일제강점기 공주 송산리고분의 조사

정상기(Jung,Sang-Ki) 중앙문화재연구원 2012 중앙고고연구 Vol.0 No.10

宋山里古墳群은 공주시 錦城洞에 위치하고 있다. 이 지역에는 발굴된 고분 7기를 포함하여 모두 20여기 이상의 백제고분이 자리잡고 있었는데, 현재는 7기가 복원되어 있다. 1971년 武寧王陵이 발견됨으로써 이 지역이 熊津時代 백제의 왕릉지구였음을 알 수 있게 되었다. 고분은 표고 130m의 宋山을 북쪽의 主山으로 한 남쪽 경사면에 분포되어 있는데, 구릉 윗부분의 1~4호분이 한 그룹을, 그 남쪽사면에 무령왕릉과 5·6호분이 한 그룹을 형성하고 있다. 그 구조는 크게 한성도읍기의 전통을 이어받은 穹窿狀天井을 가진 횡혈식석 실분과 새로이 중국 남조로부터 수용한 전축분으로 대별된다. 이중에 전축분은 무령왕릉과 6호분인데, 처음에 왕묘는 횡혈식석실분이었으나 남조의 영향으로 전축분으로 전환되었음을 알 수 있다. 그밖에 서울의 석촌동 적석총과 유사한 方 形 유구가 2기 조사되었으나 구체적인 매장시설이 확인되지 않아 祭壇으로 보는 견해도 있다. 이 고분군의 대부분은 일제강점기때 도굴과 발굴조사에 의해 그 존재가 알려졌는데, 발굴보고서가 간행되지 않았거나 疏略하여 그 실상을 정확히 파악하기 어렵다. 하지만 현 재 국립중앙박물관이 소장하고 있는 유리건판 38,000여매 중에서 송산리고분군의 1920 ~1930년대 모습을 담은 80여매와 『昭和二年度古蹟調査報告』, 2002년 간행된 有光敎一 등의 『朝鮮古蹟硏究會遺稿』Ⅱ권, 輕部慈恩의 『考古學雜誌』에 수록된 「公州に於ける百濟 古墳」 논문 등을 참고하면 일제강점기 송산리고분군의 대략적인 모습을 파악할 수 있다. 웅진 백제시대 최초의 벽돌무덤으로 알려진 송산리 6호분과 지금은 사라진 송산리 29호 분의 자료들이 확인된다. 약 80여매의 유리건판 중 상태가 불량한 것과 능산리고분군 관련 자료를 잘못 판단한 것을 제외하면 총 72매의 송산리고분군 관련 유리건판이 확인되었다. 이를 고분군 별로 확인하여 보면 제1호분 건판이 12매, 제5호분 건판이 9매, 제6호분 건판이 18매, 제29호 분 건판이 31매, 기타 송산리고분 출토 유물 2매 등이다. 제1호분 건판은 1927년 촬영되 었는데, 연도와 배수구 모습, 천정모습, 도랑모습과 함께 출토 유물로 허리띠 장식과 영락 장식품, 철정 등 철기류들의 모습이 확인된다. 제5호분은 1927년 촬영되었는데, 遺構인 연도와 배수로 위주로 촬영되어 있다. 제6호분은 전축분으로 일찍부터 네 벽에 표현된 사 신도로 유명하였는데, 벽면의 사신도와 함께 전축분의 발굴모습, 각 벽면과 고분내의 전 돌 모습 등이 비교적 자세히 촬영되어 있다. 제6호분은 1932년 가루베지온(輕部慈恩)에 의해 확인되었으나, 정식 조사는 1933년 조선총독부박물관에 의해 실시되었다. 그러므로 벽돌무덤인 제6호분 관련 유리건판은 조사를 실시한 1933년 촬영된 것으로 판단된다. 제29호분은 발굴 조사전의 모습과 함께 조사 진행과정, 석실의 내부 모습과 함께 연도와 배수구 모습 등이 자세히 촬영되어 있는데, 이는 1933년 조사 당시에 자료들을 촬영했 기 때문인 것 같다. 이상으로 일제강점기의 공주 송산리고분군의 모습과 발굴경과 등을 간단히 알아보았다. 지금은 송산리고분군에 7기의 고분이 복원되어 있지만 일제강점기만 하더라도 송산리 고분군에는 약 20여기의 고분들이 산재해 있었음을 알 수 있었다. 특히 송산리고분군 중 29호분의 경우에는 학술적으로 조사되어 많은 자료가 있음에도 불구하고 원래 고분이 소 재하던 현재의 송산리 6호분 부근에서는 흔적도 확인할 수 없다. 일제강점기에 발굴되어 현재 국립공주박물관에 전시되어 있는 전 공주 송산리고분 출토유물들은 대부분이 송산 리고분군에서 출토되었음을 확인할 수 있다. 일제강점기에 수많은 도굴과 일본인에 의해 발굴되었으나, 보고서 미발간과 소략한 보고로 인해 송산리고분군에 대한 정보가 매우 부족한 현실에서 국립중앙박물관에 보관되어 있는 약 80여매의 유리건판은 송산리고분군 중 제1·5·6·29호분에 대한 다양한 정보를 제공하고 있다. 이 글에서는 일제강점기 여러 자료와 유리건판에서 확인된 중요한 자료를 소개하여 웅진 백제시대 고분문화에 대한 실질적인 접근이 가능하도록 하고자한다. Songsan-ri Tumulus is located in Geumseong-myeon, Gongju. In this area there are more than Baekje tombs including the 7 excavated tombs. As of now, a total of 7 tombs are restored. When the Tomb of King Muryeong was discovered in 1971, it was revealed that this area was a royal tomb district in the age of Woongjin. The tombs are located on the south slope of Mt. Songsan with a altitude of 130m, the main mountain to the north. Tombs No. 1~4 on the upper part of the hill form a group, and the Tomb of King Muryeong and toms No. 5 and 6 further south form another group. Their structure is largely divided into the tunnel-entrance stone chamber tombs with a vault, which inherited the tradition of the Hanseong Period, and the brick chamber tombs fresh from the Southern Dynasties of China. Among them, the Tomb of King Muryeong and tomb No. 6 are brick chamber tombs. At first, royal tombs were tunnel-entrance stone chamber tombs with a vault, but under the influence of Southern Dynasties of China, they changed to brick chamber tombs. In addition, two square-shaped historical relics, resembling the stone-mound toms in Seokchon-dong, Seoul, were investigated, but specific burial facilities were not confirmed. So some view them as altars. The presence of most of these tombs was known by tomb robbery and excavations during the Japanese occupation of Korea, but as no excavation report was published, or the reports were so poorly written that it is difficult to know what they were really like. Currently, the National Museum of Korea has about 38,000 dry glass plate negative films. 80 or so of them are the images of the Songsan-ri tombs photographed in the 1920’s and 1930’s. It is deemed that if related research is furthered by utilizing the gelatin dry glass plate negative films housed in the National Museum of Korea and reference materials During the Japanese Occupation of Korea. They contain materials regarding Songsan-ri tomb No. 6, known as the first brick tomb of the age of Woongjin Baekje, and Songsan-ri tomb No. 29, which does not exist anymore. Some of the 80 or so dry glass plate negative films were in bad condition, or pertained to Neungsan-ri tombs, which were mistaken as Baekje tombs. Excluding them, it was confirmed that a total of 72 dry glass plate negative films were related to Songsan-ri tombs. Looking at the tombs one by one, 12 of the dry glass plate negative films pertain to tomb No. 1; 9 of them pertain to tomb No. 5; 18 of them pertain to tomb No. 6; 31 of them pertain to tomb No. 29; and 2 of them pertain to relics excavated from Songsan-ri tombs. The dry glass plate negative films pertaining to tomb No. 1 were photographed in 1927. The shape of chimneys and drains, the shape of ceilings and the shape of ditches were verified, and the excavated relics included ironware like belt ornaments, bead-necklace ornaments and iron nails. Tomb No. 5 was photographed in 1927 with focus on relics like the chimney and the drain. Tomb No. 6 is a brick chamber tomb. It has been famous for the ‘Painting of the Four Gods’ drawn on the four walls. Along with the ‘Painting of the Four Gods’ on the walls, the excavation of the brick chamber tomb, and the clay bricks on each of the walls and inside the tomb are photographed in detail. Tomb No. 6 was confirmed by Karube Jion in 1032, but formal investigation was conducted by the Japanese Government General of Korea Museum in 1933. Therefore, the dry glass plate negative films pertaining to tomb No. 6, a brick tomb, are deemed to have been photographed in 1933 when the investigation began.

조선 전기 도갑사 불상군의 특징과 제작 배경: 국립중앙박물관 유리건판 사진을 중심으로

兪?昊(Yoo Daeho) 미술사연구회 2021 미술사연구 Vol.- No.40

Recently released Dry Plate Photographs Collection of the National Museum of Korea include photos of Buddha and Bodhisattva statues enshrined in Dogapsa Temple. The statues have been known as remarkable examples of royal patronage in early Joseon Period but actual statues were destroyed by fire in 1977. Therefore, those photos have important meaning as very rare hystorical records of Dogapsa Temple. Sculptures of Dogapsa Temple, identified by the photos, are three Buddha and six Bodhisattva statues. Among three Buddha statues, the one enshrined in the center can be estimated to be produced in late Joseon Period, while the statues on the left and right sides are produced in the early Joseon Period. Six Bodhisattvas are composed of three pairs. The first pair, Ilgwang (日光) and Wolgwang (月光) bosal can be identified by the stone mortar and rabbit symbol on the center of the crown. Those share the same style as the Yaksa Buddha(藥師佛) statue enshrined on the left, suggesting that it was originally produced as Yaksa Buddha triad. And Dogapsa Myogakhwasangbi (妙覺和尙碑), built in 1693, include records related with those Yaksa Buddha triad. According to the records, Prince Yeongeung(永膺大君) was a main patron of Dogapsa Yaksa Buddha triad in 1457. The Yaksa Buddha triad of the inscription, made in 1457, is believed to refer to the triad of photos. The second pair wearing heavenly robe (天衣) is Gwaneum (觀音) and Daeseji (大勢至) bosal and the last pair is Gwaneum (觀音) and Jijnag (地藏) bosal. Those four statues have similar stylistic features so they can be estimated to produced by same group of sculptors. And a Buddha statue enshrined in Jogyesa temple shares a style with those four Bodhisattva statues. Considering a stylistic similarity and a record that the Jogyesa’s statue was came from Dogapsa temple, one of those two pairs and the statue of Jogyesa temple originally consisted of Amitabha Buddha Triad. And one Bokjang (服藏) record, known to be inside Gyeonseongam Buddha, is actually estimated to be component of foregoing Yaksa Buddha triad. There are many name of royal patron and high monks of Buddhism in the record. Among them, Prince Yeongeung (永膺大君) and Royal high monk Sumi (守眉) appear in common with the inscription of Myogakhwasangbi, so it prove the royal patronage of Dogapsa statues. The Bokjang (服藏) record also include prayer emphasizing the legitimacy of King Sejo (世祖) and hoping that the dynasty will be stable, it reflects the historical situation in the early days of King Sejo"s ascension. so it can be identified that Dogapsa temple has played an important role as a royal temple of Joseon Dynasty.

유리건판으로 읽는 또 다른 사진사: 도리이 류조의 신체측정 사진을 중심으로

李庚珉(Lee Kyungmin) 미술사연구회 2021 미술사연구 Vol.- No.40

The history of Korean photography begins in 1880s, during the period of glass dry-plate process, by which a considerable number of significant visual records of the modern era until the liberation from Japanese colonial rule were produced. Nevertheless, close historical examination on the glass dry-plate is yet to be conducted. While numerous researches concerned with glass dry-plate have emerged especially in the humanities drawing on the images of the glass dry-plate from the collection of the National Museum of Korea, released to public since the 2000s, they tend to be based on the premise that perceives the subject represented in photograph as reality per se, understanding photographic medium primarily as a mere reflection of reality. In contrast, this article focuses on glass dry-plate itself from the perspective of photography history. First, it takes a look at the meaning of invention of glass dry-plate in the development of photographic medium, and then traces the history of glass dry-plate process in Korean photography. Attempting to read glass dry-plate photographs produced by Japanese anthropologist Torii Ryūzō as a text in order to discuss the diversity in interpreting photographs beyond the limit of relying on ‘reflection theory’, this article presents a process required to read a photograph, with the prerequisite studies involved, suggesting the need of interdisciplinary research in the process. Last, It proceeds to examine how it is possible for photographic record by Torii to become an issue of history of photography. Anthropological photographs for body measurement produced by Torii as a part of colonial surveys conducted in Choseon are the objects of anthropology and history. There exist, however, certain methods of photographic representation, and each kind of photographic subject has been represented according to a certain method. It is apparent that Torii’s photographs employed the standard of anthropological photography and body measurement invented by Thomas Huxley and Bertillonage established by Alphonse Bertillon. Given that the methods of photographic representation are historically constituted, those methods are essential subject of history of photography. This article intends to open up the possibilities to another history of photography, by overcoming the limit of photography history as a disciplinary history.

국립중앙박물관 유리건판 사진에 보이는 북한 소재 불교조각의 고찰

許亨旭(Huh(Heo) Hyeonguk) 미술사연구회 2021 미술사연구 Vol.- No.40

The National Museum of Korea holds more than 38,170 photographs developed from gelatin dry plates. These photographs depicting archaeological, art, and architectural artifacts and ruins in Korea were produced by the Japanese Government-General of Korea as part of its colonial efforts. As long as this objective of these photographs is understood and they are used critically, they can be helpful in studying Buddhist sculptures that still are or once were in North Korea and are currently inaccessible due to the division of the peninsula. It is also necessary to examine official documents issued by the Japanese Government-General of Korea since the documents paired with the photographs to offer further information on these Buddhist sculptures. Most Buddhist sculptures captured in the gelatin dry plate photographs are works produced during the Goryeo or Joseon Dynasty. This paper classifies the value of the use of these gelatin dry plate photographs into three advantages that are then examined: 1. The photographs offer basic information about the sculptures, including their excavation sites; 2. They enable in-depth and extensive studies of Buddhist iconography; and 3. They show changes in sculptural styles and help with dating the sculptures. A vast body of Buddhist artworks in North Korea were lost or damaged during the Korean War. Since these gelatin dry plate photographs were produced before the war, they allow the further verification of facts about the Buddhist sculptures and facilitate a better understanding of their original forms. An analysis of the gelatin dry plate photographs has revealed that iconographically identical types of Buddhist sculptures were produced throughout North and South Korea during the Goryeo period. It also indicates the distribution routes and genealogy of the sculptures. Moreover, the photographs allow us to explore the religious backgrounds of the production of sculptures, thus extending the scope of studies of Korean Buddhist sculpture. Some of the gelatin dry plate photographs illustrate Buddhist sculptures that further the understanding of changes in sculptural styles and dating of sculptures. As a case in point, Stone Standing Buddha from the site of Mireuksa Temple, which was established around 936 in Kaesong, aptly demonstrates the regional diversity of large and medium-sized tenth-century stone Buddhist sculptures from the early Goryeo period. In a similar vein, Seated Bodhisattva in Bogwangjeon Hall at Singwangsa Temple in Haeju, Hwanghae-do Province attests to the adoption of styles from Yuan Dynasty Buddhist sculptures from the fourteenth century in the late Goryeo period. Furthermore, Gilt-bronze Seated Avalokitesvara created in 1426 at Sindeoksa Temple in Yonggang-gun, Pyeongannam-do Province and Gilt-bronze Seated Amitabha Triad produced in 1454 and excavated from Seongbulsa Temple reflect the process of early Joseon Buddhist sculpture’s transformation into a more uniquely indigenous style. The gelatin dry plate photographs in the National Museum of Korea are significant materials for the study of the history of Buddhist sculpture in North Korean regions that are currently inaccessible. Future examination of these photographs will lead to additional meaningful findings.

국립중앙박물관 소장 유리건판의 고려 1327년 황해도 황주 成佛社堂主無量壽鑄成願文 연구

이경주 불교미술사학회 2023 불교미술사학 Vol.35 No.-

Seongbulsa Temple, Hwangju, is located in the Jeongbang Mountain Castle in Hwangju-gun, Hwanghae-buk-do, and was founded in 898 by Doseon Guksa(道詵國師, 827-898). This paper is a study analyzing the Seongbulsa Dangju Muryangsuju Seongwonmun(成佛社堂主無量壽鑄成願文, Prayer of Casting the Hall Master Amitabha of Seongbulsa, hereafter the Prayer), found from the relics filmed during the Japanese occupation period in Seongbulsa Temple. The folded Prayer commemorates the background, purpose, and patrons of the Seongbulsa Amitabha triad project in 1327. Among the forty-one patrons, it can be seen that about thirty were officials, indicating that it was a project led by officials. In particular, Bak Hwan-●(朴桓●), who used the terms "Jeonggung-wiha (正宮位下)" and "Hwaja(火者)," is believed to be a Yuan eunuch(元宦官) of Goryeo birth, suggesting that he was an official of Yuan Empress's court. Another participant named Yun Seok(尹碩) is known to be a close confidant of King Chungsuk(忠肅王, 1294-1339, r. 1332-1339). In addition, many officials from Hwangju (黃州) and Pyeongan-do(平安道) participated; this reflects the geographic characteristics of Hwangju, which is adjacent to Pyeongan-do. In this way, the Prayer is an uncommon case as it was participated by the Yuan eunuch of Goryeo birth, officials close to King Chungsuk, and officials of the Pyeongan-do region. It is known that there was a large-scale architectural project for the entire temple complex at Seongbulsa Temple in 1327, as the Eungjinjeon Hall was built together with the Amitabha triad. According to an ink inscription stating the eunuch Yi Samdae(李三大) 's participation, eunuchs seem to be critical Buddhist patrons of this project. Therefore, it can be said that the Seongbulsa project shows the trend of 14th century Goryeo, in which the Yuan eunuchs of Goryeo birth conveyed various Buddhist patron activities in Goryeo and Yuan Dynasty based on their wealth and power. On the other hand, there is a glass plate picture of the Buddhist statue that is believed to the storage of the Prayer. The way the robe is worn and the detailed expressions are similar to the Copper Seated Amitabha Buddha(1333) at the National Museum of Korea, and the Gilt-bronze Seated Bhaisajyaguru Buddha of Janggoksa Temple, Cheongyang(1346). It is noteworthy that there are also similar 8 Buddha statues in the North Korean region. Therefore, the Buddha statue in the glass plate picture of Seongbulsa is certainly a statue made in the 14th century. 황주 성불사는 황해북도 황주군 正方山城 내에 위치한 사찰로 898년 도선국사가 창건한 고찰이다. 본 논문은 일제강점기 성불사를 촬영한 여러 유물 가운데<성불사당주무량수주성원문(成佛社堂主無量壽鑄成願文)>을 분석한 연구이다. 원문은 1327년 성불사의 무량수여래삼존상을 조성한 배경과 목적, 시주자들을 기록한 절첩본 형식의 발원문이다. 41명의 시주자 중 약 30명이 관료층이라는 점에서 관료 중심의 불사였음을 알 수 있다. 특히, ‘正宮位下’와 ‘火者’라는 명칭을 사용한 박환○은 元에서 활동한 고려인 출신 원 환관으로 원 황후에 소속된 관리임을 알 수 있다. 또 함께 참여한 윤석(尹 碩)은 충숙왕의 최측근 세력으로 알려진 인물이다. 이 밖에도 황주(黃州)와 평안도 지역 관료들이 다수 참여하고 있는데 평안도와 인접한 황주의 지리적 특성이 반영된 것으로 추정된다. 이처럼 <성불사당주무량수주성원문>은 고려인 출신 원환관과 충숙왕의 측근 관료, 평안도 일대의 관료층이 중심이 된 참여하였다는 점에서 매우 특이한 경우라 할 수 있다. 1327년은 성불사에서는 무량수여래삼존상과 함께 응진전(應眞殿)을 건립하고 있어 당시 사찰 전체에 대한 대규모 불사였음을 알 수 있다. 특히, 환관 이삼대(李 三大)가 함께 발원한다는 묵서가 있어 환관들이 중요한 시주자로 참여하였음을 알 수 있다. 14세기에 고려인 출신 원 환관들이 자신의 재력과 권력을 바탕으로 고려와 원에서 여러 불사 활동을 전개하고 있는 점에서 성불사도 그러한 경향을 보여준다 할 수 있다. 한편, 성불사 <무량수주성원문>을 납입했을 것으로 추정되는 불상이 유리건판 사진으로 남아있다. 대의를 입은 방식과 세부 표현에서 국립중앙박물관소장 금동여래좌상(1333)과 청양 장곡사 금동약사여래좌상(1346)과 비슷하다. 특히, 북한지역에도 이와 유사한 8구의 여래상이 전하고 있어 주목된다. 비록 유리건판 사진에 기초한 비교, 분석이라는 한계와 14세기 전반 불상과의 일부 양식적 차이가 감지되지만 성불사 상은 대체로 14세기에 제작되었을 가능성이 높다고 판단된다.

국립중앙박물관 소장 유리건판의 華藏寺 指空和尙坐像에 대한 고찰

허형욱 불교미술사학회 2019 불교미술사학 Vol.28 No.-

The National Museum of Korea houses a great number of dry plate photographs taken during the period of Japanese colonial rule, including a photo of a sculpture of the Indian monk Sunyadisya (or Dhyanabhadra; Korean, Jigong) who propagated Buddhism in the early and middle fourteenth century during the Yuan Dynasty in China and the Goryeo Dynasty in Korea. When this photo was taken around 1917, the sculpture was enshrined at Hwajangsa Temple on Bobongsan Mountain in Jangdan-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province (in the present-day North Korean region). Since very few portrait sculptures of Buddhist monks survive in Korea, this photograph provides an invaluable archival source for studying relatively early seated sculptures of Master Sunyadisya. This paper infers the production date and background of the seated portrait sculpture of Master Sunyadisya at Hwajangsa Temple and examines the establishment and development of the related iconography. In 1326, Master Sunyadisya departed Yuan China for Goryeo. For two years and seven months, he spread Buddhist teachings among the people he met there, and came to exert considerable influence. He died in Yuan China in 1363, and in the following year his body was mummified by layering it with incense, lacquer, mud, and cloth. The mummy was cremated in 1368 and some of the ashes were sent to Goryeo. In 1372, Naong Hyegeun (1320– 1376), a favorite disciple of Master Sunyadisya, enshrined his ashes in a stupa at Hoeamsa Temple in Yangju, Gyeonggi-do Province. In 1393, Muhak Jacho (1327–1405), a disciple of Hyegeun, produced another stupa for Master Sunyadisya at Hwajangsa Temple. In this paper, I suggest two conjectures on the production date and background of the portrait sculpture of Master Sunyadisya at Hwajangsa Temple. First, the sculpture may have been created by disciples of Naong under the sponsorship of the royal family around 1385 at the end of the Goryeo period. Alternatively, it may have been created in the early years of the Joseon Dynasty when Muhak Jacho commissioned the production of a stupa for Master Sunyadisya at Hwajangsa in 1393. Either way, descendants of Master Sunyadisya are presumed to have participated in the creation of his portrait sculpture in the late fourteenth century. Iconographically, the crown on his head, long beard and eyebrows, and robe embellished with colorful patterns characterize this seated portrait sculptures of Master Sunyadisya at Hwajangsa Temple. According to records, Sunyadisya, a native of India, had an exotic look with dark skin and blue eyes. He was known in his later years to have grown his hair and mustache and prefer luxurious outfits like a secular person. These features are partially reflected in the seated portrait sculpture of Master Sunyadisya at Hwajangsa. The iconography of Sunyadisya in his portrait sculpture is maintained during the Joseon Dynasty in portrait paintings of Sunyadisya from the set of portrait paintings of the three masters Sunyadisya, Naong, and Muhak. Therefore, the dry plate photograph of the seated portrait sculpture of Master Sunyadisya at Hwajangsa Temple is of great significance in that it shows the early iconography of Sunyadisya from the late Goryeo or early Joseon periods as documented in literary records. 국립중앙박물관이 소장한 일제강점기의 유리건판 중에는 14세기 전․중반에 元과 고려에서 활동한 인도 출신의 指空和尙 조각상을 찍은 사진이 전한다. 이 상은 1917년경 촬영 당시 경기도 장단군 보봉산(현재 북한 지역)에 위치한 華藏寺의 寂默堂에 있었다. 그러나 이 절은 한국전쟁 때 거의 다 불타버려 상의 현존 여부는 알 수 없다. 승려의 초상조각이 많이 남아있지않은 우리나라에서 화장사 지공좌상의 유리건판은 비교적 시기가 올라가는 예를 찍은 자료로서 가치가 크다. 본고에서는 화장사 지공좌상의 제작시기와 조성배경을 추론하고, 지공 도상의 성립과 계승 양상을 살펴보았다. 지공은 1326년(충숙왕 13) 3월 元에서 고려로 와서 약 2년 7개월 간 가르침을 펼쳤으며 여말선초의 불교계에 큰 영향을 끼쳤다. 1363년 11월 원의 大都에서 입적한 지공은 이듬해 그의 시신에 香, 漆, 진흙, 布 등의 재료가 입혀져 일종의 미이라상으로 만들어졌다. 지공의 미이라상은 1368년 火葬되어 일부가 고려로 전해졌다. 지공의 유해는 그의 수제자인 나옹 혜근(1320-1376)에 의해 1372년(공민왕 21) 회암사 부도에 안치되었다. 이후 1393년에는 혜근의 제자인 무학 자초 (1327-1405)에 의해 화장사에도 지공의 부도가 세워졌다. 화장사 지공좌상은 양식적으로 조선 후기의 도식화된 僧形像들과 구별되며, 제작시기는 조선 전기 이전으로 볼 수 있다. 조성배경에는 두 가지 가능성이 있다. 첫째는 고려 말인 1385년(우왕 11)경 왕실 후원 아래 나옹 문도의 주도로 만들어졌을 가능성이고, 둘째는 조선 초 1393년(태조 2) 무학 자초가 화장사에서 지공 부도를 세울 즈음 함께 제작되었을 가능성이다. 어느 경우든 지공의 法孫들이 관여하여 그를 현창하고자 만든 것으로 생각된다. 화장사 지공좌상은 머리에 쓴 보관, 긴 눈썹과 수염, 화려한 문양의 복식 등이 도상적 특징이다. 관련 기록에 따르면, 지공은 인도 출신답게 피부가 검고 눈이 푸른 이국적인 용모를 지녔으며, 만년에는 머리와 수염을 기르고 俗人의 사치스런 옷을 입었다고 한다. 지공의 이러한 특징적 외모는 지공 도상의 조형적 근거가 되어 화장사 지공좌상에도 반영되었다. 조선시대에는 지공-나옹-무학이 함께 등장하는 三和尙 진영이 다수 그려졌다. 현존하는 조선 후기 삼화상 진영 속의 지공상에서도 화장사 지공좌상의 도상적 요소들이 공통적으로 보인다. 그러므로 화장사 지공좌상의 도상은 훗날 삼화상 진영 속의 지공상으로 계승되었다고 할 수 있다. 국립중앙박물관 유리건판의 화장사 지공좌상은 문헌기록 위주로 전하는 여말선초 지공 도상의 초기 모습을 구체적으로 보여준다는 점에서 그 의의를 찾을 수 있다.

일제강점기 기록자료로 본 북한의 조선후기 불화 -함경도와 강원도를 중심으로-

이용윤 한국미술사학회 2019 美術史學硏究 Vol.304 No.304

Under the Temple Act of 1911, legislated by the Japanese Colonial government, Buddhist temples in Korea were re-organized into head and branch monasteries. The Buddhist sculptures, paintings, books, stone monuments and archives at temples were inventoried and property lists were compiled. They were also documented in gelatin dry plate negatives. Today, the property lists and negatives serve to provide crucial information in studying and understanding the temples and Buddhist cultural heritages of North Korea which have become available since the division of Korea in 1945. The present study focuses on the property lists of Seokwangsa Temple, Guijusa Temple, Yujeomsa Temple, and other temples in Hamgyeongdo and Gangwon-do to examine the conditions and characteristics of the late Joseon Buddhist paintings, now in North Korea and only briefly introduced in South Korea, and the monks who painted the works. The property lists of temples in Hamgyeong-do and the North Korean areas of Gangwondo reveal that most of the monk-painters who were active in the region were also active in the southern parts of the Korean peninsula. Some monk-painters, like Seokong Cheolyoo, worked mostly in the north, but the lists also include names like Uigyeom, Seolhun, Yuseong, and Sanggyeom whose activities were centered around Jeolla-do, Gyeongsang-do, Seoul, or Gyeonggi-do. The property lists show that paintings by these monk-painters were placed in Seokwangsa Temple, Guijusa Temple, and other monasteries in Hamgyeong-do, which are situated at a large distance from the regions where the monk-painters were previously known to have been active. Not only the production dates and painters of the Buddhist paintings in North Korea, but the occasional gelatin dry plate negatives also help to understand the style of each painter, and show that they were the results of the same painting traditions as the Buddhist paintings made in the south. The examples of the northern paintings now in South Korea, Amitabha Buddha (1737) of Byeongpoong-am, Myohyang-san Mountain, painted by Seojing, and Buddhas of Three Ages (early 18th century) at Yongyeonsa Temple by Uigyeom show that the late Joseon monk-painters worked not only in Hamgyeong-do but also in Pyeongan-do, and made it possible to study the Buddhist painting traditions in Hamgyeong-do established by Uigyeom in the 1730s. Examinations of the temple reports and gelatin plates of the Buddhist paintings made during the colonial era reveal that the late Joseon monk-painters transcended the regional style, commonly known as their main identity, and that they were active in large areas from the north to the south. As the monk-painters from the south could also work in the north, it can be suggested that there existed a support system in Buddhist schools or a close cooperation system between different schools. 일제강점기에 전국의 사찰은 사찰령에 따라 본말사로 개편되고 각 사찰의 불상, 불화, 서적, 석물, 고문서 등은 『재산대장』, 『재산목록』으로 문서화되고 유리건판으로 기록화되었다. 일제강점기에 작성된 사찰 재산문서와 유리건판은 분단 이후 접근이 어려운 북한의 사찰과 불교 문화재의 현황을 파악하고 그 의미를 해석하는데 중요한 자료이다. 이 글에서는 북한 불교문화재 가운데 그동안 부수적으로소개되었던 북한의 불화를 파악하기 위해 일제강점기의 사찰 재산문서 중 석왕사, 귀주사, 유점사 등함경도와 강원도의 본말사 『재산목록』에 집중하여 조선후기에 조성된 북한 불화의 현황과 특징, 이를조성한 화승에 대해 살펴보았다. 함경도와 강원도 등지에 분포한 북한 사찰의 『재산목록』에서 파악되는 사실 중 하나는 조선 후기에 이 지역에서 활동한 화승의 상당수가 남쪽에서 활동했던 수화승들이라는 점이다. 이들 중에는 석옹철유처럼 북한에 기반을 둔 화승도 있지만 18세기에 전라도, 경상도, 서울·경기도에서 중점적으로 활동했던 의겸, 각총, 설훈, 유성, 상겸 등이 포함되어 있다. 『재산목록』에 기록된 이들 화승이 제작한 불화는기존에 알려진 활동 지역과는 상당한 거리에 있는 석왕사와 귀주사로 대변되는 함경도에 분포한 사찰에 봉안되었다. 북한의 조선후기 불화는 『재산목록』에 의해 제작 시기와 조성 화승이 일부 밝혀지고 유리건판 속불화를 통해 해당 화승의 화풍을 이해하고 그 화풍이 조선후기에 남쪽에서 제작된 불화의 화풍과 그 흐름이 같음을 확인하였다. 또한 국내에 유입된 북한 불화 중 서징의 <묘향산 병풍암 아미타불도>(1737) 와 의겸의 <용연사 삼세불도>(18세기 전반)를 통해 조선 후기 화승들의 행보가 함경도만이 아니라 평안도에서 이루어졌다는 사실과 1730년대 기록으로 전하는 함경도에서 의겸이 조성한 불화의 화풍을 살펴보기도 하였다. 일제강점기 사찰 재산문서와 유리건판으로 확인되는 북한 불화의 특징은 조선 후기 화승들의 정체성처럼 언급되는 지역성을 뛰어넘는 남과 북을 넘나드는 광폭의 행보이다. 조선후기 남쪽에 거점을둔 화승들이 북쪽에서도 활동할 수 있었던 배경으로 이들의 출신 승려문중 혹은 우호적 관계를 형성했던 승려문중의 조력 관계를 제시해 보았다.

유리건판 사진으로 보는 고미술 ― 세키노 타다시(関野貞)의 고적조사사업을 중심으로

金桂園 ( Kim Gye-won ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2021 大東文化硏究 Vol.114 No.-

이 논문은 일제강점기 고적조사에서 유리건판 사진이 고미술에 대한 새로운 지식과 정보 생산에 개입했던 방식을 탐색한다. 제국 일본 학자들의 식민지 고적조사에서 사진은 유물을 기록, 조사하는 방편이었을 뿐 아니라, 바로 그 새로운 기록과 조사의 방식을 체계화, 제도화하는 방법론이었다. 이러한 사진의 수행적 역할은 사진 매체의 내적 속성에 기인하는 것이 아니라, 조사사업이라는 담론 복합체를 구성하는 외재적 요소들과의 접촉과 연동을 통해 발현되어지는 것에 가깝다. 논문은 세키노 타다시의 고적조사에 초점을 맞추어 사진의 의미가 촉탁 연구자, 모사도, 촬영자라는 세 요소들과의 관계망 속에서 생성되는 과정을 짚어본다. 이를 통해 사진이 어떻게 양식주의와 선형적 역사관을 뒷받침하는 표상을 제공하는지 고찰한다. This paper explores how photography could perform and mediate in the colonial surveyance of ancient Korean art during the early twentieth century. It especially focuses on the performative role of photography in Sekino Tadashi's survey of ancient Korean art and architecture, conducted in 1902 and 1909. The agency of photography emerged neither by itself nor within the innate nature of the medium. It was made possible by the encounters and associations with other agents that constituted the discoursive complex of surveyance. In addressing photography as a performative agent in the formation of knowledge about ancient Korean art, this paper highlights photography's interactions and interrelations with imperial scholar, sketch, and photographer.

유리건판으로 보는 북한 사찰 불교회화의 현황과 과제

鄭明熙(Jeong Myounghee) 미술사연구회 2021 미술사연구 Vol.- No.40

The National Museum of Korea holds about 38,000 gelatin dry plates produced as part of a Japanese survey project on historic remains in Korea during the Japanese colonial era. These plates represented a new modern photographic medium at the time. They now provide significant documentary materials evidencing Japanese colonial cultural policy. This paper explores the value of Buddhist paintings at notable temples in North Korea through these gelatin dry plates and examines the perception of Buddhist cultural assets during the Japanese colonial era. Buddhist paintings were not a main subject of research in the survey on historic remains in Korea conducted by Sekino Tadashi and others. Compared to the numerous gelatin dry plates of Buddhist sculptures and stone cultural properties, only a few plates illustrating Buddhist paintings survive. Nevertheless, they are significant considering that many temples were destroyed, and Buddhist cultural properties were lost during the Korean War and given the division of contemporary Korea. The 1911 Temple Law enacted by Japanese authorities to manage Korea’s institutional Buddhism altered the perception of Buddhist cultural heritage. Seongbo (聖寶, sacred treasures) which had formerly simply been worshipped at temples came to be perceived as possessions with a monetary value. A portrait of a Japanese monk from the Rinzai School of Zen Buddhism was enshrined inside the Suchungsa Hall built for honoring righteous monk soldiers who fought against the Japanese forces during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (Imjin Waeran, 1592~1598) at Bohyeonsa Temple. Master Naong’s certificate of ordination was submitted to the Joseon Mulsan Gongjinhoe (Joseon Industrial Exhibition) convened in 1929 to celebrate the twentieth year of Japanese colonial rule over Korea. These indicate some of the circumstances faced by the Korean Buddhist community during the Japanese colonial era. The paper also scrutinizes changes in the Korean Buddhist community during the port-opening period by focusing on monk-painters who were active on Geumgangsan Mountain, including Hyeho, Cheolyu, and Chukyeon. The development of roads and railways drew new visitors to major temples on Geumgangsan Mountain. Monk-painters began to be introduced as masters in newspapers, compete with other artists, produce self-portraits expressing their personal identity, and sell their works to foreigners (or at least heavily advertise them). The combination of the information on gelatin dry plates with official documents issued by the Japanese Government-General of Korea that operated policies on the colony’s cultural heritage will facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the circumstances faced by Buddhist temples in North Korea in the twentieth century.

일제강점기 유리건판 및 공사문서를 통해 본 경주 분황사 모전석탑 보존공사 연구

이학성,한동수 한국건축역사학회 2023 한국건축역사학회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.2023 No.11