April 1919 and he wasn’t directly in...