호적문학의 수용과정

하정옥 성균관대학교 인문과학연구소 1982 人文科學 Vol.11 No.1

Hu Shi was a forerunner of the modern Chinese literary movement. He insisted that the vernacular was the only instrument for the creation of a new literature for China, and frankly announced that the classical language in which the old literature had been written was already a dead language. Discussion along this line was first started in a small coterie and it was not until early in 1917 that Hu Shi's ideas were embodied in a proposal. Following the guide of historical evolution, this article contained the following basic points Literature is something which undergoes changes with the lapse of time. Each age has its own literature....... It could be safely assumed in accordance with the point of view of modern historical evolution that vernacular literature should be the orthodox literature of China. According to his own estimation, Hu Shi was too preoccupied with the moderation of the historian to be successful in revolutionary activities. What was needed most urgently in the literary revolution was an impatient vanguard, which role was filled by his friend, Chen Du-Xiu. After the publication of Hu Shi's article in the January, 1917, number of the popular monthly Xin Qing-nian, with the French title La Jeunesse, Chen threw the first bomb in February and hoisted the banner of a literary revolution. In 1918 new grounds were gained by the revolution. The official organ, Xin Qing-nian, was edited at Peking, where both Chen and Hu had joined the faculty of the National Peking University, and vernacular had been adopted as the official medium of the monthly. In April, Hu Shi published an article on constructive theories for the literary revolution. In this article the main point he made was summarized in ten Chinese words as $quot;literature written in a national language and a national language with literary capabilities.$quot; In this thesis, my researches have been concentrated on his literary and philosophical thoughts in defining his influence on modern Korean literature. For that purpose, I collected his articles and writings in magazines and other periodicals published in Korea in the 1920s and 1930s, before I made a systematic analysis of and study about them. The magazines which contains his articles include Gaebyuk, Dongmyung, Moon-chang, Haewae Moonhak, Hyundae Pyungnon, Chosunji Kwang, Dongkwang, Shinsaeng, Shinheung, Shindonga, Samchulli, and the newspapers carrying his writings include Donga Ilbo and Chosun Ilbo. Among the translators and those who provided explanatory interpretations are Baik-hwa Liang, Yoon-jae Lee, Youk-sa Lee, Byung-soon Chung, Sang-eun Lee, Nae-dong Chung, Un-joon Shin, Chun-suk Oh, Kang-soo Kim, Sung-han Hong, Se-hoon Won and so on. And I classified these articles and writings into four fields : literary critics and theories, new poems written in vernacular, his thoughts and pragmatism, and current affairs. It may be concluded that Hu Shi exerted a significant influence upon our country in terms of literature and thought. In a way, it is to be realized from the fact, among others, that most of the translators paid a high respect to him as a great man of thoughts. It is not easy, however, to identify in a short space of time the extent of his influence upon modern Korean literature.

낙태에 대한 형사처벌의 시대착오

하정옥 연구공동체 건강과대안 2017 의료와사회 Vol.- No.8

한부모 자녀의 일상생활적응과 부모의 양육태도에 따른 자아존중감

하정옥 한국사회복지지원학회 2010 사회복지지원학회지 Vol.5 No.1

급변하는 현대 사회에서 새로운 문제로 떠오른 한부모 가정은 빠른 증가 추세를 보이며 많은 사회적 문제를 낳고 있어, 문제점의 개선 방안과 정책 마련이 시급한 실정이다. 이에 본 연구에서는 한부모 자녀에 관한 일상생활 적응 및 자아존중감을 살펴보고, 대다수의 한부모 가족에게서 나타나는 자녀양육의 문제점에 대한 올바른 방법을 제시하여, 한부모와 자녀의 바람직한 관계 형성을 돕기로 한다. 연구결과 자녀의 자아존중감에 영향을 미치는 가장 중요한 요인 중 하나가 부모의 양육태도로 나타났다. 부모가 온정적이고 허용적일 때 활동적이며 다정하고, 창의성이 높고, 독립적인 성격을 가진 자녀가 되고, 부모의 양육태도가 온정적이나 엄격할 경우에 부모에게 유순한 태도를 가지며 규칙을 준수하고 순종적인 자녀가 되는 것으로 나타났다. 따라서 부모의 올바른 양육태도를 위하여 한부모가 안고 있는 경제적, 사회 심리적 편견, 정서적 문제 등을 해결하고 실질적인 도움을 줄 수 있는 국가와 지역사회의 지원이 필요하겠다.

한국 생명의료기술의 사회적 관리 미비와 재생산의 비가시화 : 체외수정기술 자료 구성의 국제 비교를 중심으로

하정옥 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 2006 여성학논집 Vol.23 No.1

본 논문에서는 한국의 생명의료기술의 사회적 관리 미비를 재생산의 사회적 의미 설정의 측면에서 살펴본다. 주로 체외수정기술의 자료 구성을 중심으로 한국에서 자료가 어떻게 구성되었는가를 미국 및 유럽의 상황과 비교한다. 기술의 사회적 관리를 한국에서의재생산의 의미 설정과 함께 연동해서 보려는 이유는 두 가지다. 첫째 한국에서의 사회적관리 미비를 단지 규제의 후진성이 아니라 기술의 문제화로 읽고자 하는 의도에서 기술의문제화를 구성하는 한 요소로 재생산의 의미규정을 보고자 함이다. 둘째 생명의료기술과관련된 서구 페미니스트의 비판 주류인 여성 고유 영역에 가부장적 기술의 침탈 테제가 한국에서는 그대로 적용되기 어렵다는 것을 그들이 주로 주장한 여성의 비가시성이 아닌재생산의 비가시성 으로 보고자 함이다. This article examines the social control of IVF technology in Korea, andcompares it with other countries national registries and laws. During the 1990sand early 2000s, other countries that performed clinical treatments on the samescale as Korea established national registries compiling the related data and haveworked on follow-up studies of children born of an IVF conception. Thosecountries have undertaken restrictive regulations to reduce the number ofembryos transferred in one cycle. However, Korea never tried to keep a nationalregistry or undertake follow-up studies on IVF children. Statistics indicate thatthe majority of infertility treatment cases in Korea involve transfer of over 4embryos in one cycle. The long absence of social controls on reproductive technology in Koreacan be traced not only to the lack of any restrictive regulations, but rather, hasalso been conditioned by the social definition of reproduction in Korea. Reproduction in itself has never been a visible, public responsibility within awelfare state system, and accordingly, women, who bear the sole responsibilityfor reproduction in Korea, have also remained invisible. Thus, the lack of socialregulation over biomedical technology must be seen within a largersocio-technological system circumscribed by how reproduction is defined.

[서평] 자명하지 않은 몸, 어려운 분석 - 크리스 쉴링, 『몸의 사회학』(나남출판)

하정옥 실천문학 2001 실천문학 Vol.61 No.-

李汝珍의 生平과 著作

河正玉 淑明女子大學校 1980 論文集 Vol.20 No.-

Li Ru-zhen was born in 1763 in Daxing, Hopei province in China and probably died in 1830. At a time when passing the Imperial Civil Service Examinations was the prerequisite for an official career, and an official career was the only way of living open to scholars, he rebelled against Ba-Gu Wen or the Eight-Legged Essay, a fixed style of composition which was one of the requirments of the Examinations. Thus, he failed to pass any but county level of the Imperial Examinations. At about twenty in 1782, he was brought to Haichow in Kiangsu province by his elder brother, who had been appointed an official in the Salt Bureau there. He was immediately attracted by the profound learning of the great scholar Ling Ting-kan(1757-1809), with whom he studied the classics, linguistics, and phonology. With an almost endless appetite for content subjects, he also became an expert in astrology, medicine, mathematics, rhetoric, poetry, calligraphy, painting, music, chess and parlor games, all of which contributed to the writing of his novel. For one brief period in 1891, he went to work in the Honan provincial government as an assistant to the magistrate, and there had a part in building dykes to prevent the flooding of the Yellow River. We do not know how good a dyke-builder he was, but it's a fair chance that while there, he did not try very hard to advance his position in government. He was a man of active mind, and that he did not support himself or have an official post did not mean that he was idle. During the Qing Dynasty, China was ruled by the Manchus, who persecuted Chinese scholars. The Qing rulers were particularly sensitive to scholars dealing with the history of relations between the Chinese people and the border tribes. A mere glance at the numerous instances making up the so-called literary inquisition, in which many innocent writers were mercilessly punished, will impress the modern reader with the wisdom of choice made by the great majority of schoars of those days in seeking refuge in philological and exegetical commentaries on the Confucian classics and in the bypaths of ancient semantics and phonolgy. As a result, the cherished standard in scholarship was evidence based on facts. With the growth of this new ideal of erudition and emphasis on verifiable knowledge it was only natural that the learned would belittle what was avowedly fictional. A great exception to the rule was a scholar who excelled in many specialties and who had distinguished himself especially in phonological researches, but whose luck in the competitive examination halls varied inversely with the growth of his erudition. Toward the end of his life, spending his days listlessly at the seaport county of Haichow, he devoted more than ten years to the writing of a peculiar novel, Jing-hua-yuan or the Romance of the Flowers in the Mirror. His one novel, Jing-hua-yuan, consisting of a hundred chapters, shows remarkable diversity in both narrative content and purpose. Critics has observed that it is encyclopedic in scope, and suggested that it reflects the wide range of interests and activities prevalent among scholars in early nineteenth-century China. The author's intention has been variously interpreted as private entertainment, display of erudition, or social criticism. It may be the most succinct statement of this diversity to descibe the work as an inimitable blend of mythology and adventure story, fantasy and allegory, satire and straight instruction, throughout informed with learning and sustained by wit, with an admixture of games and puzzles for the unhurried readers. Before he tried his hand at a novel, he had won recognition as a scholar with a treatise on phonology entitled Yin-jian or the Mirror of Phonology, a work in which he contrasted ancient pronunciation with current speech, a daring innovation in the field. It was probably his refusal to become circumscribed by the technique of the Eight-Legged Essay that made him bold enough to become a novelist. Besides, his keen appetite for oriental chess made him have collected the chess manuals and publish shou-zi-pu or the Genealogical Table of Oriental Chess Playing, which contains more than two hundred playing cases of the celebrated chess players in Kangxi, Yongzheng, Qianlung and Jiaquing period in Qing Dynasty.

文學革命運動의 背景과 展開

河正玉 단국대학교 중어중문학과 1976 中國文學報 Vol.- No.3

曹植詩攷

河正玉 淑明女子大學校 1978 論文集 Vol.18 No.-

Cao Zhi(A.D. 192-232), better known as Chen Si Wang or Prince Si of Chen, was the third son of Cao Cao(A.D. 155-220) who was the real power behind Xien's throne, the last Han emperor, and the younger brother of Cao Pi(A.D. 186-226) who was the first emperor Wen of the Wei Dynasty, and was the most distinguished poet in the Jien An Period (A.D. 196-220), the reign-period name of the last Han emperor Xien. This period, although it lay at the end of the Han dynastic span, did not connote any degeneracy or lack of vigor which one would associate with the fall of an empire. On the contrary, it was a period in literary development which opened up many new vistas in both prose and poetry. During the reign of Jien An conscious attempts were made to set up a new discipline for the fostering of new verse forms. Poems consisting purely of five-syllable or seven-syllable lines with rhythmic vitality and regularity were to replace the stately but lifeless four-syllabe-line verse form used in sacrificial and court singing that was slavishly imitative of the prevailing pattern in the book of songs. In folk poetry the irregular verse form composed of lines of varying length-a verse form that seemed to follow no rules at all but only the impulse of the singer and the nature of the subject matter-also yielded ground rapidly to the new convention. In addition, the age saw a remarkable rapprochment between the writings of the literary class and the spontaneous songs of the populace. This latter trend was especially noticeable in the way that folk poetry, with its popular themes and lively rhythm, exerted a clear influence upon the major poets, who now entitled their poetical compositions in the style of folk songs. Among the so-called seven masters of the Jien An Period the most distinguished were Wang Chan(A.D. 177-217) and Liu Zheng(died 217). Surpassing both Liu and Wang was Cao Zhi. If anyone had contributed substantially to the five-syllable-line poetry of the Jien An Period, no one could rival Cao Zhi in demonstrating that the new verse form could be utilized in all types of poetical expression from extended narration to the most ethereal type of lyricism. His rise to literary eminence was not an especially easy one. because both his father and his elder brother were poets of great reputation. In his eighteenth year he won the admiration of his father by having written a fu on the Bronze Bird Terrace. Soon afterward, according to an unverified tradition, he fell in love with Lady Zhen, a woman ten years older than himself, who became the consort of his elder brother, Emperor Wen. These circumstances, coupled with the political jealousies of his elder brother after the latter's ascension to the imperial throne, rendered his life in exile extremely difficult. His poem, generally known as "The Seven Pace Poem", was an illustration of his point. He had been summoned from his feudal state to the imperial capital and ordered to write a poem while taking seven paces in the imperial audience hall. He realized it was a political trap to which he responded with the following: A fine dish of beans had been placed in the pot With a view to a good mess of pottage all hot. The beanstalks, aflame, a fierce heat were begetting, The beans in the pot were all fuming and fretting. Yet the beans and the stalks were not born to be foes; Oh, why should these hurry to finish off those? (Herbert A. Giles' translation)

후스(胡適)와 新詩

河正玉 숙명여자대학교 학생위원회 1981 淑大學報 Vol.21 No.-

현재 홍콩 중문대학에 가 있는 대만 시단의 중견인 위광중교수는 『만약 오사기의 신시를 어린이라고 한다면 현대시는 소년에 비유할 수 있다』고 했다. 여기서 우리가 유의해야 할 점은 「신시」와 「현대시」라는 용어의 문제이다. 물론 「신시」라는 용어는 원래 중국의 전통시를 일컫는 「구시」라는 말에 대칭되는 말로 쓰인 것이므로 넓은 의미에서 신시는 현대시의 범주 안에 포함시킬 수도 있겠으나, 소위 문학혁명(1917)이후 대륙시대의 그것을 1949년 12월 자유중국이 대만으로 옮겨 온 이후 얼마간의 진공시기를 거쳐 점차 일기 시작한 현대시운동의 산물인 이른바 현대시와는 구분해서 쓴 말이다.

「增補文獻備考」所載 中國傳入韓國之書籍

하정옥 한국출판학회 1972 出版學硏究 Vol.- No.-