革命에 對한 小論

崔敏子 이화여자대학교 도서관학과 1962 社會學硏究 Vol.- No.1

David Hume의 正義體系

崔珉子 誠信女子大學校 1986 硏究論文集 Vol.23 No.-

Hume’s ethics and social theories are parts of a general philosophy of human nature. To understand Hume’s idea of justice, therefore, we need to go back to the whole theory of knowledge and human experience in general. We should need, for example, in this case to eximine Hume’s naturalistic conception of human nature by the absolute subordi-nation of reason to passion, for it is the determining factor of man in society in Hume’s philosophy. Let us first consider Hume’s most imporant notions-reason and moral sense. According to Hume, it is by reason that we can recognize that certain qualities make for the good of mankind. But it is by a sentiment that we can create a preference for what is useful and agreeable to mankind. ‘The ultimate ends of human actions can never, in any case, be accounted for by reason, but recommend themselves entirely to the senti-ments and affections of mankind, without any dependence on the intellectual faculties.` Thus, he emphasizes the need for a sentiment to pass from mere recognition of certain qualities to an approval of such qualities. Admitting that the moral sense and benevolence are the essential elements of his ethical system, Hume also connects with the rationalists by establishing general rules, that is, universally accepted principles. This generally or universally accepted principles are to Hume that 'the semtiment of humanity` is the foundation of a system of morals. In other words, he is convinced that for all moral phenomena, we are dependent finally on the moral sense. Hume, in his notion of sympathy, shows this clearly by saying that:'Justice is certainly approv'd of for no other reason, than because it has a tendency to the public good: And the public good is indifferent to us, except so far as sympathy interests us in it.' However, Hume's view of human nature is too narrow-minded: he doesn't see the variety of human nature. He thus tries to make the quality of human acts uniform acts uniform and then applies the same general rules rules to all human acts, irrespective of time and space. Hume's such a limited view of human nature comes to be clear when we observe his social theories. Hume argues that men cannot live without society, and they cannot be joined together without government. Government operates to secure justice. Hume believes that justice presupposes the recognition of equality. Hume notes that an equal distribution of property is against justice, since men are unequal in skill and industry. Thus, he defends a pro-portional justice whose criterion is on accomplishment. Here, Hume only cares about the general people: he never even think about the poor and disabled people. This reflects his very limited ethical outlook. In addition to this, Hume's simplistic view also appears in his view on property: his denial of the distinction between different systems of property, and his reflection on competitioon in which he overemphasizes competition for possessions, disregarding the differences of race, class, religion, or politlcal affiliation. Furthermore, Hume's government, whose main function is no more than the maintenance of peace and order, is not prsiseworthy at all in the twentieth century; the function of government should be different according to the situation. Conclusively, Hume's idea of justice is not adequate enough for a just application of the law, since he applies the rules of partcular situations to all times and places. It is unjust to overlook the elements relevant to the situation. Hume must take into account the situation. Perhaps Hume's such a limited outlook might be from his modest life in a stable society.

수운 최제우 탄신 200주년의 세계사적 의미와 한국학

최민자 동학학회 2023 동학학보 Vol.- No.68

It is important to recognize the connection between Donghak and Korean Studies code because Donghak is the flower of Korean Studies that has fully blossomed the essence of the Korean Studies code. The unique ‘Life code’ of Korean Studies, which is the epitome of consilient and ecological thinking, has been revived in the name of Donghak in modern times. The purpose of this study is to investigate the world historical significance of the founding of Donghak on the occasion of the 200th anniversary of the birth of Suun Choi Je-woo, focusing on its connection with the Korean Studies code. The contents of the study are as follows. First, through an in-depth understanding of the roots of Korean Studies, the essence of the Korean Studies code was revealed and its historical and cultural connections were examined. Second, the Korean Studies code shown in Donghak and Samil Thought was examined. Suun’s founding of Donghak, the characteristics of the Donghak thinking system, and its practical implications were examined, and Donghak and Samil Thought as a model of the Korean Studies code were explored. Third, the great transformation of the trend and the world historical significance of the founding of Donghak were examined. The civilization-historical implications of the global cataclysmic change and the advent of the Lifeocene were examined, and the world historical significance and integrated vision of the founding of Donghak were presented. The results of the study are as follows. First, it was revealed that the Korean Studies code shown in Donghak is a ‘universal code’ that can be shared by global civil society today, and it is a stepping stone to opening the era of ‘Integrated Studies’, and presents a grand future vision of the East-West convergence. Second, it was revealed that the Korean Studies code shown in Donghak serves as a starting point for opening a new era of enlightenment by establishing a clear and elaborate cognitive system for Life through mutual feedback with modern science codes. Third, it was revealed that the Korean Studies code shown in Donghak presents a new standard of humanism that responds to the global crisis and complies with artificial intelligence ethics and bioethics. To ensure that today’s Korean Wave phenomenon can deepen and expand into the exchange of true Korean spiritual culture, Donghak is urged to complete the task of globalizing the Korean Studies code as a way of ‘doing things at the right time’ through the development of collective intelligence.

太極思想에서 본 女性參與의 存在論的 含意

崔珉子 성신여자대학교 한국여성연구소 2003 여성연구논총 Vol.4 No.-

This paper is to examine the existential implicit meaning of women's participation through the Taeguk theory and at the same time to explore the rising phenomena of women's participation in the context of the great transition of civilization. Taeguk in cosmology is the very orgin of all things, i.e., an ultimate reality, the theory of which, based on its fundamentality, inclusiveness, harmony and unity, explains the creation and development of the universe as the yin-yang priciple of complementarity. At this point of time entering upon the great transition period of civilization, the attempt to examine intrinsically the phenomena of women's participation in existential dimensions will be of help to understand the new paradigm of civilization. The Taeguk theory concerning the fundamental principle of the universe gets us to face up to the fact that all things are seen as interdependent and inseparable parts of this cosmic whole; as different manifestations of the same ultimate reality, and thus implies the road to a true being. Women's participation as the equal subject is not only the passage to women's self-realization, but is also the passage to the systhesis of yin and yang. It is to embody a real welfare society by erecting the legal system based on the equality of the sexes and bridging the gap between de jure equality and de facto equality. This explains exactly the fact that women's participation is the road to the emancipation of women and at the same time the emancipation of human being. How, then, is women's participation closely connected with the emancipation of women and further with the emancipation of human being? We here have tp face up to the nature of sexual discrimination problem. Sexual discrimination, like class distinction or racial discrimination, etc., comes of lack of spiritual identity. That is, it stems from lack of insight into the basic oneness of the universe - that the constituents of matter and the basic phenomena involving them are all interconnected, interrelated and interdependent; that they cannot be understood as isolated entities, but only as integrated parts of the whole. Only in a state of consciousness where individuality dissolves into an undifferentiated oneness, where subject and object fuse into a unified undifferentiated whole, a participatory universe, in its truest sense, arises. The rising phenomena of women's participation can be viewed in the context of the great transition of planetary dimensions. This transition involves what is now often called a "paradigm shift" - a profound change in the thoughts, perceptions, and values that form a particular vision of reality. We now need an ecological perspective which the mechanistic world view of Cartesian-Newtonian science does not offer. In this context, the feminist movement followed on the decline of patriarchy is one of the strongest cultural currents of our time and will have a profound effect on our further evolution. The ultimate goal of women's participation will be the realization of the new paradigm of civilization. That is, in a word, to realize the systems view of life.

아리스토텔레스와 해월의 정치철학과실천의 형이상학

최민자 동학학회 2013 동학학보 Vol.0 No.29

This paper aims to consider the political philosophies of Aristotle and Haewol in comparative perspective, and also to elucidate the metaphysical nature inherent in their politico-practical perspective. For Aristotle, the final cause and end of the political community is the best good, which can be attained only by the virtue of justice, and self-sufficiency is both the end and the best good. What happiness is the complete good is due to its self-sufficiency. Since a human being is by nature a political animal, anyone without a city cannot pursue such complete good. Aristotle attached importance to the awareness of the synthetic nature of form and matter. Haewol’s awareness of the holistic nature of life reveals itself in his stress on the subtle synthesis of spirituality and materiality. His awareness as such also reveals itself in his explanation about the holistic relation of Li(理)-Ki(氣) which is the origin of all creation. The comparative study on the Political Philosophies of Aristotle & Haewol and their metaphysics in praxis enables to contemplate the final directing point of political philosophy, and also enables to gain an insight into a nexus of the practical methodology which leads to it, and thus enables to predict the possibility of a new civilization penetrating the East and the West. It is through unceasing edification to brighten the mind and brighten the world and thus to enjoy a life of happiness as a spiritual subject on the basis of a deep understanding of the life holistic and self-originating. By that way we can overcome the innate limits of an excess anthropocentricism, the dualistic way of thinking, and the scientific methodology contained in the modern scientific rationalism, and thus open a new civilization of life and peace by urging a shift to a holistic life paradigm. The political philosophies of Aristotle and Haewol offer some valuable suggestions regarding the organic unity of particularity and universality, regionalization and globalization, national state and world civil society which is a core task confronting us today. 본 연구는 아리스토텔레스와 해월의 정치철학을 비교 고찰하고 아울러 이들의 정치실천적 관점 속에 내재된 형이상학적 본질을 규명하기 위한 것이다. 아리스토텔레스에게 있어 국가의 최종 목표는 최고선이며, 그것은 정의의 덕에 의해서만 달성될 수 있고, 자족성이 국가의 목표인 동시에 최고선이다. 행복이 완전한 선인 것은 그것의 자족성 때문이다. 인간은 본성상 정치적 동물이기 때문에 그 누구도 공동체 밖에서는 그러한 선을 추구할 수가 없다. 아리스토텔레스는 형상과 질료의 통섭적 본질에 대한 인식을 중시했다. 해월의 경우 생명의 전일적 본질에 대한 그의 인식은 영성과 물성의 묘합을 강조하는 데서 잘 드러난다. 또한 만유의 근원인 이(理)와 기(氣)의 전일적 관계를 설명하는 데서도 잘 드러나고 있다. 아리스토텔레스와 해월의 정치철학과 실천의 형이상학에 대한 비교론적 연구는 정치철학의 궁극적인 지향점을 고찰할 수 있게 하고 또한 거기에 이르는 실천적 방법론의 접점을 통찰할 수 있게 함으로써 동서양을 관통하는 새로운 문명의 가능성을 예단할 수 있게 한다. 그것은 생명의 전일성과 자기근원성에 대한 깊은 인식을 바탕으로 부단한 덕성[영성] 계발을 통하여 마음을 밝히고 세상을 밝혀서 영적 주체로서의 행복한 삶을 사는 것이다. 그리하여 근대의 과학적 합리주의가 함축하고 있는 과도한 인간 중심주의와 이원론적 사고 및 과학적 방법론의 한계를 극복하고 전일적인 생명 패러다임으로의 전환을 촉구함으로써 생명과 평화의 새로운 문명을 개창하는 것이다. 특수성과 보편성, 지역화와 세계화, 국민국가와 세계시민사회의 유기적 통일성을 핵심 과제로 안고 있는 오늘의 우리에게 아리스토텔레스와 해월의 정치철학은 커다란 시사점을 제공한다.

위풍당당 여성대리기사들의 소망

최민자 한국비정규노동센터 2024 비정규 노동 Vol.164 No.-

경제위기에 따른 취약계층의 변화실태와 사회안전망 평가 및 향후 대책방안

최민자 한국여성정책연구원(구 한국여성개발원) 2010 한국여성정책연구원 연구보고서 Vol.2010 No.11

1. 연구 목적과 필요성 ○ 한부모 가정에서 자라난 아이들은 성인이 되어 한부모 가정을 형성하며, 빈곤상태에 놓이게 되는 경향이 있음. 다른 말로 하면, 빈곤에 있어서 성별 격차는 불우한 아동기와 청소년기, 그리고 성인이 되어 저소득과 불우한 가족구조를 통해 재생산됨. 이러한 젠더 관점에서 미국의 경험을 실증분석하여 결과를 토대로 한국의 경제위기 후 취약계층의 정책마련에 시사점을 주고자함. 2. 연구 내용 ○ 이 보고서는 미국사회에서 여성의 빈곤 유형, 아동에 대한 빈곤의 영향, 그리고 여성의 빈곤에 대한 최근 경제위기의 영향을 고찰함 -보고서의 일부에서 2007년 미국 경제 위기와 정부의 위기 대응에 대해 기술할 것임. 우리는 또한 빈곤과 소득에 대한 국가조사 데이터의 통계분석을 통하여 경제위기 이전과 그 기간 동안 빈곤의 성별 경차를 평가하고 빈곤과 소득의 다른 결정인자를 분석하였음 -이러한 작업에 있어서, 다른 결정인자의 효과를 통제함으로써, 성별 효과(effect of gender)는 빈곤과 소득의 “순(net)” 성별 격차를 제공해줄 것임. 마지막으로, 여성과 아동에 대한 2009년 미국경기부양종합대책(American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of ARRA, 또는 Economic Stimulus Package라고도 불림)의 잠재적 영향과 한국 여성에 대한 정책적 함의가 논의되었음 3. 연구 방법 ○ 본 연구와 관련하여 미국 문헌 연구를 실시하였음 -빈곤의 성별격차, 미국의 빈곤추이, 미국의 경제위기와 정부 대응, 2007년 경제위기 지표: 젠더 관점 등에 관한 문헌조사를 실시하였음 -젠더적 관점의 빈곤가능성 및 소득의 성별 격차에 관한 문헌 연구를 실시하였음 ○현행 인구조사(Current Population Survey, CPS)는 인구조사국(Bureau of the Census)에 의해 수행되는 약 5만 가구에 대한 월별 조사를 활용하여 실증 분석하였음 -첫 번째 분석 방법은 빈곤 가능성(probability of being poor)에 대한 다변량분석이며 다른 하나는 소득의 다변량분석임. 다변량 분석은 종속변인에 영향을 미칠 수 있는 다른 요인들의 효과를 통제함으로써 종속변인(예를 들면 빈곤)의 결정인자(determinants)의 “순(net)”효과를 추정하는 데에 유용함 -가족구성, 고용, 교육, 연령, 인종의 효과를 통제함으로써 빈곤의 젠더 효과를 추정할 수 있음 -두 번째 분석 방법은 2006년에서 2009년 사이 전일제 취업자의 소득에 대한 것임. 이러한 분석에서 중요한 측면은 우리가 소득의 성별 격차에 대한 주요 원인일 것이라고 가정했던 직종 효과를 통제하였음 -우리는 두시기의 다른 경제상황 즉 경제위기 이전과 경제위기가 끝나가는 즈음에, 어떻게 이러한 가설 검증을 실시하였음 Among the industrialized countries, the gender gap in poverty is widest in the U.S. Poverty has both short term and long term impacts on children. Negative effects of poverty on young children are also associated with difficulties later in life and even to the next generation. The impact of 2007 ? 2010 economic recession caused increase in unemployment and increasing rates. The increase in unemployment level is much larger among men than among women, but the increase in poverty rate is higher among women than men. As the recession continued for more than a year, health insurance coverage began to decline. The decline is mostly due to the decrease in employment based health insurance which declined from 73.7% in 1999 to 64.6% in 2009. The poorest coverage is for people in ages18?24. This report includes statistical analysis of the determinants of poverty and the determinants of earnings using the Current Population Survey (CPS ASEC) conducted by the Bureau of the Census for the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The analysis of poverty shows that the gender gap in poverty among heads of households is large and the gap is larger among households with children. The results also show that the effect of education is very large on the probability of being poor, has increased during the economic recession, and is greater among women household heads. The earnings among full time, year?round workers increased modestly between 2006 and 2009 among men but hardly any among women. Full time women workers are earning less than men for two reasons: concentration in the low?paying occupations such as “service” and “clerical” and earnings disparity in categories of occupation (“professionals” and “sales”) with large proportions of women. A key lesson for Korea implied by this study is that policies to eliminate gender gap in employment and income should continue and strengthen. Specifically, it is important

『에티카』와『 해월신사법설』의 정치철학적 함의와 Ecotopia적 비전

최민자 동학학회 2014 동학학보 Vol.0 No.33

This paper aims to consider comparatively the politico-philosophicalimplications of Ethica and Haeweolshinsabeubseol , and their ecotopian visionsthrough Spinoza and Haeweol's holistic thinking. Spinoza entertained the ideaof singing the praises of the world based on communication between humanbeing and ‘Deus sive Natura’ through an essential examination of the necessaryrelation between substance and its modes, while Haeweol entertained the ideaof opening a new world of hucheon-gaebyuk by attaining the full range ofgrassroots democracy through self-awakening of the oneness of Heaven and allcreation. Through Ethica the necessary relation between God and all creation appearsas contrasting concepts of ‘natura naturans’ and ‘natura naturata’, that is, theformer as the only substance and the latter as the modes following from thenecessity of the nature of God, and those contrasting concepts are integratedinto monistic pantheism. Since only one substance in self-activating and itsself-manifestation can be granted in the universe, so allness and individuality,consciousness and system, community and individual can be apprehendedas analogous relationship. The more we proceed to the stage of intuitiveknowledge or ‘mansaji(萬事知)’, the more ethical effectiveness increases,and thus we can perceive a harmonic relationship between individual andcommunity. The life thought of Haeweolshinsabeubseol , based on publicness andcommunication, autonomy and equality, comes to be the politico-philosophicalmechanism for opening the new world of ‘mugeokdaedo(無極大道)’. Ethica , abook of established reputation for its grand scale and elaborate philosophicalsystem, and Haeweolshinsabeubseol , a book showing vividly the dynamicnature of the holistic life, offer mankind in the twenty-first century in whichempathy emerges as a new paradigm of understanding human beings, avaluable clue for preparing a coexistent alternative society together with basicframework of an alternative holistic learning. 본 연구는『 에티카』와『 해월신사법설』의 정치철학적 함의와 이들 관점 속에 내재된 에코토피아적 비전을 스피노자와 해월의 통섭적 사유체계를 통하여 비교 고찰하기 위한 것이다. 스피노자가 실체와 양태의 필연적 관계성에대한 본질적인 규명을 통하여 인간과 ‘신 또는 자연(Deus sive Natura)’이 소통하는 세상을 구가하고자 했다면, 해월은 하늘과 우주만물의 일체성에 대한 자각을 통하여 풀뿌리민주주의를 뿌리내림으로써 후천개벽의 새 세상을 열고자했다. 『에티카』를 관통하는 신과 우주만물의 필연적 관계성은 유일 실체로서의능산적 자연과 신적 본성의 필연성으로부터 생겨나는 양태로서의 소산적 자연이라는 대(對)개념으로 나타나며 일원론적 범신론으로 통합된다. 이 우주에는 스스로 활동하는 유일 실체와 그 실체의 자기현현만이 있을 뿐이므로 전체성과 개체성, 의식과 제도, 공동체와 개인은 유비관계로서 이해될 수 있다. 우리가 ‘직관지’ 또는 ‘만사지’로 이행할수록 윤리적 효용성이 증대하여 개인과공동체의 조화적 관계를 인식하게 된다. 『해월신사법설』을 관통하는 생명사상은 공공성과 소통성, 자율성과 평등성의 원리에 기초하여 무극대도의 새 세상을 여는 정치철학적 기제가 된다. 방대하면서도 정치(精緻)한 철학체계로 정평이 나 있는 『에티카』와 전일적인생명의 역동적 본질을 생생하게 보여주는『 해월신사법설』은 ‘공감(empathy)'이인간을 이해하는 새로운 패러다임으로 떠오르고 있는 21세기의 인류에게 대안적인 통섭학의 기본 틀과 더불어 공존의 대안사회 마련에 유익한 단서를 제공한다.

늘 기도하는 마음으로

최민자 생명샘 1983 생명샘 Vol.- No.11

T.H. Green의 道德哲學과 實踐의 形而上學

崔珉子 誠信女子大學校 1988 硏究論文集 Vol.27 No.-

Thomas Hill Green was idealist whose standpoint came to dominate British Philosophy in the 1870's and 1880's. His idealism, which involved a theory of knowledge stressing the active, formative role of the human mind structuring its experience, is shown in the Idealistic that Green opposed to Naturalistic theories of art, and in his moral Idealism-his conception that man created, inhabited, and continually re-formed. A priori assumption which underlies idealist philosophy was that man is a moral being. He opposed to that of utilitarianism, which according to him "recognizes no vocation of man but the attainment of pleasure and avoidance of pain." The moral basis of the claim to rights in society lay in the capacity for self-development implicit in every individual. The vocation of man according to Green is the attainment of goodness, the necessary condition of which is individual freedom. What Green implies by the term 'goodness' has a strong undertone of altruism. It is, first, the ability to not merely as a personal one, but should be willing to grant the capacity for its satisfaction to all the members of the society. Morality is for Green a social value. This is indeed a necessary concept of political virtue is careful not to separate it from the individual. It is not simply a dictum by society or the state which makes an action moral but also an individual's free assent after deliberation, which makes a common good its own. His notion of a 'common good' was limited by his axiomatic assumotion that value resided ultimately in the self-development of the individual personality. Accordingly, the role of the state was limited to guaranteeing the meterial conditions for, and removing whenever possible the obstacles to, the life of moral self-development. Society is for him the acomplex of social institutions of various kinds like family, property, and so forth. They all have a common purpose: the fullest development of the individual as a moral being. The state is the most conscious and purposeful organ of society, and as such it should readjust social institutions for the common purpose. The state is for him a projection of man's moral self, but he cannot entirely liberate himself from the tradition that the actual state is also a goverment which may fail to live up to the ideal. Hence Green is preoccupied with minority reghts and the rights of the individual againts the state. Furthermore, he conceives the state as a protector and sponsor of the rights of its citizens, and he refuses to grant the totle to a 'state' which is a sheer tyranny, and which conceives its function otherwise. Green insists that what creates the first approximation of the state is the idea of common and equal good translated into legal rights and what creatrs the 'real' state is a c onsiderable realization of the idea of equality. There is no eqestion that politics does presuppose that the State is being asked continually to justify itelf before its citizens. The doctrine that the justification of the State's force depends on the services which that force renders ought to imply that when these services are not rendered the state's force is not justified, and political obligation disappears. Frpm this close association of political society with the attainment of man's moral end it follows that the real basis of political obligation is neither fear nor expediency but man's moral obligation to avoid those actions which are required for its attainment. For Green the good life is the end of all social activity. It cannot exist without freedom. When he speaks of freedom, he means 'a positive power or capacity of doing or enjoying something worth or enjoying.' In jis view, the mere removal of compulsion, the mere enabling a man to do as he likes, is in itself no contribution to true freedom. Here Green links the new 'positive Liberalism' with a theoretical critique of philosophical doctrines associared with laissez-faire Liberalism and attempts to reground political thinking on the basis of Philosophical Idealism. According to Green, freedom of contract is valuable only as a means to an end. That end is what he calls freedom in the positive sense: in other words, the liberation of the powers of all men equally for contributions to a common good. His concept of 'positive freedom' provided intellectual support for the newly emerging welfare-state proposals. The general contribution of Green to political thought is so much bound up with that of idealism that it cannot be adequately discussed aside from a critique of the whole movement. He argues that only through democracy can athe elusive goal of personal freedom be reconciled with the existence of the State. For Green the free development of human personality cannot be the end of social progress unless it is also the means through which this progress is achieved. Conclusively, the critical part of Green's teaching may be accepted as victorious, but the positive teaching as to the nature of the Self or Spiritual Principle ends in vagueness. How, then, can we possibly say that Green discovered himself 'ever at home' in the world and won 'the freedom of perfect understanding'?