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- 저자 : 최진열 ( Jin Yeoul Choi ) (검색결과 30 건)
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崔珍烈(Choi Jin-Yeoul) 역사학회 2008 역사학보 Vol.0 No.197
My treatise is the analysis of provincial name to discover the meaning of provincial name given to Goguryo(高句麗), Baekje(百濟), and Silla(新羅), three kingdoms in ancient Korean by China. Chinese emperors regarded their neighborhood as "vassal" states or tribes, and created "vassal" kings or chiefs the Chinese titles and ranks of nobility, which meant the nominal vassal relationship between both without legal binding forces and feudal land. But names of feudal land were Chinese provincial name and The Chinese insisted that kings or chiefs given Chinese titles were their "vassal" country and their states or tribes were Chinese possession. I found that names of feudal land were named after the regions which Chinese neighbor kings or chiefs were born and lived, or occupied and ruled. For example, Daifang(帶方) was Chinese county and Baekje founders established their country originally. So Chinese emperors gave Baekje kings the title Daifang jungong (帶方郡公) named after birthplace Baekje founded. These investing practice continued ranging from the period of Dongjin-Nanchao(東晉南朝) to Beichao (北朝) to Tang(唐) dynasty, broadly applied to kings or chiefs of neighborhood states or tribes such as Nanzhao(南詔)ㆍT?yuhun(吐谷渾), Kitai(契丹), Xi(奚) as well as Korean three kingdoms. As we know, Balhae, the Goguryo succession state, was named after Bohai, Chenese provincial name having no connection with Balhae founders, but we haven't known why the Chinese gave a name of Bohai to the Goguryo succession. I think the Chinese associate Balhae with the name of Goguryo, such as Tang emperors confered the Goguryo royal family with Chaoxian junwang(朝鮮郡王), which the Chinese in tang period identified Chosun(朝鮮) with Goguryo. I will solve the mystery of name Balhae in future.
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유목국가·이민족왕조의 통치체제 정비·운영과 定住·農耕民의 역할
최진열(CHOI Jin-yeoul) 고구려발해학회 2013 고구려발해연구 Vol.46 No.-
북방의 유목민이 몽골고원에 세운 유목국가나 중국의 일부 혹은 전체를 지배했던 이민족왕조는 漢人(중국인)을 비롯한 정주·농경민들을 관리로 등용하였다. 그러나 나라마다 이들을 활용한 양상은 달랐다. 匈奴·突厥·위구르·몽골(明淸時代) 등 유목국가는 漢人보다도 중앙아시아의 오아시스 定住農耕民, 혹은 상인들을 중용하였다. 돌궐과 위구르에서 활약한 소그드인들은 중국과 유목국가(突厥·위구르), 서아시아, 동로마제국(비잔티움제국)을 잇는 동서교역에 유목국가 대신 종사하여 많은 이익을 남겼고 유목국가의 지배층과 나누었다. 그리고 유목민들에게 종교(마니교)와 문자(소그드문자) 등을 전파하였다. 유목국가는 이들을 통해 정주적 요소를 받아들였지만 국가의 제도나 정치체제를 근본적으로 바꾸지는 않았다. 비트포겔이 침투왕조(잠입왕조)라 불렀던 五胡諸國·北朝에 出仕한 漢人官僚들은 胡族君主를 섬기며 중국식 제도를 도입하는데 기여하였다. 그러나 五胡諸國과 北朝의 여러 나라가 중국의 제도와 문물을 전적으로 받아들인 것은 아니었다. 오히려 五胡諸國과 北朝는 이민족과 漢人을 별도의 戶籍이나 지방행정조직으로 나누어 통치하는 胡漢分治정책을 취했다. 그리고 北魏처럼 유목국가에서 유래하는 官制나 의례를 여전히 유지하여 중국식 관제와 병용하였다. 五胡諸國과 北朝는 유목국가와 비교하면 漢人官僚의 정치적·제도적 영향력이 컸고 소그드인 등 중앙아시아인의 영향은 상대적으로 작았다. 征服王朝인 契丹(遼)은 韓延徽·韓知古 등 漢人官僚의 도움을 받아 중국식 제도를 도입하였다. 그러나 五胡諸國·北朝의 胡漢分治처럼 유목민과 漢人을 나누어 통치하는 北面·南面이라는 二重體制를 유지하였다. 몽골제국에서는 위구르인과 무슬림 등 소위 色目人이 관리, 특히 재무관료가 되어 漢化된 契丹人인 耶律楚材와 女眞人 粘合重山, 姚樞·許衡·劉秉忠 등 漢人관료들보다 영향력을 행사하였다. 돌궐·위구르·몽골제국의 지배층은 정주적 요소를 받아들이려고 하거나 받아들인 카간(카안)에 반발하며 유목적 요소를 지켜야 한다고 주장하였다. 특히 정주문명을 대표하는 도성 건설을 두고 代國(拓跋部), 돌궐, 몽골제국에서 반대 의견이 제기되었다. 그리고 이들의 주장은 일부 관철되었다. 반면 北魏 孝文帝의 漢化政策에 반발한 皇太子 元恂과 穆泰·陸叡는 반란을 계획했으나 실패하고 살해되었다. The nomad empires in Mongolia and Central Asia and the alien dynasties in China Proper used the sedentary people including the Chinese as civilian officials, whose role were different in each nomad empires and the alien dynasties. The nomad empires such as Xiongnu, Turk kaghanate, the Uighurs and the Mongol empire appointed more Central Asian sedentary people and merchants than the Chinese. The Sogdian merchants was appointed as the deploamts made a big money and distributed among themselves and the nomad ruling class through lucarative silk trade among other Eurasian countries such as China, Turk kaghanate or the Uighurs, Middle East, Eastern Rome Empire(he Byzantine Empire) and so forth. They conveyed religions of Manichaeism and Soghdian letters to the nomad ruling class. The nomad ruling class received the sedentary civilization, but did not changed their origin political system through reception of sedentary politicl asystem. The Chinese civilian officials served in the alien dynasties in the period of Wuhuzhuguo and Beichao, contributed to the making of the Chinese political system. They did not entirely receive he Chinese political system and culture. They chose the dual ruling system of the Chinese and the Aliens(Babarians), which ruled the conquested Chinese people with system of junxian(commanderies and prefectures) and ruled the nomads or aliens with origin political system. Comparatively speaking, the Chinese civilian officials in the period of Wuhuzhuguo and Beichao was less politically influential than Cnetral Asian sedentary people. Khitai, which was one of Conquest Dynasties, received the Chinese political system with the help of Chinese civilian officials such as Han Yanhui and Han Zhigu, but maintained the the dual ruling system of the Chinese and the nomads. The Semuren(色目人) such as the Uighurs and Muslim were appointed civilian officials, especially financial officials, more influential than sinicized Khitan and Jurchen such as Yeluchucai and Zhanhezhongshan, and other Chinese civilian officials in Mongol empire. The ruling class in nomad empires and alien dynasties were opposed to receiving the sedentary civilization and building the capital city which were partly accepted by namad kaghans. But the emperor Xiaowen executed insurgent his son, i.e. crown prince and nomad ruling class, who were against his sinicization policy and the transfer of the capital from Pingcheng to Luoyang.
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북위후기(北魏後期) 낙양(洛陽) 출토 도용(陶俑)의 복식(服飾) 분석(分析) -호복(胡服) 착용 여부의 통계적 검토-
최진열 ( Jin Yeoul Choi ) 중앙아시아학회 2011 中央아시아硏究 Vol.16 No.-
This essay is to examine the commonly accepted view of the prohibition on Hu-style(Xianbei-style) garments in A.D. 494, which banned Xianbei-based nomadic or pastoral people from wearing Hu-style(Xianbei-style) dresses and hats. I overturned conventional wisdom of the prohibition on Hu-style(Xianbei-style) garments in 494, which was not observed thoroughly. I set forth evidence that after the ban of the emperor Xiaowen in A.D. 494 Xianbei people wore their traditional Hu-style(Xianbei-style) dresses and hats. In this essay, I examine the dress and hat of the pottery figurines in excavated in tombs of Northern Wei period in Beimang Mountain, which is located in north of Luoyang, the capital of Northern Wei period. If the dresses and hats of the pottery figurines in excavated in tombs of Northern Wei period was reflected to that of Luoyang residents, ratio of Hu-style(Xianbei-style) dresses and hats is 13.9%(or 10.8%), but that of Han(Chinese)-style garments and Western Region-style garments is 18.6% and 8.3% respectively. The mixture of Hu-style(Xianbei-style) and Han(Chinese)-style garments is 46.7%(or 49.8%). This showed that after the ban of the Xianbei-style garments, Hu-style(Xianbei-style) dresses and hats were dressed both Xianbei-based nomadic or pastoral people and Chinese, Xianbei and Chinese costumes were mixed and influenced mutually. I don`t deny the fact that there was Xianbei people to wear Chinese costumes but it was applied in their public lives and they wore Xianbei costumes in daily lives. I brought forward a reason to break partly the emperor Xiaowen`s ban on weaing Hu-style(Xianbei-style) dresses and hats that there was the decrease drop in temperature in period of Nanbeichao(Northern and Southern Dynasties) why Luoyang residents wore the Hu-style(Xianbei-style) dresses and hats, which was better to protect them from the cold.
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북위효문제(北魏孝文帝)의 호성(胡姓)개칭과 그 성격 -효문제(孝文帝)의 한화정책(漢化政策)의 실증적 검토
최진열 ( Jin Yeoul Choi ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2013 大東文化硏究 Vol.82 No.-
太和20년(496) 孝文帝가 내린 胡姓의 漢姓改稱조치는 洛陽으로 이주한 胡人들 사이에서 엄격히 지켜졌다. 그러나 기타 지역의 胡人들은 자신의 선택에 따라 胡姓혹은 漢姓을 사용하였다고 결론지을 수 있다. 이는 墓誌銘을 분석하면 孝文帝가 洛陽遷都이후 洛陽에 매장하라는 명령도 비교적 잘 지켜졌다. 필자가 孝文帝의 소위 ‘漢化政策’이 제대로 실현되었나를 검증한 결과, 孝文帝의 ‘漢化政策’이후 胡人들은 胡姓, 葬地, 本籍, 봉분형 무덤 등은 중국의 문화를 그대로 수용한예이다. 반면 胡語금지가 제대로 지켜지지 않았고 胡服금지에도 불구하고 洛陽에서 胡服을 착용하고 胡俗이 여전히 유지되었다. 또 胡人의 이름을 보면 중국식·胡語식·佛敎式이름이 공존하였다. 요컨대 孝文帝의 ``漢化政策’을 각각의 분야별로 나눠보면 漢化와 胡化의 유지, 胡漢문화의 공존 등 다양한 양상이 나타난다. 다만 『魏書』 「官氏志」의 胡姓改稱에 누락된 赫連·沮渠·呼延·斛斯, 庫車의 斛律氏·叱列氏, 羌의 夫蒙(不蒙)·同帝(同蹄)·?非·儁蒙氏·?(?)氏·莫折 등이 여전히 자기 種族고유의 姓을 墓誌銘과 造像記에서 확인할 수 있었다. 이러한 예를 보면, 『魏書』 「官氏志」에서 누락된 胡人들의 姓가운데 상당수는 胡姓개 칭에서 제외되었거나 이에 반하여 여전히 자신의 胡姓을 사용했을 것으로 봐도 무방할 것이다. Xiaowendi ordered to change Xianbei`s family names to Chinese family names in 496, which was one of the Sinicization policy called Hanhwazhengce (漢化政策). But I examined many examples of family names, and found that some nomad or pastoral people(the Xianbei people), who were the ruling ethnic in the period of Beiwei dynasty, used their own Xianbei`s family names which language were Xianbei language, similar to the Turk and Mongol languages. There are many evidences of the Xianbei people`s using Xianbei`s family both in Beiwei history books called Weishu and epigraph writings such as memorial inscriptions and inscriptions of carved Buddhist statues, ranging from northen frontier areas to Luoyang, the capital city of Beiwei dynasty. I drew the conclusions that Xiaowendi`s policy of changing of Xianbei`s family names to Chinese family names, Louyang was limited to the nomad or pastoral people(the Xianbei people) moving from Pingcheng which was the capital of the first half of Beiwei dynasty to Luoyang and other nomad or pastoral people(the Xianbei people) both living in northen rontier areas called Liuzhen and in the lower ranking class in Luoyang used Xianbei`s family name, including the the Gaoche people and Qiang people, which was required definition of non-Chinese people, i.e. nomad or pastoral people(the Xianbei people). I thought that the notion of non-Chinese people, i.e. nomad or pastoral people(the Xianbei people) ruling the Beiwei dynasty must be excluded to Gaoche, Qiang, Di people, and several tribes of Xiongnu and Xianbei people.
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