한,일 양국의 한일협정 반대운동 논리

박희진 ( Jin Hee Park ) 민주화운동기념사업회 2007 기억과 전망 Vol.16 No.-

Korea-Japan Treaty itself not only meant the reopening of diplomatic relationship between tow countries, but also a distinct joining of anti-Communist policies and Economics-driven ideologies throughout the North-Eastern Asian community. But reviewing the Korea-Japan treaty, we can see it was not based upon remorse or regret over the past history. And a desirable new course which should have been pursued and by everyone, was not an item that could be produced by the treaty. Therefore there was an opposition public opinion from Korea and Japan. It Criticized the humiliating diplomatic attitude of the government from Korea. The doubt regrading a northeast Asia military alliance was proposed from Japan. The Japanese government disapproved this opinion. The Korean government looked away a past history, it exchanged a Property claims for a Peace line. These were the point at issue of Korea-Japan Talks. After the liberation in 1945, Korea produced a manifest of properties damage and loss of human resources that occurred during Japan`s imperial occupation of Korea. In January 18, 1952, Korea declared the `Proclamation of Sovereignty over Adjacent Seas`, so-called `Peace Line`, which was signed by President Rhee, Syngman. The objective of establishing this Peace Line was to protect Korean fishery resources, prevent any kind of fishery disputes with Japan from ever happening, and secure the sovereign authority of Korea in its nearby sea areas. They were problems it nor be able concede. But Korea-Japan Treaty was contracted. The Treaty was based upon a Cold war sentimentality and economical pragmatism. This Kind of treaty was nor what the Koreans intended of wanted.

美軍政期 對日軍政貿易과 綿紡織産業

서문석 한일경상학회 2021 韓日經商論集 Vol.90 No.-

Purpose: This study examined the impact of the Military Government’s trade with Japan during the U.S. Military Government period (1945.9-1948.8) on South Korea’s cotton textile industry. Through this, we understood the situation of the cotton textile industry, South Korea’s representative sector, and looked at the impact of the U.S. Military Government’s import policy on the cotton textile industry and companies in the South Korea shortly after the collapse of the colonial economy. Research design, data, and methodology: South Korea’s colonial economic system, which had been built around the munitions industry, collapsed when its colonial rule ended. Most factories stopped procuring raw materials and components, and the Japanese-owned company’s operators disappeared. The South Korean economy was paralyzed when workers left the plant that stopped operating. When the Cold War began, the U.S. military government in South Korea expanded its trade with Japan through GHQ. Machinery imported from Japan by the U.S. military government included parts related to cotton spinning. Parts and consumables of cotton spinning facilities imported from Japan were distributed to vested textile factories under the control of the U.S. military government. South Korea’s cotton textile industry, which suffered from a shortage of cotton parts and supplies, repaired a considerable number of facilities in 1947. At that time, representative large-scale vested textile factories began to increase efficiency in terms of facilities, operations, raw materials, and labor. Results: The U.S. military government restored part of the dismantled colonial economic system through military trade with Japan and restored Korea-Japan economic relations. The U.S. military government's move was revealed when the Delegation of Korea to Japan was established and the Korea-Japan trade agreement was signed under the leadership of GHQ in 1949, which eventually contributed to the signing of the Korea-Japan Agreement in 1965. Implications: In conclusion, the military government’s trade between Korea and Japan during the U.S. Military Government period played a role in expanding the colonial economic relationship to after Liberation. In addition, it provided the prototype of the cooperative relationship established by Korean and Japanese companies after the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan

韩国安保外交的战略性变化对韩半岛局势的影响

두보(Bo Tu)(涂, 波) 한국국회학회 2022 한국과 세계 Vol.4 No.2

自金正恩成为北韩最高领导者后,北韩持续地进行了核试验并试射导弹,此举不仅加深了各利益相关国对韩半岛安全局势的担忧,还进而引发了一系列连锁效应。韩国在2017年也经历了朴槿惠政府因“崔顺实门”丑闻被弹劾下台,和共同民主党文在寅就任新总统等“大事件”。随着北韩在核问题上越走越远,原本志在继承和发扬“阳光政策”的文在寅新政府的安保外交立场在一定期间内也逐渐发生战略性变化,不仅加强了同美国的“传统”同盟关系,还在一定时期针对北韩在北核问题上的强硬态度,选择性地加强了韩美同盟和美日同盟的战略合作。但随后文在寅利用“平昌奥运会”的机会对北韩释放出了积极信号并获得了回应,两国拉开了以“平昌奥运会”为契机的南北对话序幕,扭转了南北关系的态势。本文以韩国安保外交的战略性变化对韩半岛的局势影响为研究目的,采取了文献研究方法进行分析。本文捕捉到了在北韩核导挑衅达到最高潮时,韩国文在寅政府安保外交政策出现了虽然短暂却明显的战略性变化。不过韩国认识到了单靠巩固军事同盟并不是解决韩半岛核问题的合理选项,转而加强对北韩的对话协商,带动韩半岛局势走向了缓和和对话,进而有望推动韩半岛实现最终的和平和繁荣。 After becoming North Korea s leader, Kim Jongen conducted nuclear tests and missile launches, which not only deepened the relevant countries’ concern about the security situation in the Korean peninsula, but also caused the South Korea to introduce THAAD system from the US, causing a series of knock-on effects. After going through Park Geunhae government’s “Choi Sunsil scandal”, Moon Jaein became the new president of South Korea. As North Korea walked to more extreme on the nuclear issue, Moon government, which originally wants to inherit and carry forward the Sunshine Policy , has gradually changed security strategic diplomatic stance by not only strengthening the traditional alliance with the United States, but also by discussing necessity of enhancing Korea-US and US-Japan alliance. However Moon government knew the “violence to violence” method might help improve the military deterrence against North Korea, but it’s not conductive to ease the situation. This paper adopted literature research method to analyze the influence of South Korea security diplomacy’s strategic change and its influence on the Korean Peninsula. South Korea realized that strengthening military alliance is not a rational choice, but insisting conversation and peace negotiation can find the way out of the dilemma. By doing this, South Korea performed a “sports diplomacy” to North Korea and brought Korea peninsula back to a relatively peaceful and consultative atmosphere.

한국과 동남아시아의 FTA에 관한 분석과 법적 제언

김호 한국외국어대학교 동남아연구소 2024 東南亞硏究 Vol.34 No.1

Korea has established a legal foundation for trade vitalization with Southeast Asian countries by constructing the Korea-Singapore FTA and the Korea-ASEAN FTA. The Korea-ASEAN FTA is a collective FTA in which Korea and the member countries of the ASEAN participate, but the member countries of this FTA are concluding bilateral FTAs between themselves more. Bilateral FTAs between Korea and Southeast Asian countries are building the environment enlarging the trade between the parties of such bilateral FTAs by respecting the basic order of the Korea-ASEAN FTA and focusing on the interest of the parties of such bilateral FTAs. The Korea-ASEAN FTA and Bilateral FTAs between Korea and Southeast Asian countries have relations of "general law and special law", and relations of "old law and new law" in most cases. Although China, Japan and Korea have competitively contracted FTAs in the Southeast Asian market, there is a difference in approach among the three countries. Particularly, Japan, unlike China and Korea, concluded bilateral FTAs with the member countries of the ASEAN firstly and contracted the Japan-ASEAN FTA later. FTAs of Korea with Southeast Asian countries may have synergy effect by harmonizing with other field such as ODA activity. To this end, it is necessary to build a legal infrastructure including the exchange and research of domestic laws of both sides, and use it effectively.

한·중 경제관계의 성과, 문제, 그리고 대응

임반석 한국동북아학회 2008 한국동북아논총 Vol.13 No.3

International trade and mutual economic cooperation between Korea-China set out after the start of China's reform and opening policy again. And the performance of Korea-China economic cooperation during past 15 years is marvelous. China became the first trade and export partner of Korea, and Korea the 4th trade partner to China. Not to mention Korea"s export to China, the dependency rate of Korea economy to Chinese economy is very high. Due to the trade with China, Korea has been gaining a great deal of surplus every year since 1993, and Korea became 2nd largest international trade deficit partner at present. Many research results say, from Korea's viewpoint, international production sharing between Korea and China is not so efficient. In spite of the comparative advantage in technology, the presents of Korea's parts and component export to China is not reasonable. In short, Korea do not fully utilize his comparative advantages. So, researchers agree that the model of economic cooperation between Korea and China is based not on the vertical mutual dependent relation but on the horizontal mutual dependent relation. Theoretically speaking, the basis of the horizontal mutual dependent relations is easy to change, namely unstable, in nature. From the facts argued above, we can get to this conclusion: Korea-China economic relations is very intimate but not stable. So, we need to build up a new economic corporation model. Of course, the Korea's efforts to create exclusive advantage industries and technologies have to be made incessantly. In addition, the results of this paper support, the new economic cooperation model between Korea and China is supposed to head to win-win direction, in China and world market, through active and affirmative mutual cooperation. 한중 교역은 이미 연간 1000억 달러를 넘었고, 중국은 한국의 1위 교역국이자 1위 수출국이고, 한국은 중국의 4대 교역국이다. 한중 교역에서 한국은 1993년부터 지속적인 일방적 대규모 흑자를 보고 있으며, 이로 인해 한국은 중국의 2위 적자 대상국이다. 중국과의 수출입은 한국 총수출입의 22%, 15%에 달하고 있으며, 중국의 총수출입에서 점하는 한국의 수출입의 비율은 각각 8%, 6% 정도로서, 중국경제에 비해 한국경제의 중국경제 의존도가 훨씬 높은 수준이다. 한중간에는 상호 보완적인 산업구조에도 불구하고 국제 생산분할이 합리적이라고 보기 어렵다. 그 이유는 열악한 국내 기업활동 환경을 피한 탈출, 거대한 내수시장 겨냥한 적극적인 진출, 중국의 기술이전 요구에 대한 순응 때문으로 해석된다. 한중 간에는 자본재 교역 비중이 거의 비슷한 데서 알 수 있듯이 한중 교역 구조는, 경제발전 수준과 기술수준의 격차에도 불구하고 '균형적인 상호의존 관계'의 성격이 강하다. 한국의 아시아에 대한 투자 중 60% 이상이 중국에 투자되고 있고, 한국의 중국투자는 중국 외국인 투자의 약 6.5%를 점할 만큼 한국자본의 중국투자는 매우 활발하다. 이에 비해 중국자본의 한국투자는 아직 활성화되지 않고 있다. 한국의 중국투자는 초기의 노동집약 중소기업에서 점차 기술-자본집약 대기업으로 전환되고 있고, 일부 저부가가치 공정의 이전보다는 주요 생산공정의 이전 형태가 증가하고 있다. 중국자본의 한국투자는 초기에 소규모 요식업 투자에서, 아직은 활발하지 않지만, 인수합병을 통한 경쟁력 있는 산업에 대한 기술습득형 투자로 바뀌고 있는 중이다. 중국의 외환보유고가 1.8조 넘었으나, 당분간 신규투자 형태의 한국진출을 기대하기는 쉽지 않다. 그렇지만 중국자본의 한국진출을 위한 한국의 제조업 및 3차 산업 분야에서 중국자본 유인 환경을 구축할 필요가 있으며, 상호 투자가 증대될 때 양국 경제협력은 안정성을 확보할 수 있다. 한중 간의 새로운 교역 및 국제분업 모형의 지향점을 생각할 때, 새로운 모형은 안정적이고 활발한 교역, 비교우위를 살린 합리적인 국제분업, 통상마찰 잠재성 축소를 통해 양국 간 상호 이익을 증진시키는 방향이어야 한다. 좀 더 구체적으로 말해서, 당연히 배타적인 우위 분야를 창출·유지하는 노력이 경주되어야 하지만, 많은 제조업 분야에서 경쟁도가 높아져 가고 있고 중국경제의 성장과 한국경제의 성장 간의 연관도가 높아져 가고 있는 만큼, 한중간 경제협력 패러다임의 바람직한 지향점은 경쟁보다는 적극적인 상호협력을 통한 내수장과 세계시장 진출이라는 방향이 되어야 할 것 같다.

남북한 아동문학 판타지의 통일담론 연구

이영미 사단법인 한국평화연구학회 2015 평화학연구 Vol.16 No.1

The purpose of this article is to shed a new light on the Uni-Korea discourse in the two Koreas’ fantasy novels for children. Historically, most regimes of each country have manipulated and disseminated their cultural policies with national ideological philosophy into the mandatory educational system. The system often implements these policies via literary works in the textbook, which blossoms the feelings of allegiance in the fantasy of children’s literary field. Fantasy novels for children generally has sparked the strong patriotism as political ideology between people. In the two Koreas in 1954 after the armistice of the Korean War, there were published a few seminal fantasies for children, especially Kang So-Chŏn’s Photo Studio Having Dream Taken in South Korea and Ri Wŏn-U’s The General Ax in North Korea. Showing distinct ideological values after the armistice of the Korean War, their two children’s literary works have so far led and disseminated the fantasy of different national feelings and goals for Uni-Korea in different systems. They basically have a similar plot of literature in the conformity of real world and unreal world, whereas they also have different directions for Uni-Korea. While the fantasy in South Korea focuses on the inner integration of longing for Uni-Korea with reminiscence, the other in North Korea expresses the historical resistance against the outside world, like Japan and U. S. A. as a invader, for Uni-Korea. I argue that this finding of similarities and differences in these fantasy novels for children re-illuminates meaningfully the cultural structure of feeling veiled between the two Koreas, which would be the underpinning of Uni-Korea in the future. 본고는 남북한의 대표적인 아동문학작가 강소천과 리원우의 작품에 나타난 문학적 세계관을 통해 남북한 통일담론의 차이를 포착하여 현재 남북한 문화감정구조의 동질성과 이질성에 대한 역사적 유래를 확인함과 동시에 향후 통일 시대 문화적 통합의 가능성을 찾아보고자 했다. 휴전 다음 해인 1954년 남한과 북한에서 출판된 두 작품, 즉 강소천의 <꿈을 찍는 사진관>과 리원우의 <도끼장군>이 현재 남북한의 통일담론의 동질성/이질성을 확인할 수 있는 가장 적절한 아동문학 판타지 작품으로 판단되어 본고의 분석텍스트로 선택하였다. 휴전 이래 지금까지 60여 년 동안 각 체제의 정치철학적 세계관이 추진해 나간 통일론의 문화인식론적 방향은, 남한이 내부 치유를 통한 민족통일론으로, 북한이 외세 대항을 통한 민족통일론으로 진행되었던 바, 그 분기(分岐)된 문화적 원형의 감정구조가 바로 이 두 작품의 비교 분석을 통해 선명하게 확인될 수 있었다. 남북이 마음으로 화합하면 통일이 될 수 있다는 그리움과 기억의 내향형 판타지를 통해 통일의식을 드러낸 남한, 그리고 외세에 대항하는 힘을 같이 길러야 통일이 될 수 있다는 외향형 판타지를 지속적으로 선동한 북한의 통일의식은, 1954년 이 두 아동문학 판타지 작품들에서 포착되는 것처럼, 휴전 직후부터 분기되어 강하게 서로간의 차이점을 노정하여 왔던 것이다. 남한의 통일관과 북한의 통일관이 역사적으로 서로 다른 모습으로 성장해온 문화적 기원이 이 연구에서 확인됨으로써 향후 남북한이 그 정치사상적 배경의 차이를 상호 이해하고 통합의 아젠다를 구체적으로 구상해 나아가는 데 중요한 기반이 마련될 수 있을 것이라 기대한다.

The Implications for the Korea-EU FTA: Lessons from the Previous Experience

이종원,신상협 한국유럽학회 2007 유럽연구 Vol.24 No.-

In this study, we mainly discuss about the Korea‐EU FTA which seems to be relatively easier to be completed than the Korea‐USA FTA. For this, firstly we review the FTA policy of the EU and Korea. We also analyze the economic effects of the Korea‐EU FTA, comparing it with the economic effects of the Korea‐USA FTA. We will analyze how the USA‐Mexico FTA was established. Finally, based on this research, the following suggestions are suggested to the Korean government for the successful completion of the Korea‐EU FTA. Firstly, we should consider enough about our position towards the current trade‐related issues which have been raised by both Korea and the EU for the FTA negotiations with the EU. Secondly, we should make efforts to increase the number of products made by Kaesung special economic area, which we will try to persuade the EU to recognize them as Korean made products at the negotiations. This is very important for the future economic relations between the North and South Korea. Thirdly, Korea should also well prepare our positions towards negotiations in service sector with the EU. This is because the EU has comparative advantages in the international market so that the EU is expected to maximize their benefits in the service sector in the negotiation for the Korea‐EU FTA. 이 논문에서는 유럽연합(EU)이 한국의 FTA 상대로서의 가능성을 심층 분석하고 있다. 이를 위해 우선 한국과 EU의 FTA가 한국 경제에 미칠 수 있는 경제적 효과를 기존의 연구결과를 중심으로 분석하였다. 또한 EU와의 FTA협정을 추진함에 있어서 예상되는 어려움 등을 이미 EU가 설립한 EUMexico FTA 협정을 분석함으로써 조사했다. 동시에 이 분석을 기초로 하여 한국이 EU와 FTA를 추진함에 있어서 바람직하다고 생각되는 전략을 소개하고 있다.

RCA-CAC분석을 통해 본 한국의 대EU 수출경쟁력

김주리 한국외국어대학교 EU연구소 2018 EU연구 Vol.- No.50

In this study, the export competitiveness of Korea's 20 largest export items in the EU market and the global market is compared and analyzed using the RCA and CAC index in order to analyze the cause of the Korea's Trade Deficit with EU after the Korea-EU FTA. As a result of the RCA-CAC analysis, Korea-EU trade showed a typical trade pattern among developed countries with a capital-intensive export product structure. In terms of technology -intensive items, Korea was in a relatively inferior position compared to the EU, and Korea's export competitiveness in the capital-labor mixed export items was superior to the EU. In particular, the comparative advantages in the EU market since the entry into force of the Korea-EU FTA were automobiles and parts, steel products, oil and cosmetics, and knitting, among which oil and cosmetics were more competitive in export in the EU market than in the international market. Meanwhile, the EU's competitive advantage in the Korean market was automobiles and parts, machinery, ships, and copper products. The European machinery, which has improved its competitiveness in the Korean market since the FTA took effect, has contributed to the increase in Korea's EU imports. Especially, the increase in imports of machinery, which is equivalent to the EU's comparatively inferior export, is the result of the importation of parts and intermediate goods imported from Japan into EU products. Therefore, Korea should identify the cause of its declining competitiveness after the Korea-EU FTA. In the capital-labor mixed export item group, self-help measures should be prepared to strengthen the constitution from price competitiveness to quality competitiveness. In addition, Korea should take a two-sided strategy to enhance import suppression and promote exports through quality differentiation strategies in product groups that are improving competitiveness simultaneously in mutual markets. And the government should actively respond to the EU's safety guard survey on Korean steel products, which are improving their competitiveness in the EU market. 이 연구에서는 한-EU FTA 체결 이후 발생하고 있는 한국의 대EU 무역역조 현상의 원인을 분석하기 위하여 20대 수출품목의 대EU 및 대세계 수출경쟁력을 RCA, CAC지수를 이용하여 비교 분석하고 있다. RCA-CAC분석 결과, 한-EU 무역은 유사한 자본집약형 수출상품구조를 띤 전형적인 선진국 간 무역패턴을 보였고, 기술집약적 품목군에 있어서 한국은 EU에 비해 비교열위 상태이며, 자본-노동 혼합형 수출품목에서는 한국의 수출경쟁력이 EU보다 비교우위를 점하고 있었다. 특히, 한-EU FTA 발효 이후 EU 시장에서 경쟁력이 개선된 비교우위 수출품은 자동차&부품(87), 철강제품(73), 정유/화장품(33), 편물(60)이었고, 그중에서 정유/화장품(33)은 국제시장보다 EU 시장에서의 수출경쟁력이 더 높았다. 한편, 한국시장에서 경쟁력이 개선된 EU의 비교우위품목은 자동차&부품(87), 기계류(84), 선박(89), 구리제품(74)이었고, 기계류(84)도 FTA 발효 이후 한국시장에서 경쟁력이 개선되면서 한국의 대EU 수입 규모를 증가시키는 원인으로 작용하였다. 특히 EU의 비교열위 수출품에 해당하는 기계류(84)의 수입증가는 일본으로부터 수입하던 부품 소재와 중간재 등의 수입이 EU 제품으로 전환된, 한-EU FTA로 말미암는 무역전환 효과의 귀결이라 하겠다. 따라서 한국은 한-EU FTA 체결 이후 대EU 비교열위 상태가 심화되고 있는 수출품목에 대한 원인 규명과 경쟁력 향상방안을 재검토하고, 자본-노동 혼합형 수출품목군에 있어서는 가격경쟁력에서 품질경쟁력으로의 체질 강화를 위한 자구책을 조속히 마련해야 할 것이다. 그리고 상호시장에서 동시적으로 경쟁력이 개선되고 있는 자동차&부품(87) 등의 제품군에 대해서는 품질 차별화 전략을 통해 수입억제력을 제고시키는 동시에 수출촉진을 도모하는 양동 전략을 강구하여야 할 것으로 보인다. 특히, FTA 발효 이후 EU 시장에서 경쟁력이 개선되고 있는 한국산 철강제품에 대한 EU의 세이프가드 조사에 대응하여 정부 차원의 적극적인 대응책이 모색되어야 할 것이다.

China's Nonferrous Metals Industry and Implications for Korea-China FTA Negotiations

고정오,조정란 인하대학교 정석물류통상연구원 2013 JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LOGISTICS AND TRADE Vol.11 No.3

Korea and China have promoted a bilateral FTA since 2005 to upgrade their economic relationships. If the Korea-China FTA is concluded, then trade between the two countries is likely to involve substantial changes both quantitatively and qualitatively. Offer lists submitted by Korea include steel, petrochemicals and machinery and those by China include some agricultural and marine products as well as nonferrous metals. Korea's interest in the Korea-China FTA has focused mainly on damage to the agricultural sector and there have been a lot of studies on the effects of the FTA on Korean agricultural sector. However, little is known about why China includes the nonferrous metals industry for early voluntary liberalization and its implications for the domestic economy. Nonferrous metals industry is one of China’s national strategic sectors and has a large supply excess in the country. This study targets the survey of Chinese nonferrous metals industry and trade structure and considers the problem of nonferrous metals in the context of negotiations for the Korea-China FTA and its implications for a higher-quality Korea-China FTA. Korea and China have promoted a bilateral FTA since 2005 to upgrade theireconomic relationships. If the Korea-China FTA is concluded, then trade between the two countries is likely to involve substantial changes both quantitatively and qualitatively. Offer lists submitted by Korea include steel, petrochemicals and machinery and those by China include some agricultural and marine products as well as nonferrous metals. Korea's interest in the Korea-China FTA has focused mainly on damage to the agricultural sector and there have been a lot of studies on the effects of the FTA on Korean agricultural sector. However, little is known about why China includes the nonferrous metals industry for early voluntary liberalization and its implications for the domestic economy. Nonferrous metals industry is one of China’s national strategic sectors and has a large supply excess in the country. This study targets the survey of Chinese nonferrous metals industry and trade structure and considers the problem of nonferrous metals in the context of negotiations for the Korea-China FTA and its implications for a higher-quality Korea-China FTA.

韓國 精神 障碍의 疫學的 調査 硏究(ⅩⅧ) : Cross National Epidemiology of Social Phobia 社會恐怖症과 國家別 比較

李定均,李奎恒 大韓神經精神醫學會 1997 신경정신의학 Vol.36 No.3

한국에서 DIS-Ⅲ 한국어판을 사용하여 얻은 사회공포증과 미국, 캐나다, 및 푸엘토리코에서 DIS-Ⅲ를 사용하여 얻은 결과를 비교 연구하여 다음과 같은 결과를 얻었다. 1) 대상 연구 인원은 한국 5100명, 미국 18571명, 캐나다 3285명 및 푸엘토리코 1513명이었다. 2) 반응률은 푸엘토리코 91%로서 가장 많고 다음이 한국 83%, 미국 76%, 태나다 72%의 순이다. 3) 남녀별은 여자가 미국과 캐나다 59%, 푸엘토리코 57%이고 한국은 52%이다. 4) 사회공포증의 평생유병률은 미국이 가장 많아 2.6%, 캐나다 1.7%, 푸엘토리코 1.0%이며 한국 이 가장 적어서 0.5%이다. 남자에서는 미국이 2.1%, 캐나다 1.3%, 푸엘토리코 0.8% 및 한국 0.1%의 순이며 여자에서는 미국 3.1% 캐나다 2.1% 푸엘토리코 1.1% 한국은 1.0%이다. 5) 평균 발병 연령은 캐나다가 14.6세로 가장 빠르고 다음이 미국 15.8세 푸엘토리코 19.8세, 한국은 가장 늦어서 24.3세이다. 남자에서는 미국이 가장 빨라 15.9세, 캐나다 16.9세, 푸엘토리코 20.6세이고 한국이 가장 늦어 23.2세이다. 여자에서는 캐나다 13.3세로 가장 빠르로 미국 15.8세, 푸엘토리코 19.4세이고 한국이 가장 늦어 24.8세이다. 다른 정신장애 발병보다 먼저 발병하는 것은 푸엘토리코 81%로 가장 많고 미국이 72%, 한국 53%이고 캐나다 50%로 가장 적다. 6) 사회공포증의 다른 정신장애와의 평생 병발 이환률은 미국 2.5%, 캐나다 1.4%, 푸엘토리코 1.0% 한국 0.7%이며 단독 발병은 캐나다 1.1%, 미국 1.0%, 푸엘토리코0.3%, 한국 0.1%이다. 7) 다른 정신장애에서 자살 기도와 사회공포증의 관계는 미국에서 사회공포증이 있는 경우 17%, 없는 경우 7%, 캐나다에서는 있는 경우 20%이고 없을 때는 9%, 푸엘토리코에서는 있는경우 30%이고 없는 때는 16%이다. 한국에서는 있는 경우 31%이며 없을 때는 6%이다. 8) 증상의 차이는 국가에 따라 다르다. 타인 앞에서 음식을 먹을 때의 두려움은 미국, 캐나다, 한국, 푸엘토리코의 순으로 많다. 타인 앞에서 말하는 두령움은 푸엘토리코에서 가장 많고 미국, 캐나다, 한국의 순이다. 모르는 사람에게 말하는 두려움은 한국이 가장 많고 캐나다, 미구, 푸엘토리코의 순이다. The nationwide epidemiological study of mental disorders including social phobia in Korea using DIS-Ⅲ Korean Version was conducted in the Capital City of Korea(Seoul and 20 rural areas and compaired to the other 3 countries. The results were as follows : 1) Total number of study of Korea was 5.100, USA 18571, Canada 3258 and Puerto Rico 1513. 2) The highest response rate was Puerto Rico and Korea, USA and Canada in order. 3) Female ratio was highest in the USA and Canada, next is Puerto Rico and Korea. 4) The lifetime prevalance of social phobia of the USA was 2.6%, Canada 1.7%, Puerto Rico 1.0% and Korea 0.5%. The Highest ratio was the USA and Canada, Puerto Rico and Korea in male and in female in order. 5) Mean age of onset, Canada was earliest(14.6yrs. old) and USA(15.8), Puerto Rico(19.8) and Korea(24.3). In male the earliest was USA and Canada, Puerto Rico and Korea. Onset of social phobia before onset of other psychiatric disorder, the highest was Puerto Rico and USA, Korea and Canada. 6) Comorbidity was the highest in the USA and Canada, Puerto Rico and Korea. 7) The effect of social phobia of the risk of suicide attempts in persons with any other psychiatric disorder, in case of comorbid with social phobia was much more frequent than not comorbid with social phobia. 8) Eating fear in front of people was the highest in the USA and Canada, Korea and Puerto Rico in order. Fear of speaking in front of group was the highest in Puerto Rico and USA, Canada and Korea. Fear of speaking to strangers was the highest in Korea and Canada, USA and Puerto Rico.