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Odontometric sex discrimination in young Urhobo adults of South-South Nigeria
Dennis Erhisenebe O. Eboh,Dennis Erhisenebe O. Eboh 대한해부학회 2019 Anatomy & Cell Biology Vol.52 No.3
The spate of unidentified human remains as a result of kidnapping, killings, and so forth was the reason for this study. The purpose of this study was to measure the crown and cusps of each of the permanent maxillary first two molars to determine discriminant score and functions among Urhobo people of Nigeria. All Undergraduates of the Delta State University, Abraka, who are pure breeds Urhobo, form the study population. Three hundred and six subjects (171 males and 135 females), with mean age 22.88±3.34 years, participated in the study, which is based on the simple random sampling technique. All four crown widths and the four cusps of the maxillary first two molars were measured in millimeter, from a prepared study models of dental stone, and crown area, crown and cusps indices were calculated. The level of sexual dimorphism was also calculated for each parameter. Descriptive statistics was used to summarize the data while inferential statistics were used to ascertain significant sexual differences and to determine discriminant scores and functions. Statistical significance was fixed at P≤0.05. Crown and cusp dimensions of the first two permanent maxillary molars exhibited statistically significant sexual dimorphism. The highest percentage of sexual dimorphism was crown area of maxillary second molar (9.08%), followed by first molar (7.85%). Next, were metacone, paracone, disto-buccomesio-lingual, and mesio-buccodisto-lingual widths. The overall sex discriminatory precisions of the various parameters in the maxillary first two molars are good. The findings of this study are of relevance in forensic anthropology.
Strategies, Institutions, and Outcomes Under SNTV in Taiwan, 1992–2004
Dennis P. Patterson,Hans Stockton 동아시아연구원 2010 Journal of East Asian Studies Vol.10 No.1
During the five democratic elections held in Taiwan from 1992 to 2004 inclusive,the formerly dominant Kuomintang Party (KMT) was temporarily supplanted by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) as the nation’s largest political party. Most explanations for this have focused on party fragmentation and the changing patterns of electoral competition it helped create. These are important factors, but they have not been tested empirically at the level where candidates won and lost legislative seats, the level of the election district. This article offers such an empirical test, and it will show that these two factors had a direct impact on the ability of DPP and KMT candidates to obtain legislative seats. We also show that these factors carried indirect impacts by hurting the ability of the KMT and DPP to nominate in a way that they would obtain all the seats that their obtained vote shares would allow.
Obama’s Asia Policy: A Look Back at the Presidential Race to Understand America’s Next Steps in Asia
Dennis Shorts,Vincent Min 통일연구원 2008 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.17 No.2
This paper assesses the probable Asia policies of the incoming Barack Obama administration. It analyzes the President-elect’s announced policies, public statements, and his close Asia advisors’ writings in order to extrapolate what Asia policies he may implement as President of the United States. This paper examines Obama’s Asia policy in terms of five subject areas: a general approach to East Asia, the North Korean problem, South Korea, free trade, and China. In order to better understand the context of Obama’s Asia policy, this paper compares the President-elect’s likely posture on Asian affairs with the objectives of his former rival for the presidency: John McCain. This comparative analysis shows that Obama’s foreign policy in East Asia will tend to be realist and pragmatic in nature, advocate more direct diplomacy with North Korea, and be wary of free trade promotion. In contrast, McCain would have been more ally-centric in executing his foreign policy in Asia, more hawkish on North Korea, and ardently support free trade in the region. On China and South Korea, Obama and McCain have similar policy approaches.
Diplomacy, trade, and South Korea’s rise to international influence
Dennis Patterson,최장섭 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2018 International Area Studies Review Vol.21 No.1
The story of South Korea’s post-armistice economic ascendance has been well documented, but its parallel rise as an influential international actor is just beginning to receive the scholarly attention it deserves. Moreover, in the work that has been produced thus far, scholars have assumed that it was its remarkable economic growth that drove South Korea’s rise to international influence. This assumption misses the important fact that South Korea was elevating itself internationally while it was still a poor nation. As we demonstrate in this paper, what is missing in existing work is that it was the diplomatic efforts of South Korean presidents early in the post-armistice period that put the country on the path to its current international influence both directly and indirectly. They did this directly by removing it from the diplomatic isolation it inherited after the Korean War, and they accomplished this indirectly by using the tools of diplomacy to expand South Korea’s trading relations, without which it would not have enjoyed the remarkable economic growth it experienced.
Dennis Atkinson,신현지(번역자) 한국국제미술교육학회 2011 미술과 교육 Vol.12 No.2
이 글은 예술 교육에서 말하는 핵심 역량의 개념을 현대 예술 분야의 재분배와 재구성의 시각에서 다루고 있다. 어떻게 이러한 재구성이 학교 예술 교육 분야에서 기술과 지식의 “핵심 역량”에 영향을 끼쳤는가? 이 글은 학습과 실제에 관한 철학적인 관점을 제시하고 이 관점은 특정한 역량에 한정되어 있다기보다는 새롭게 출현하는 실제와 그것이 학습에 끼칠 영향에 대해 개방적이고 호응적이라고 할 수 있겠다.