원동민족혁명단체대표회와 한국독립운동 (1) -대회 개최의 배경과 준비

반병률 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 역사문화연구소 2018 역사문화연구 Vol.65 No.-

This article is the first one of the two articles which deals with the relationship between 'The 'Congress of the Communist and Revolutionary Organizations of the Far East' and Korea independence movement. First of all, I provide a description of the two time postponement of the congress since the Communist International convened the congress against the Washington Conference in August 1921. It was originally intended to be held in Irkutsk on November 11, 1921, but was postponed to December due to lack of preparation and late arrival of the delegates.(First postponement) It was postponed again with the location being changed to Moscow (Second delay). The reason for this was that it was not easy to proceed with the congress because of the remote location along with a proposal to wait for the results of the Washington Conference and thus be able to respond and criticize imperialism more effectively. Apart from the official reasons, there was also the intent of promoting propaganda to display a bright prospect of the revolutionary tasks in the Far East to the Russian masses of Moscow. In this regard, the author highlight the role of the prominent socialist Katayama Sen of Japan. Secondly, I discussed the question on the the name of the congress. In order to clarify the confused explanations about the name, this article analyzed the changes in the names appearing in official documents. As a result of this analysis it is clarified that the name, ‘the First Congress of the Communist and Revolutionary Organizations of the Far East’ as used in ‘the Manifesto to the peoples of the Far East’ was adopted at the congress. Before and after the congress, the Korean independence movement faced many pending issues such as the establishment of a unified national revolutionary organization, Moscow fund, and the factional struggle between the two Korean Communist Parties: the Shanghai and Irkutsk Groups. The roles of the leaders of the Far Eastern Secretariat of the Communist International (Shumiatsky, Voitinsky, etc.), who organized and took in charge of the congress, were very important. The direction of the Korean independence movement were dependent on how they led the congress. We argue in the article that the success of the congress should be judged on whether or not the congress overcame the disruption of factional struggle since 1921, symbolized by the Svobodny City Incident (June 1921). 이 글은 원동민족혁명단체대표회와 한국독립운동의 관계를 다룬 두 편의 논문 가운데 첫번째에 해당하며, 대회 개최 전까지의 시기를 다루었다. 이 글에서는 첫번째로 국제공산당 집행위원회가 1921년 8월 워싱톤회의에 대항하여 대회 소집을 제창한 이래 대회 개최가 두 차례 연기된 사실을 밝혔다. 즉, 처음에는 1921년 11월 11일 이르쿠츠크에서 개최하려고 했으나 대표들의 도착 지역과 준비 부족 때문에 같은 해 12월로 연기하였다.(1차 연기) 그리하여 대회장소인 이르쿠츠크에 집결한 각국 대표들이 민족별 회의와 분과별 회의를 통하여 보고서를 작성하는 등 대회 준비가 어느 정도 되었지만, 다시 다음 해 1월 하순으로 연기되고 장소도 모스크바로 변경되었다.(2차 연기). 그 이유는 개최장소가 멀어 행사 진행이 쉽지 않다는 점과 워싱톤회의의 결과를 기다려 보다 많은 자료들을 갖고 제국주의를 비판하자는 제안이 있었기 때문이었다. 이 글에서는 이러한 이유 외에도 모스크바의 러시아대중들에게 동양혁명에 대한 밝은 전망을 보여주고자 하는 선전홍보의 목적도 있었다고 보았다. 이와 관련하여 일본의 저명한 사회주의자 카타야마 센의 역할에 주목하였다. 둘째, 이 글에서는 대회의 명칭에 관한 혼선을 정리하기 위하여 공식적 문건상에 나타난 명칭의 변화를 분석하였다. 이 분석의 결과, 이 글에서는 대회에서 채택한 바, 원동의 각민족에게 보내는 선언서(Manifesto)에서 사용한 ‘the First Congress of the Communist and Revolutionary Organizations of the Far East (원동의 공산주의적, 혁명적 조직들의 제1회 대회)’이 참가 대표들의 성격에 부합한다고 보았다. 대회의 개최를 전후하여 한국독립운동세력은 통일적 민족혁명기관의 수립문제(임시정부 개혁문제), 모스크바자금 문제나 상해파와 이르쿠츠크파의 분파투쟁 등 여러 현안문제들에 직면해 있었다. 당시 조선혁명에 대한 지대한 영향력을 갖고 있던 국제공산당 동양혁명 책임자들( 슈미야츠키, 보이틴스키 등 원동서기국 간부들)의 역할은 매우 중요했다. 이들이 대회를 어떻게 이끌어가느냐에 한국독립운동의 향방이 달려 있었다. 대회는 자유시참변으로 상징되는 1921년 이후의 파벌투쟁의 폐해를 극복해야 하느냐 여부에 그 성공 여부가 결정될 것이다.

조선공산당 창립 시기 표면단체의 갈등 1925년 전조선민중운동자대회를 중심으로

김국화 한국근현대사학회 2022 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.103 No.-

이 글의 목적은 1925년 4월 20일과 21일에 개최 예정이었던 전조선민중운동자대회(이하 ‘대회’로 줄임)의 자초지종을 재구성하고 대회의 성격을 밝히는데에 있다. 또한 대회 의안 분석을 통해 대회 개최를 두고 갈등이 생긴 이유를분석하고자 한다. 대회는 1925년 2월부터 준비에 들어갔다. 대회 개최를 주도한 단체는 ‘동조그룹’이었다. ‘동조그룹’은 화요회를 중심으로 해서 북풍회, 조선청년총동맹, 조선노농총동맹을 비롯한 기타 단체를 포괄하는 그룹이었다. 이대회가 열린다는 보도가 된 직후, ‘반대그룹’은 대회 개최를 반대한다는 입장을표명했다. ‘반대그룹’은 서울청년회가 중심이 된 그룹이다. ‘반대그룹’의 반대에도 불구하고 대회는 열리기로 결정되었다. 1925년 4월 20일까지 전국에서 대회 참가 신청을 한 단체와 반대하는 단체는 각각 400여 개가 넘었다. 대회 이틀전인 4월 18일 일제는 대회 개최를 금지했다. 대회 내용이 불온하다는 이유였다. 대회가 금지되자 대회 당일인 4월 20일 밤, 대회 대의원들은 거리로 나와 시위를 벌였다. 이 대회에서는 조선 사회의 전반 문제에 대해 공개석상에서 토의하려고 했다. ‘동조그룹’은 전국적 규모의 통일운동 방침을 토의하려고 했고, ‘반대그룹’ 측은 이 대회가 통일이 아닌 분열을 위한 대회라며 반대했다. 동조그룹과 반대그룹은 비밀결사가 아니라 표면에서 공개적으로 활동하던 단체들이었다. 이들은 대회를 이용하여 표면단체 사이에서 우위를 점하기 위한 목적을가지고 대회를 열거나 혹은 반대하려고 했다. The purpose of this paper is to reconstruct the whole story of All-Korean the People’s Activist and the clarify what the Congress, scheduled to be held on April 20 and 21. In addition, through the agenda of the Congress, analyze the reasons for the conflict over the holding of the Congress. The Congress began preparations in February 1925. The organization that led the Congress was the ‘Agreement Group’, ‘Agreement Group’ was a group that encompasses Buk-pung Association, All Joseon Youth Alliance, the Federation Korean Labores, Joseon Farmer-Labour General Confederation and other groups centered on the Tuesday Association. Shortly after in was reported that the Congress would be held, the ‘Opposition Group’ expressed their opposition the Congress. ‘Opposition Group’ was a group centered on the Seoul Youth Association. Despite opposition from the ‘Opposition Group’, the Congress was decided th be held. By April 20, 1925, there was more than 400 groups that applied for participation in the Congress and opposed it. On April 18, two days before the Congress, Imperialism of Japan banned. The reason was that the contents of the Congress were unsettled. When the Congress was banned, on the night of April 20, the day of the Congress, delegates took to the street to protest. In this Congress, tried to discuss the general issues of Joseon society in public. ‘Agreement Group’ tried to discuss the policy of the national unification movement, and ‘Opposition Group’ opposed this Congress was competition for division, not unification. ‘Agreement Group’ and ‘Opposition Group’ were not an underground organization, but openly active groups. They tried to hold or oppose the Congress with the aim of using an advantage through it.

33rd International Congress ISBT Seoul 2014를 되돌아보며…

권소영,한규섭 대한수혈학회 2014 大韓輸血學會誌 Vol.25 No.3

The 33rd International Congress of the ISBT was held in conjunction with the 33rd Congress of the Korean Society of Blood Transfusion (KSBT) and the 2014 Congress of the Korean Hematology Societies in Seoul. The idea to host an ISBT congress came to birth among KSBT members whilst attending the 18th Regional ISBT Congress held in Hanoi in 2007. Finally after 4 years, this idea became reality when Seoul was awarded to host the 2014 International Congress. After a short period of excitement, we soon had to realize that organising an international congress is a huge challenge with tremendous work involved! During the 3 years of preparation the ISBT headquarters and the local organising committee had several meetings that were not easy. But at the end, our concentrated and energetic discussions turned out to be most productive and made this congress a huge success. Highest appreciation again for their marvelous support goes to Peter Flanagan, ISBT President, and Judith Chapman, ISBT Executive Director. During the Korean day, three parallel sessions were held, attracting not only participants from the field of transfusion medicine but also many clinicians working in the field of hematology and transplantation. Martin Olsson, ISBT Scientific Secretary, and the local scientific committee did a great job in preparing an excellent scientific program that not only dealt with traditional topics of transfusion medicine but also hot topics like cellular therapy and clinical aspects of transfusion medicine. A total of 55 sessions were run in five tracks dealing with immunobiology of blood cells, blood safety, clinical aspects, donors & donation, and cellular therapies. 758 abstracts from 68 countries were submitted, among which 93 high quality abstracts were chosen for oral presentations and 603 for poster presentations. With 77 esteemed invited speakers presenting their cutting-edge research, all sessions were well attended and followed by lively discussions between speakers and the audience. Industry was also well presented and participants had the opportunity to exchange their experiences and take home information about the latest developments provided by the 74 exhibitors. But a congress isn’t only about science! The opening ceremony started with the traditional presentation of the talking stick to the Congress President, Prof. Kyou-Sup Han. Afterwards, participants enjoyed the serenity and the flowing movements of Seoungmu, the Buddhist monk’s dance, and Pungmulnori, a Korean folk music and dance tradition. All participants were greeted with a taste of Korean cuisine at the welcome reception. During the Speakers Dinner, guests had the chance to learn about the history of Korea and the Korean alphabet. The congress party, however, was the highlight of the social events. Since the congress took place in the middle of Gangnam, the southern part of Seoul, it was a must for everybody to learn dancing “Gangnam Style”. Participants were invited onto stage to compete for the best dancer award and soon the stage was filled with joyously dancing participants and within seconds the party hall turned into a twilight zone. The party is over. It is time now to prepare calmly for the next stage. Hopefully ISBT Seoul 2014 will serve as a starting point to motivate many researchers working in the field of transfusion medicine and blood program to become more engaged at an international level.

대한민국 임시의정원 강원도의원의 구성과 활동

황선익 강원사학회 2019 江原史學 Vol.0 No.33

Korean Provisional Congress set the principle of representative democracy by using a regional election precinct. Basically, Members of the Korean Provisional Congress were elected based on the Member’s hometown. This election precinct institution was consecutively observed from April 25, 1919, when the Law of Korean Provisional Congress was announced until the restoration of national independence. Congress members from Gangwon Province worked from the second and third Provisional Congress. Han Ki-ak and Lee Phil-kyu who were congress members from Wonju worked before the establishment of the Law of Korean Provisional Congress. Lee Phil-kyu was active in congressional politics from the Fourth Provisional Congress until 1922. On the other hand, Song Seo-ho, Park Yong-gak who were congress members from Cheorwon was active in congressional politics representing Gangwon Province. Congress Members from Gangwon Province sequentially suspended congressional politics activities because of the influence on secret activities in Korea and breakaway from the provisional government of Park Yong Man’s political line. Because of the Korean National Representatives Conference in 1923 created a vacancy of Gangwon Province election precinct. Yeom Eun-dong’ s congressional politics activities was noticeable although Congress Members from Gangwon Province’s ups and downs. However, Members from Gangwon Province was vacancy after joining the Korean National Revolutionary Party of Yeom Eun-dong. Congress Members from Gangwon Province resumed politics activities when the provisional government was in Chongqing. Many Korean independence activists have joined the provisional government again through Integration into the provisional government. Therefore, Congress Members from Gangwon Province were recruited in this political change. Kim Kwan-oh and Lee Koo-yeon were elected middle-grade Korean Independent Party and Korean National Revolutionary Party respectively. Moreover, they were elected representative committee of Gangwon Province when the United Parliament was established through the 34th Provisional Congress. They work on positive in the Korean Restoration Army and police organization of the provisional government. Furthermore, their role was expanded in the last stage of the Pacific War. Korea Province election precinct of Gangwon Province shows changes of Provisional Congress and Provisional government compressively. It was a microcosm that was split of Provisional government and breakaway of the executive in Provisional government, resumption of political activities and return of executive in Provisional government, and composition of a United Parliament and a unified government. 대한민국 임시의정원은 지역별 선거구 운용을 통해 대의민주주의 원칙을 표방했다. 기본적으로 임시의정원 의원은 본적지와 연고지를 근거로 의원에 선출되었다. 이러한 선거구제도는 임시의정원법이 제정되어 공포된 1919년 4월 25일부터 광복때까지 계속 지켜졌다. 강원도 출신 의원은 1919년 4월 제2, 3회 임시의정원에서부터 활동하였다. 한기악, 이필규 등 원주 출신 인사들이 임시의정원법 제정 전에 이미 의원으로 활동한 것이다. 그러다 제4회 임시의정원에서부터는 이필규가 1922년까지 강원도를 대표하여의정 활동을 하였다. 한편으로 철원과 연고가 있는 송세호, 박용각이 제4회 임시의정원 의원에 선임되었다. 이들은 국내와의 비밀활동의 영향이나, 박용만노선의 임시정부 탈각 등으로 인해 순차적으로 의정활동을 중단하였다. 1923년 국민대표회의개최는 강원도선거구가 공백으로 남는 계기가 되었다. 1920년대 강원도 임시의정원의원들의 부침과 이탈 속에서 염온동의 활동이 두드러졌다. 그러나 1935년 민족혁명당에 합류하면서 강원도의원은 다시 공석이 되었다. 강원도 의원이 다시 활동을 재개한 것은 중경시기에 이르러서였다. 임시정부의통합 흐름 속에서 많은 독립운동가가 임시정부에 다시 합류하게 되었고, 강원도의원도 그러한 맥락에서 충원되었다. 1942년 10월 제34회 임시의정원 회의를 통한통합의회가 구성될 때 김관오와 이구연은 각각 한국독립당과 민족혁명당을 대표하는 중견 인사이자 강원도 대표 의원으로 선출되었다. 이들은 모두 한국광복군 및경찰조직 등에서 활동을 하였고, 전쟁이 막바지에 이르자 역할이 증대되었다. 대한민국 임시의정원 강원도 선거구는 임시의정원의 구성 변천을 알려주는 한편, 임시의정원 및 임시정부 변천을 압축적으로 보여준다. 임시정부의 분열과 요인들의이탈, 장정 시기 이후 임시정부로의 복귀와 활동 재개, 그리고 통일정부 및 통합의회구성 등이 마치 축소판처럼 대비된다.

‘ACTS 신학공관’과 그리스도인의 사회참여- 베를린대회와 로잔대회에서 복음전도와 사회참여의 관계 연구

전희준 아신대학교 ACTS 신학연구소 2023 ACTS 신학저널 Vol.56 No.-

The World Congress on Evangelism in Berlin(1966) is the starting point of both the establishment of ACTS University and the First International Congress on World Evangelization in Lausanne the same year(1974). However, while the Lausanne Congress established a holistic mission theology that integrates evangelism and Christians’ social responsibility, there is no specific mention of Christians’ social responsibility in the ‘ACTS Theological Synoptic Movement,’ that is, a theological movement that clarifies and articulates the theological position and missional task of ACTS. Thus, this article studies the historical background of the establishment of ACTS University and Lausanne Congress and makes two conclusions. First, the Lausanne Congress connected evangelism and social responsibility more closely than the Berlin Congress, and the founding ideology of ACTS University follows the position of the Berlin Congress. Both the Berlin Congress and Lausanne Congress emphasize evangelism while opposing the theology of the World Council of Churches (WCC), which puts social acts before evangelism. However, while Berlin Congress did not emphasize social responsibility, the Lausanne Congress declared the priority of evangelism while connecting evangelism and social responsibility more closely. Meanwhile, the establishment of ACTS University was planned at the Singapore Congress which was a result of the Berlin Congress. Therefore, ACTS University took the same theology as the Berlin Congress regarding Christians’ social responsibility. Second, the Berlin Congress had less emphasis on social responsibility compared to the Lausanne Congress, but that does not mean that the Berlin Congress completely ignored the issue of social justice. the Berlin Congress declared the priority of evangelism more clearly with the conviction that social reform will occur as a result and fruit of evangelism. Therefore, although ‘ACTS Theological Synoptic Movement’ does not explicitly declare Christians’ social responsibility, it can be understood that ‘ACTS Theological Synoptic Movement’ inherits the theology of the Berlin Congress, so evangelism and social reform are set as roots and fruits.

대한민국 임시의정원의 상임위원회 설치와 운영

이재호 숭실사학회 2018 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.41

The Korean Provisional Congress was established in shanhai(上海) on the 10th of April, 1919 and worked till its returning to korea with The Korean Provisional Government. It is important to reveal the Korean Provisional Congress’s role and operating reality. Also It is important to find the origin of National Assembly of Korea. The regulation of The Korean Provisional Congress’s standing committee was stipulated in The law of the Provisional Congress of April, 1919 and revised the law of the Provisional Congress of September, 1919. The Korean Provisional Congress as legislature managed the standing committee divided to branch depend on the role of The Korean Provisional Government as administration. The standing committee deliberated national undertaking of administration and The Korean Provisional Government’s business was managed as efficiently. Since February 1920(the 7th conference), The standing committee of the Korean Provisional Congress managed in earnest. The standing committee was divided eight branch depend on matters under the jurisdiction. Each of branch elected five standing members and they evaluated itinerary to submit. After, standing members reported to Chairman of The Korean Provisional Congress. The standing committee changed throughout The Provisional Constitution of the 3th amendment of constitution in 1927. When the Korean Provisional Congress didn't open, The standing committee actived as kept authority. The Korean Provisional Government reformed constitution for vitalization in 1927. Also, the standing committee changed its character for emergency system. The standing committee administered the affairs of the Korean Provisional Government from 1927 to 1940(the 4th amendment of constitution). The standing committee had powerful authority for examination of accounts, agreement of budgeted appropriation, resignation reception of Cabinet Members, study & hearing of independence activity and such. The Korean Provisional Government moved to Chongqing(重慶) far from shanghai after Yoon Bong-gil(尹奉吉)’s patriotic deed in 1932. The standing committee of The Korean Provisional Government’s Migration Period was managed as efficiently. The working period of The standing committee was required from the end of competent regular session till next regular session. And Provisional Constitution changed from seven persons standing members to three persons in election. The standing committee of the Korean Provisional Government’s migration period pushed administration’s the installation laws for department of foreign & financial affairs through in 1934. The Korean Provisional Government’s large cabinet members got in on the People’s revolutionary party in 1935. Therefore made blank in the Korean Provisional Government, The standing committee was handled the crisis. And The standing committee was helped The Korean Provisional Government’s military provision after the Sino-Japanese War in 1937. Since 1927, The standing committee was managed emergency system for maintenance and protection of The Korean Provisional Government’s Provisional Constitution system for 14 years. The Korean Provisional Congress deleted regulations of standing committee in the new Provisional Constitution in the 9th of October, 1940. The standing committee returned original role as provided by The law of the Provisional Congress. 대한민국 임시의정원은 上海에서 1919년 4월 10일 제1회 회의를 개최한 이래, 1945년 해방을 맞아 환국할 때까지 대한민국 임시정부와 함께 활동하였다. 임시의정원의 역할과 운영의 실상을 밝히는 것은 임시정부를 제대로 이해하는 것은 물론이고 현재 대한민국 국회의 뿌리를 찾는 데 있어서도 중요한 문제이다. 이 글에서는 임시의정원에 설치된 상임위원회의 구성과 운영의 구체적인 실상을 밝혀 임시의정원의 다양한 활동을 조명하였다. 임시의정원 상임위원회는 1919년 4월에 제정한 「임시의정원법」과 같은 해 9월 『개정 임시의정원법」에 운영 규정이 명시되어 있다. 입법부의 성격을 갖는 임시의정원이 행정부인 임시정부의 각 부서에 맞게 분과를 나누어 상임위원회를 운영하여 정부의 사업을 심의 감독함으로써 사업이 효율적으로 진행될 수 있었다. 임시의정원 상임위원회가 본격적으로 운영된 것은 「임시의정원법」 개정 이후 처음 열린 1920년 2월 제7회 회의 때부터였다. 상임위원회는 소관사항에 따라 8개과로 나누었는데, 각과에 상임위원 5인을 선정하여 정부에서 제출한 안건을 심사하고 의장에게 보고하게 되어 있었다. 이렇게 의장에게 보고된 안건은 본 회의에서 처리되었다. 1927년 제3차 개헌에 따른 「임시약헌」에 규정된 상임위원회는 「임시의정원법」에 규정된 상임위원회와 달랐다. 임시의정원이 열리지 않을 때도 활동하고 그 직권이 유지되도록 하였다. 1927년의 헌법 개정이 임시정부의 침체 국면을 타개하기 위한 방편에서 이루어졌듯이 상임위원회도 비상체제에 대비하여 성격을 바꾼 것이다. 1927년부터 1940년 제4차 헌법 개정때까지 운영된 상임위원회는 임시정부의 政務 일체를 관여하였고, 국가의 회계 검사, 예산 외의 지출 동의, 국무위원의 사직 수리, 광복운동과 외교사업에 관한 연구와 심리 등 막강 권한을 가졌다. 1932년 윤봉길의거 후 上海를 떠나 重慶에 정착하기 전 이동시기에 상임위원회는 더욱 효율적으로 운영되었다. 상임위원회의 활동기간을 당해 년도 정기의회를 마치고 다음 정기의회까지로 명확히 규정하였고, 임시약헌을 손질하여 기존 7명까지 상임위원을 선출하였던 것을 현실화하여 3인으로 구성하도록 하였다. 이동시기 상임위원회는 1934년 정부에서 제출한 외무·재무행서 설치안을 통과시키고, 1935년에는 민족혁명당에 다수의 임시정부 국무위원이 참여하여 공백이 생기자 이에 신속히 대처하였으며, 1937년 중일전쟁 발발 이후에는 임시정부가 군사태세를 갖추어 나갈 수 있도록 하였다. 1927년 이후 14년간 지속된 임시약헌 체제에서 상임위원회는 침체된 임시정부를 유지 옹호하기 비상체제로 운영된 것이다. 1940년 10월 9일 새롭게 개정한 임시약헌으로 상임위원회 관련 규정이 삭제되면서 「임시의정원법」에 규정된 상임위원회로 돌아갔다.

로잔대회 이전의 세속화

박영환 ( Young Whan Park ) 한국복음주의선교신학회 2014 복음과 선교 Vol.28 No.-

The spirit of Lausanne Congress proves the uniqueness and finality of Jesus Christ. We refuse all deeds and theologies that obstruct, reject, and are corrupted this evidence. As mission was rapidly expended in mission field in 1910, missionaries and associations and churches from western tried to assemble with the unity of church and concord to fulfill ‘evangelization of the world in this generation’ in 1910 Edinburgh World Missionary Conference. The trial to enhance effectiveness of adaptation of mission field rather than positive proof and the evidence of the gospel had been expanded gradually. Evangelical mission movement to witness the salvation and the revelation of the Bible begined with this current. Evangelical mission and ecumenical mission were divided at this time. As IMC which focused on world mission being integrated with WCC, the mission-unity-meeting of evangelical mission agency was disassembled. Evangelical mission camp which had been in conflict with Ecumenical mission over the identity issue of mission was assembled by the Wheaton Congress and was organized by the Berlin Congress. The key subject of this conflict was ‘secularization’. Evangelical mission camp that had rejected liberal theology, communication with other religions in mission field, and syncretic bible understanding prepared for the Lausanne Congress of evangelical mission, having this subject as an essential task. The secularization of mission was the touchstone to distinguish these both sides, the evangelical and ecumenical camps, from 1910 to 1966. Linguistic playfulness and tendency of the ecumenical mission gave rise to crisis and problem of the evangelical mission. The Lausanne Congress which appeared at this time could find the root through the Wheaton and Berlin Congress. The debate on “Is the root of the Lausanne Congress the Wheaton Congress or the Berlin Conference?” concluded with being the Berlin Conference so the author questioned the validity. The author organized the structure and content over the successive Wheaton, Berlin and Lausanne Congress. The Wheaton Congress was helpful for the content and structure of the Lausanne Congress and the Berlin Congress was beneficial to personnel organization via an arrangement committee. This chart, shown below, summarizes them. 1963. Mexico CWME = A, 1966. 4. the Wheaton Congress = B 1966. 10. The Berlin Congress = C , 1974. the Lausanne Congress = D 1. the content process of secularization A - B = D 2. the process of development over the frame of secularization A - B = C = D 3. the member of the Lausanne Congress B - C = D To summarize, the previous secularization of the Lausanne Congress had already become background to prove the identity of Lausanne through the Edinburgh Conference in 1910, IMC, and CWME. If missional effort for efficient vitalization of mission and reinforcement of adaptation confuses, transmutes the gospel into other things, drives it into the crisis, or causes misconception, the Lausanne also regards those ones as secularization. This result was shown equally at LausanneⅠ, LausanneⅡ, and Lausanne Ⅲ with change on significant issue. Therefore, the previous secularization of the Lausanne Congress preserves ‘uniqueness and finality of Jesus Christ’ the key point of the Lausanne, being preached this content to the end of the world. Service and consideration will be conducted, but it is important that the identify of the gospel should not be lost. For this work the Lausanne is that everybody can hear the gospel with all the best about urgency and priority of progaganda. The Lausanne Congress is not corrupt. It aims to understanding the field of the ministry of the gosgel. There might be a mistake, however, that we might lose the gosgel, since just concentrating understanding it. The Lausanne Congress reveals that we should dedicate to world mission, having this fear and tension. The Lausanne Congress is The Lausanne.

중국입법권 행사의 권한 문제 검토

이성연 경북대학교 법학연구원 2020 법학논고 Vol.0 No.71

The National People's Representative System is China's fundamental political system, and it exercises the state's legislative power exclusively and exclusively. China's legislative powers, like most countries, are determined by the constitution and laws. According to the Chinese Constitution, the National People's Congress and the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress stipulate in principle that they exercise national legislative power. In addition, the National People's Congress, as the leading legislative body in China, has the power to enact and amend criminal, civil, state organizations and other basic laws, and also has the power to amend the constitution. The Standing Committee of the National People's Congress has the power to make and amend all other laws, except for the laws enacted by the National People's Congress, and During the closing period of the National People's Congress, the laws enacted by the National People's Congress can be partially secured and amended. Both the National People's Congress and the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress can exercise legislative power, but both have advantages and disadvantages. That is, the authority of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress originates from the National People's Congress and is bound by the National People's Congress. Therefore, the legislative power of the National People's Congress has the status of the first legislative power and has full legislative power, but the legislative power of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress is limited by the legislative power of the National People's Congress and has the second legislative power. However, when the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress exercised its legislative power, problems such as ambiguity in the concept of basic laws and other laws besides the basic laws, continuous expansion of legislative powers, and representativeness arise. Therefore, it is necessary to clarify the definition of the concept of the Basic Law, and it is necessary to control the exercise of legislative power of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress through the supervisory authority of the National People's Congress over the legislative actions of the standing members of the National People's Congress. In addition, it is necessary to improve the election method as a way to secure the representation of the National People's Congress. 전국인민대표대회제도는 중국의 근본적인 정치제도로써 국가의 입법권을 독점적 배타적으로 행사한다. 중국의 입법권한도 대부분의 국가처럼 헌법과 법률에 의해서 확정된다. 중국 헌법에 의하면 전국인민대표대회와 전국인민대표대회 상무위원회가 국가입법권을 행사한다는 원칙적인 규정을 하고 있다. 또한 전국인민대표대회는 중국의 최고의 입법기관으로서 형사, 민사, 국가기구 및 기타 기본법률을 제정하고 개정할 권한을 가지고 있으며 또한 헌법에 대한 개정권한을 가지고 있다. 전국인민대표대회 상무위원회는 전국인민대표대회가 제정하는 법률이외의 기타 모든 법률을 제정하고 개정할 권한을 가지고 있으며 전국인민대표대회 폐회기간 동안 전국인민대표대회가 제정한 법률에 대해 부분적인 보안과 개정을 할 수 있다. 전국인민대표대회와 전국인민대표대회 상무위원회는 모두 입법권을 행사할 수 있지만 양자는 우열이 존재한다. 즉, 전국인민대표대회 상무원회의 권한은 전국인민대표대회에서 기원하며 전국인민대표대회에 구속되기 때문에 전국인민대표대회의 입법권은 제1의 입법권의 지위를 가지며 완전한 입법권한을 갖지만, 전국인민대표대회 상무위원회의 입법권은 전국인민대표대회의 입법권한에 의해서 제약을 받으며 제2의 입법권한을 갖는다. 그러나 전국인민대표대회 상무위원회가 입법권을 행사에 있어서 기본법률과 기본법률외 기타법률의 개념의 불명확성, 입법권의 지속적인 확대, 대표성 등의 문제가 발생하고 있다. 따라서 기본법률의 개념정의를 명확히 할 필요가 있으며, 전국인민대표대회 상무위원의 입법행위에 대한 전인대의 감독권한의 실질화를 통해서 전국인민대표대회 상무위원회의 입법권 행사에 대한 통제를 할 필요가 있으며, 전국인민대표대회의 대표성을 확보하기 위한 방법으로 선거방식을 개선할 필요가 있다.

제7차 조선노동당대회 개최배경에 관한 연구: 당대회 사업총화를 중심으로

김병욱 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2017 동북아연구 Vol.32 No.2

The purposes of this study were to analyze the backgrounds of the 7th congress of Workers' Party of Korea and examine the policy directions of North Korea revealed at the congress. Party congresses hold important significance in the analysis of changes to the North Korean regime. The overall policy trends of North Korea are officially approved at the congress of Workers' Party of Korea, which is the most important political event in North Korea. It is thus possible to estimate the future policy directions of North Korea according to the policy lines of the congress and necessary to pay attention to the backgrounds of the congress. There were total seven congresses of Workers' Party of Korea. The last one before the 7th congress took place in 1980. The 7th congress was held in 2016 after 36 years when no congress was held during the regime of Kim Jong-il. Not a single congress was held for 36 years because North Korea was in the worst economic hardship. Kim Jong-un decided to hold the 7th congress in the fifth year of his regime despite no improvement of economic situations in the nation after the death of Kim Jong-il in 2011 in order to grow out of his predecessor's influence and promote the stabilization of his regime home and abroad. At the 7th congress, he created a new position called "Chairperson of Workers' Party of Korea" for himself and raised his status to the overall control of the Party, thus marking the official launch of his regime through the transmission over three generations. He stipulated the term "nuclear state" in the Constitution in 2012 and insisted on the principle of "responsible nuclear state" at the 7th congress. Under those conditions, it is difficult to expect that relationships between North and South Korea will improve in the future. There is rather a huge possibility of deterioration of relationships between them. The global community will reinforce its strong sanctions on North Korea. South Korea needs to work together with the international community and ensure the strong South Korea-the U.S. alliance for the peace and stability of Northeast Asia and the entire world as well as the Korean Peninsula. It should also solidify its position of allowing for no nuclear weapons in North Korea by collaborating with Japan, China, and Russia and persuade it to give up nuclear weapons through sanctions and pressure.

해방 이후 大韓民國 國民議會(1947~1948년)의 활동과 성격

오대록 한국민족운동사학회 2015 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.84

대한민국 국민의회는 임시의정원과 1946년 2월 조직된 비상국민회의의 직능을 계승한 ‘대의기구’였다. 해방 이후 임시정부는 국내에 삼균주의와 「건국강령」을 계승한 민족국가를 수립하고자 했다. 이를 위해 민족국가 수립 노선에 적합한 과도정권을 세우고, 수립된 과도정권에게 임시정부를 인계한다는 방침을 세웠다. 과도정권을 수립하기 위해서는 그에 상응하는 ‘과도적 의회(국회)’가 필요했다. 1947년 2월 임시의정원의 법통과 직능을 계승한 국민의회가 바로 그것이었다. 국민의회는 다양한 임무와 사명, 그리고 위상을 가지고 있었다. ‘과도적 대의체’로서 헌법을 현실 정치에 맞게 수정ㆍ제정하는 일, 선거법 제정, 국내 정치 통일과 미소 양 군정 지배에서의 독립, 반탁을 통한 한국의 독립 획득 등이 국민의회의 소임이었다. 이와 함께 국내 최고 의결기관이자 다른 권력으로부터 독자성을 가지는 특성을 가지고 있었다. 임시정부 봉대를 통한 과도정권을 수립하는 일 역시 국민의회의 중요한 책무 중에 하나였다. 국민의회는 1947년 3월 3일 추대 형식을 통해 임시정부를 ‘과도정권’으로 수립하였다. 그러나 3월 6일 공식적으로 ‘과도정부’ 수립을 선포하려 했지만, 미군정과 이승만의 제지와 반대로 유보되고 말았다. 이러한 악조건 속에서도 국민의회는 전민족적 총의와 민주적인 절차를 통해 정식 정부를 수립하기 위한 노력을 전개하였다. 헌법과 선거법을 제정한 것이 그것이었다. 헌법과 선거법은 1947년 국민의회와 임시정부 세력의 정부 수립 노선, 그리고 자주독립 의지와 의도가 담긴 결정체였다. 국민의회는 근본적인 한계를 가지고 있었다. 미군정은 남한에서 그 어떤 ‘정부’도 인정하지 않았다. 나아가 여타 정치 세력의 ‘정부’ 수립 시도를 강력하게 제지하였다. 이러한 이유로 임시정부 세력을 제외한 대부분의 우익세력들은 미군정과의 충돌, 그리고 자신들의 주도권이 담보되지 않는 임시정부 중심의 과도정권 수립에 협조하지 않았다. 임시정부의 가치와 위상도 해방 이후 점차 하락하였다. 임시정부 세력이 전개했던 자주적이고 통일적인 정부 수립 노선은 환국 직후 임시정부의 명성과 위상, 그리고 반탁운동과 연계되어 응집력을 발휘했으나, 이후 전개되는 현실정치에서 그 효용성과 실용성이 낮아지게 되었다. 이 과정에서 임시정부 내 좌익계열, 나아가 임시정부를 올곧이 지켜왔던 이시영ㆍ이청천ㆍ조소앙 등 핵심인물들이 이탈했다. 그럼에도 불구하고 임시정부와 국민의회는 제약된 정치 환경 속에서 다양한 방법과 방향을 설정하여 자주적이고 통일적인 정부를 수립하기 위해 노력했다. The Korean National Congress is the 'Representative Organization' that inherited the function of the Korean Provisional Congress and the Emergency National Assembly which is organized in February, 1946. After liberation, the Provisional Government planned to establish a nation-state which inherites the principle of three equalities and the code of establishment. To this end, the Provisional Government decided to establish an interim regime adequate to the direction to nation-state and to take over its task to the regime. In order to establish a interim regime, a proper ‘interim congress(National Assembly)’ was significant. And that was The National Congress that inherited the function of The Korean Provisional Congress in February, 1947. The National Congress had a variety of duty, mission and status. As an ‘interim representative organization’, The National Congress had to establish amend Constitution or election law and to unite domestic political powers and to further aimed for an independent status from both The U.S and The Soviet Union. the attainment of independence through opposing trusteeship. In addition, it was the nation's highest legislative organ and had its own identity free from other power. Establishing an interim regime by putting on a beacon fire of the Provisional Government was one of the most significant duties of The National Congress. March 3rd, 1947, The National Congress selected the Provisional Government to establish an ‘interim regime’. And they tried to officially declare the establishment of the ‘interim regime’. However, the plan was deferred due to the opposing force of the U.S. military rule and Rhee. Even under this handicapped condition, the National Congress developped its effort to establish an official government through the national consensus and democratic process. The Constitution and election law were established by it. Constitution and electoral law were the crystalloid that has the government establishin direction of The Korean National Congress in 1947 and the will and intention for independence. The Korean National Congress had a fundamental limit. The U.S. military rule did not approve any ‘government’ in South Korea. It further strongly restrained any trial of ‘government’ establishing by other power group. Under this condition, most right-wing forces did not cooperate with the establishment of the interim regime fearing the clash with the U.S.military occupation or fearing their dominance not being secured when the Provisional Government being in the center. After liberation, the value and status of the Provisional Government gradually declined. The united and independent government establishing direction developped by the Provisional Government, affiliated with the fame of the Provisional Government and anti-trusteeship movement right after the return of the country, showedits cohesive power. But the practical value and utility was declined in the coming real politics. In this process, the leftist unit and the key figures who kept their steady position in the Provisional Government including Lee Shi Young, Lee Chung Chun, Cho So Ang were dropped out of line. Nevertheless, the Provisional Government and The Korean National Congress didn't stop their effort to establish an independent and united government by setting various ways and directions under a constrained political environment.