征東行省官 闊里吉思의 고려제도 개변 시도

李康漢(Lee Kang-Hahn) 한국사연구회 2007 한국사연구 Vol.139 No.-

Examined in this article, are the changes that the Jeongdong Haengseong 征東行省 office(which was originally designed to accommodate the preparation for the Japanese campaign) had gone through around 1299, and the intentions and plans that one of the Haengseong officials, a person named Gorgis(闊里吉思), had for the Goryeo situation. First of all, the meaning of several particular time points such as 1283 and 1299 is evaluated. Previous studies regarding the Jeongdong Haengseong office, usually began by examining the mid-1270s when preparations for the Japanese campaign were heating up, and those studies considered the late 1280s very importantly, as those years were when the Yuan imperial government started to request the mobilization of Goryeo troops and provision of food, in order to neutralize the Nayan insurgency(乃顔亂) that broke out in the Northeast region of the empire. On the other hand, in those studies years like 1283 and 1299 were rather oddly ignored. 1283 is recorded as the year when the Jeongdong Haengseong office was officially established, according to the Baekgwan-ji(Records of the Governmental Structure and Its history) chapter inside the Wonsa(Annals of Yuan). And while 1299 marked the increase in the number of officials inside Jeongdong Haengseong, this year also saw the office being transformed into a new kind of entity armed with substantial administrative power, and starting to devise new policies to address the situations that were going on inside Goryeo. Reviewing the changes of Jeongdong Haengseong, with keeping the meaning of these years in mind, could bring us to new understandings of the history of Goryeo in this time period. Second, the administrative changes attempted upon the official and customary practices of Goryeo by a person named Gorgis are examined. Gorgis, who was appointed to the seat of Pyeongjangjeongsa (the second highest rank inside the normal Haengseong hierarchy structure) in 1299, tried to make some changes to Goryeo's domestic customs and general practices, either official or customary. In the early days, Jeongdong Haengseong was not equipped with actual officials, except the Goryeo king who shared the seat of Seungsang, the head of the Haengseong office. Yet by appointing Gorgis and others to a number of administrative posts inside the Haengseong office, Yuan government literally transformed this once nominal office to a more substantial one. And as a person leading and running that new entity, Gorgis intended to implement several reform plans which were targeting many areas inside the Goryeo administration. And he also tackled the issue of determining the social class(either ordinary or humble) of persons, who were either hybrids born from a ordinaryhumble couple or individuals who were illegally obtained by other entities. His attempts had very much to do with his own activities that he displayed inside the Yuan government and the intentions that he revealed while he was serving as magistrates of several local regions inside the Yuan territory. At the time, Yuan government finally expelled the last Muslim prime minister in 1291 and embarked upon a series of political reforms, which intended to purge the government of overtaxation practices, to reestablish integrity in terms of governmental appointments and operations, and to significantly reduce the size of both the government and local authorities. Mirroring those intentions, even a new legal code, termed as the ‘New codes of the Jiwon era(1264-1294)’ was promulgated. And Gorgis was part of the group of officials who were behind all these political reforms and the government's taking of a new direction in governing the empire. He had also exercised similar reforms when he was serving as magistrates in various regions. And considering his earlier inclinations and job performances, it is almost natural that he ventured to conduct similar reforms under the intention of ‘bettering’ the internal practices of Goryeo, when he was

묵자(墨子)의 개변(改變) : 반동인가 진보인가?

윤대식(Youn, Dae-Sick) 한국외국어대학교 철학문화연구소 2006 철학과 문화 Vol.12 No.-

춘추전국의 지식인들은 예악전통의 계승과 연원에 대한 자임의식으로 충만되어 있었고 예악의 전통을 계승하여 질서의 회복을 모색했다. 이러한 제자백가의 문제의식은 공자를 출발점으로 한다. 그럴 경우 공자는 기존의 무질서를 타파하려는 개혁주의자로 평가할 수 있다. 동시에 과거의 선한 질서를 모델로 한다는 점에서 반동주의자이기도 하다. 만약 공자를 반동적인 개혁자라고 전제한다면, 그에 도전한자는 어떻게 규정해야 하는 것일까? 일반적으로 묵자와 묵가의 태도는 반유가적이 라고 평가한다. 과연 그런 것일까? 『墨子』에 내포된 묵자의 정치적 의도에 주목할 경우, 묵자가 추구한 것 역시 질서의 회복이었음을 명확히 볼 수 있다. 즉 묵자의 교의는 군주의 의무이행을 선행조건으로 해서 신민의 의무를 유도하는 합리적인 통치기제의 구축에 있었다. 그 의도의 논리적 전제는 묵자의 인간과 역사의 이해로 제시된다. 묵자는 인간의 최초상태를 자연상태로 규정한다. 그것은 통치의 기원과 정당성을 위한 전제이다. 이로부터 현재의 상태, 즉 통치자의 존재에도 불구하고 무질서의 상태는 질서로 전환되기 위한 필연성을 지닌다. 묵자의 개변은 역사적 필연성이며 통치자의 의무인 것이다. 따라서 술이부작(述而不作)의 유가적 태도는 역사에 대한 방관이며 순이차작(循而且作)의 묵가적 태도의 형성으로 전개된다. 그렇다면 합리적 통치기제의 회복을 위한 실천적 대안은 무엇인가? 묵자는 유가의 인과 덕을 겸애와 교리로 대체한다. 그것은 인간에 대한 이해로부터 파생한다. 즉 현실인간의 이기성을 자발적인 책무의 이행으로 전환시키기 위한 안전장치로 채택한 것이다. 따라서 묵자는 인간이 이기적이기에 상호이익의 보전을 통해서 인간간 겸애의 관계가 더 유리하다는 점을 인지시킬 것을 기획한다. 이것은 군주-신민의 정치적 관계에도 적용할 수 있다. 그렇기 때문에 군주와 신민 모두 자신의 이익 극대화를 위해서 군주는 통치를 위한 신민에의 사랑과 신민은 생존을 위한 군주에의 사랑이라는 겸애의 관계를 구축할 수 있다. 그것은 질서의 회복이라는 동일한 목표를 인간내면의 도 덕적 완성여부-곧 합리성의 완성-에 기대했던 공자와의 차별성이자 묵자의 교의가 반유가적일 수 없다는 반증이기도 하다. From Spring and Autumn period to Warring States period, the critics of so-called one hundred intellectual groups who had been a starting point from Confucius focused on how order could establish or revive. Confucius strived to revive the rational heuristic symbolized by rite and ceremony of Zhou Dynasty. The core of his doctrine were benevolence and virtue. It is said that Mo Tzu was an anti-confucius. Is that true? The contents in Mo Tzu reveal what Mo Tzu intend to do. He also wanted to revive order based on human rationality. And he expected that people could do rationally because of their selfishness. For this, Mo Tzu assumed view of human nature and historical development. All the men in reality were selfish, benefit-orienting. So it is, history came in chaos. Nobody trust each other. What the earth is the present? Who governs? Who obeys? Mo Tzu saw the possibility that real men who were selfish could be rational men. The clue was the very selfishness. If men were selfish, then they would fall into conflicts and struggles. So rulers provided them with equal benefits. The answer is to establish reciprocal relationship. But ruler was a selfish man too. Without controlling his desire, the state will be returned in chaos. The answer is to make him realize the meaning of reciprocal relationship. That is universal love. If ruler and subject realize the universal love, then they will be cooperative. Because that guarantees their own benefits in absence of any bothering and engagements. Consequently the relationship between ruler and subject who obey to their own benefit became to be reciprocal. The process that coincide with men's selfish desire means the possibility for establishing rational heuristic of government. What Mo Tzu intended is to revive rational heuristic of government on the basis of not human nature which be benevolence and virtue but human nature which be selfish and historical development. This is the difference between Confucius and Mo Tzu.

제주도 민가의 문화재 지정 이후 창호 개변에 관한 연구

오종범,이호열 대한건축학회지회연합회 2012 대한건축학회지회연합회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.2012 No.1

淸 中期 揚州學人의 實學思想과 日常文化 改變運動

李元錫 호서사학회 2008 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.51

수온조절기의 개변온도가 가솔린 차량의 연비 및 배출가스에 미치는 영향

김서규(SeoKyu Kim),이검수(GumSu Lee),정진우(Jinwoo Jeong),정수진(SooJin Jeong) 한국자동차공학회 2016 한국자동차공학회 학술대회 및 전시회 Vol.2016 No.11

Engine thermal management system(TMS) are gaining attention in engine development and calibration to achieve low fuel consumption to achieve low fuel consumption and meet future emission regulation. One of the major TMS strategy for improving fuel economy is operating the engine in high temperatures. Operating the engine in high temperatures not only decrease hydro dynamic friction losses but also decreases the heat flux from combustion chamber to coolant fluid which in turn results in higher overall engine efficiency. This work examines the effect of two different STO(Starting Temperature of Opening) of wax-thermostat, 90℃ and 100℃ of gasoline engine on fuel economy and emission characteristics. In this work, a gasoline SUV car equipped with wax-thermostat was tested under FTP-75 and HWFET mode to examine how thermal condition changes by different STO of thermostat affects fuel consumption and emission characteristics. The test results show for both drive cycles fuel saving due to the application of operating the engine in high temperature by high STO of thermostat is relatively small and amounts between 0.34% and 0.48%. It is also found that the amount of HC and CO emissions from tailpipe tends to decrease with higher engine coolant temperature because of faster catalyst light-off and improved combustion. For further detail investigation, the application of physically based system level computational model will be strongly required.

소셜네트워크 캠페인과 유권자 참여 효과: 18대 대선의 경험적 분석

장우영 ( Woo Young Chang ) 한국세계지역학회 2014 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.32 No.3

이 연구는 SNS(Social Network Service) 이용자 집단을 중심으로 시민참여 효과를 분석하는데 목표를 두고 있다. 특히 이 연구는 단순히 SNS 이용 여부에 따른 참여효과를 다룬 종래의 연구 경향에서 진일보하여, SNS에 대한 신뢰도와 이용의 적극도를 기준으로 참여효과를 논구한다. 구체적으로 이 연구는 첫째, SNS 이용자 집단의 정치적 정향을 고찰한다. 정치적 정향은 이념, 정치효능감, 민주주의 만족도를 비롯해서 대의정치 기제(정부, 국회, 정당, 선거)에 대한 신뢰·지지·관심을 포함한다. 둘째, SNS 이용자 집단의 선거참여 액티비티(activity)를 고찰한다. 선거참여는 SNS 연결, 정보소비, 커뮤니케이션, 조직화, 지지 행동으로 액티비티 수준을 분류한다. 셋째, SNS 이용자 집단의 투표참가, 정당지지 및 후보선택 효과를 고찰한다. 즉 SNS 신뢰도와 적극도에 따라 정치적 강화(reenforcement) 또는 개변(transversion) 효과를 낳는지를 분석한다. This study aims to analyze the effect of civic participation in elections targeting groups of SNS users. Especially this research overcomes the limitations of conventional study discussing with participation effect whether it conforms to the SNS, and focuses on the reliability and the use of the SNS. Specifically first, this research examines the political orientation of SNS users. It has the trust, support and attention of representative politics agents as like the government, assembly, political party and election including ideology, political efficacy and democratic satisfaction. Second, This study examines the electoral participation activities of SNS users group. Election participation can be classified as SNS linkage, information consumption, communication, organization, supportive action in the level of its activity. Third, this study investigates the effects of participating vote, supporting political party and selecting candidates of SNS users. In other words, this research analyzes whether SNS effect leads to reenforcement effect or transversion effect depending on the reliability and use of it.

유항림과 절망의 존재론

신형기 상허학회 2008 상허학보 Vol.23 No.-

The aim of this paper is to read the ontology of despair in Yu Hang- Lim’s short stories. The characters represented in Yu Hang-Lim’s short stories are in despair. If the despair took hold of them is despair can not be oneself what they want or what they are not, it can be said that despair is the way to problematized the self. I think Yu Hang-Lim’s short stories cast some doubtful questions about self through the despair. In the ontology of despair, self regarded as the other not to be completely communicated or can not be defined from one side. The characters in Yu Hang-Lim’s short stories were depicted as the other or they saw themselves as the other. Maguen described the surplus man act like a busy person ironically, and ideologically conversed character depicted in Gugu shows that there is no key to solve his despair. The socialist idea also seemed suspicious to him. The despair was inevitable. Buho and Nongdam can be read as a criticism to the inclination apt to destroy the self or the selfish narcissism apt to disguise themselves easily. Specially in Nongdam the person who can not accept any appellation shows the conscience that demands be prudent to himself and other. The despair was an expression of conscience that knows the self can not be erased or filled with something and furthermore defined easily. The self is an object can be thought through the despair, that was a mandate of conscience. The spilt sight of despairing person deconstructed and segmented the time and space viewed by the Subject. This caused the modernistic character of Yu Hang-Lim’s short stories. In Yu Hang-Lim’s case the meaning of Modernism can be explained by the ontology of despair. In North Korea Yu Hang-Lim should describe the process of self transformation as a victory of the right and the new like other writers. But he represented confused inside of the person who could not renew himself realistically. That person was a shape to express the skepticism whether belonging to the Subject is the way to be self or not. 이 글은 유항림의 소설에서 절망의 존재론을 읽으려는 것이다. 유항림 소설의 인물들은 절망하고 있다. 그 절망이 진정한 자신이 되지 못한 절망이거나 자신이 아닌 자신이 될 수 없는 절망이라면 절망은 자신이란 것을 문제시하는 방법이라고 말할 수 있다. 이 글은 유항림의 소설이 이러한 절망을 통해 자신이란 것에 대한 의혹에 찬 물음을 던지고 있다고 본다. 절망의 존재론에서 자신이란 완전한 소통이나 일방적인 규정을 불허하는 타자이다. 유항림의 소설은 자신을 타자로 드러내고 바라본다. 「마권」은 바쁜 체 하는 잉여인간을 풍자적으로 제시했으며 「구구」의 전향자는 자신들의 절망을 해결할 어떤 열쇠도 없음을 일깨운다. 사상 또한 의혹의 대상이었다. 절망은 불가피했다. 「부호」와 「농담」은 자신을 파괴하거나 던져버리는 파행적 선택과 더불어 자신을 무엇으로든 채우려 드는 주체의 나르시즘을 비판한 것으로 읽힌다. 특히 「농담」에서 무엇으로든 규정되고 불리는 것을 용인하지 못하는 주인공은 자신과 남에 대해 조심하는 양심을 일깨운다. 절망은 자신이란 스스로 지워버릴 수도 함부로 규정하거나 채울 수도 없는 것임을 아는 양심의 발현이었다. 자신은 절망을 통해서만 생각할 수 있는 대상이라는 것―이것이 양심의 요구이자 명령이었다. 절망하는 인물의 분열된 시선은 주체에 의해 조망된 시공간을 해체하고 분절시켰다. 유항림의 소설이 보인 모더니즘적 면모는 이에 기인한다. 유항림 소설의 경우 모더니즘의 의미는 절망의 존재론을 통해서 해명되어야 할 것이다. 북한에서 유항림은 다른 북한작가들과 마찬가지로 옳은 것과 새 것이 승리해 가는 쇄신의 과정을 그려내야 했다. 그러나 그는 또 개변되지 못한 인물들의 혼란스러운 내면을 사실적으로 제시했다. 그 인물들은 대 주체에의 귀속이 과연 진정한 자신이 되는 길인가 하는 회의를 표현하고 있었다.

모바일 게임 콘텐츠의 저작권 보호

고영수(Young-Soo Goh) 한국콘텐츠학회 2014 한국콘텐츠학회지 Vol.12 No.2

宋代 西南‘蠻夷’의 分布諸相과 朝貢의 推移

김성규 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 역사문화연구소 2003 역사문화연구 Vol.19 No.-

북한 구전설화 연구 - 탈북자들의 구술자료를 중심으로 -

李福揆 동아시아고대학회 2003 동아시아고대학 Vol.8 No.-

Since spring 2002, the author has met the recent defectors from North Korea to investigate the North Korean oral folk tales. The ten North Korean defectors whom the author met confided to him over 100 pieces of folk tale and folk-tale-related information. Collecting these data was a pleasurable experience as the doubts and ambiguities concerning North Korean oral literature were cleared one by one. The project was worthwhile as the reality of North Korean oral tradition, though partially, could be reported before research has been done in any journals, in an independent volume, or in any broadcasting program. Questionwise the whole content could be summarized as follows: (1) Are there any folk tales in North Korea?: The interviews with North Korean defectors show that there are. For instance, the interviewee who grew up at the town of General Eung-seo Kim dictated some related stories and other town-based legends that he had heard in his childhood. Other interviewees also dictated stories that are hard to be found in the existing North Korean folk tale anthology. (2) In what form do the folk tales exist?: North Korean folk tales were viewed as existing in four types. That is: ① traditional oral transmission ② published but changed tales ③ modernized humor ④ tales adapted for fairy tales and digital media. First of all, traditional oral transmission refers to the folk tales that have been narrated since the Partition of the Korean Peninsula. Second, published but changed tales are those created intentionally for a certain ideological purpose after the successful idolization of Chairman Kim. Third, modernized humor refers to those humorous stories floating over the general population just like those in South Korea. In the author's opinion, this is the type in which the oral tales are most widely distributed and galvanized in the North Korean society. Tales in this category include humor castigating the unjust top officials, humor satirizing the corrupted military, humor that surreptitiously expresses the author's discontentment toward the mainstream ideology, and the sexual innuendoes, which only show that the North Koreans have the same sexual tension in their lives as ours. From these types of humor one can infer that the North Koreans live with a due sense of judgment toward the contradiction or corruption of their political system and thus that they are only human just like one of us with the same instincts, desires and sense of humor. In addition, there are also humorous stories using puns. Lastly, tales adapted for fairy tales and digital media refer to those stories that are not original but re-created based on traditional folk tales or classical literature. The interviewees dictated these tales recalling their experience of reading the fairy tales and comics or watching the movies, TV shows or animation. (3) How are the oral folk tales being transmitted in North Korea?: First, such tales as traditional folk tales, modern humor, fairy tale/digital media tales are transmitted in the private sector in such relationships as family or friends. Then, the changed tales are narrated only in public, never among the private relationships. (4) Why are the folk tale publications lacking between 1965 and 1985?: This is the question that the author has brooded on as he searched for the data focusing on the materials housed in the North Korean Materials Library. According to the interviewees, the North Korean authority collected and burnt every volume, especially the translations of the classics and foreign books. This research could be differentiated from the existing literature reviews in that it is based on the testimony of the defectors who grew up and lived in North Korea. The existing researches are, however, based on notes or recollections of what the researchers heard, not the transcripts of the tape-recorded utterances of the interviewees, so the tales adapted and abridged at random are anywhere but some distance from the original content. The direct transcription method adopted in this research is thus believed to be a step forward in this matter.