Aspects of Echo Word Formation in Hindi and Kashmiri

정진완 한국현대언어학회 2018 언어연구 Vol.33 No.4

This study delves into echo word formation in Hindi and Kashmiri which is considered a case of partial reduplication. Even though two languages share the same designated first segment for the echo word, they implement the process differently from each other. This is attributed to different restrictions on the identical leftmost segment /v/ in the base and the echo word. Hindi prefers to delete one of the /v/s while Kashmiri replaces the /v/ with the /p/ in the echo word. Another difference is how the fixed segment in the echo word replaces the onset clusters in the base. Hindi only replaces the first segment in the cluster whereas the whole cluster is replaced by the fixed segment in Kashmiri. The different mode of implementing echo word formation process is reflected in the constraints and their specific ranking for each language can readily explain the relevant examples in both languages.

[기술해설]국가 지리 정보 시스템을 위한 공간 객체관리 시스템의 구조

정진완,강흠근,김형주,박주홍,한기준,허신 한국정보과학회 1998 정보과학회지 Vol.16 No.3

A Harmonic Serialism Analysis of Velar Softening in English

정진완 대한영어영문학회 2019 영어영문학연구 Vol.45 No.4

This paper deals with velar softening occurring between base-final velar stops and non-low front vowels which initiate the process triggering suffixes in English. We adopt a mixed type of theory with derivation and constraints in order to explain examples which require both simple and multiple mapping between input and output. It is argued that velar softening is motivated by a markedness constraint, which bans a sequence of velar stops plus non-low front vowels across a morpheme boundary. The simple velar softening case, which results in [s] and [ʤ], is explained by ranking a specific marked constraint over a general markedness constraint. The procedural approach applies to opaque and diphthongization examples. The opaque case is explained by assuming that there is a word-final mid-front vowel /ɛ/, which triggers the process and is deleted. This type of non-surface apparent opacity needs a step-by-step account. The latter case is related to the verb-forming suffix initiating with /ɪ/, which is diphthongized in the output when it is stressed. This is explained by proposing a constraint calling for well-formed foot structure. Thus, the current approach can explain both simple and complex cases of English velar softening.

The Role of Positional Faithfulness and Prosodic Constituents in Phonological Processes of English: Focusing on Conflicting Cases

정진완 대한영어영문학회 2011 영어영문학연구 Vol.37 No.3

Chung, Chin-Wan. “The Role of Positional Faithfulness and Prosodic Constituents in Phonological Processes of English: Focusing on Conflicting Cases.” Studies in English Language & Literature. 37.3 (2011): 343-65. This paper discusses some conflicting cases of positional faithfulness in English. It is argued that multi-lateral application of positional faithfulness is better than uni-lateral application in that the conflict between each division of positional faithfulness is resolved by ranking one division of positional faithfulness over the other. Concerning voicing assimilation over a root and a derivational suffix, the voicing feature of the onset element of a derivational morpheme takes priority over that of the coda element of a root. With respect to segmental deletion in /n.t/, the coda element in a stressed syllable is preserved while the onset element of an unstressed syllable fails to appear in the output. (Chonbuk National University)

Realization of English Medial Consonant Clusters by Korean Speakers

정진완 대한영어영문학회 2013 영어영문학연구 Vol.39 No.2

This paper discusses some difficulties Korean speakers experience when they pronounce medial consonant clusters of English. We argue that such pronunciation problems stem from systematic differences between the two languages: especially, realization difficulties are induced when phonological requirements of the Korean language influence Korean speakers pronouncing English medial consonant clusters. In Korean, sonority between consonants over a syllable boundary is either falling or equal. If this requirement is violated, a certain repair strategy is adopted to modify such unallowable sonority relationships between consonants. On the contrary, English does not observe such sonority requirement for consonants over a syllable boundary, which allows to license various types of medial consonant clusters. Among the various combinations of medial clusters, clusters with rising sonority tend to spark problems for Korean speakers because such clusters are not familiar to Korean speakers, as well as are not well-formed from the perspective of Korean phonology. Another problem is that Korean does not allow medial clusters such as [l.n] and [n.l] in the output while they are well-constituted medial clusters in English. The /ln/ and /nl/ sequences of English are also very difficult for Korean speakers since Korean speakers are prone to pronounce them [l.l] and [l.l/n.n], respectively. For these pronunciation problems viewed from OT framework, we propose that highest-ranking constraints such as *nl/*ln, SyllCon, and a medially ranked Id-Lat(pv) in Korean are critical in the analysis. The pronunciation problems for Korean speakers are attributed to the ranking difference of those constraints in English. That is, the undominated constraints in Korean are ranked very low in English. Thus, understanding such constraint ranking difference between the two languages is important to promote the learning of the correct pronunciation of English medial consonant clusters for Korean speakers.

A Study on the Emergence of the Unmarked in Chinese Reduplication and Phonological Issues

정진완 대한언어학회 2011 언어학 Vol.19 No.2

The current study focuses on partial reduplication of three Chinese dialects. The study reveals that the location of on-glides in the dialects is different. The study also shows that the emergence of the unmarked occurs not only in the reduplicant but also in the base under the proposed constraint ranking schema. The realization of the diminutive morpheme in the different syllable position in three dialects is explained by two different alignment constraints.

An Aspect of Pali Assimilation

정진완 대한언어학회 2015 언어학 Vol.23 No.1

This paper observes assimilation patterns in the Pali language and provides an alternative constraint-based analysis of them. The dominant pattern of assimilation in place and manner features is regressive but this pattern is sometimes overridden when an onset consonant is higher than a coda consonant in sonority. The other case is that the result of leftward assimilation creates a coda element that is not preferred in Pali. The leftward assimilation is triggered by a segment with a dorsal, labial, or coronal place of assimilation. This implies that assimilation follows from constraints based on the concepts of positional faithfulness but not based on the asymmetry between morphological constituents such as stems and affixes. It is revealed that the assimilation pattern in Pali provides support for an argument that the place markedness hierarchy is not fixed but is rather only a strong tendency.

Aspects of Post-consonantal /y/ Realizations in English

정진완 대한영어영문학회 2015 영어영문학연구 Vol.41 No.4

This study focuses on the realizations of /y/ in Cor-yV sequences in English. The onglide /y/ after coronals in syllable onset is variably realized depending on its position within a word, the presence of stress on the vowel, and the manner of articulation of coronals. Since the pronunciation of /y/ is influenced by several factors and the application of such factors is not identical between dialects (NE and BE), each important factor for the realization of /y/ in Cor-yV sequences should be reflected in an analysis. Unlike previous rule-based analyses, it is argued in this paper that non-occurrence of /y/ in word-initial and non-initial stressed onset positions is attributed to the implementation of positional faithfulness. In such privileged positions, an onset consonant strongly maintains its features by not allowing co-articulation with the following [y]. In non-privileged positions such as non-word initial unstressed syllables, it is difficult for an onset coronal to preserve its features and it is subject to change its features by being co-articulated with the following [y]. This positional faithfulness does not seem to apply to BE except for the coronal fricative /s/ in word-initial position. This dialectal variation between NE and BE is accounted for by changing some of the relevant constraints used for NE.

An Aspect of Obstruent Voicing Assimilation Direction in Dutch

정진완 한국중원언어학회 2014 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.33

This paper focuses on the direction of obstruent voicing assimilation in Dutch. Confining examples to compounds and words comprised of a root plus an affix, we provide an alternative analysis based on constraints. Dutch voicing assimilation observed in this study follows one of two general obstruent voicing assimilation mechanisms: the asymmetry between syllable onsets and codas. These basic concepts are well described and formalized in positional faithfulness and we adopted such concepts in proposing relevant constraints within the framework of Optimality Theory. Based on position-specific faithfulness constraints and other general constraints, we provided an analytic tool for onset-driven voicing assimilation when the onset obstruent is a stop in two adjacent obstruents. On the other hand, if the onset obstruent is a voiced fricative, progressive assimilation occurs due to phonetic properties of voiced fricatives in Dutch. These complex-looking voicing assimilation patterns are accounted for by one constraint ranking.

A Constraint-based Analysis of Dissimilation in English

정진완 한국영어어문교육학회 2012 영어어문교육 Vol.18 No.4

This paper deals with two different cases of dissimilation in English: traditional and r-deletion dissimilation examples. The structure preservation case of dissimilation is analyzed by adopting the meta-constraint ranking, which distinguishes root/stem and affix in their faithfulness realization in phonological processes. The trigger of dissimilation is related to the OCP requirement banning identical elements within a word. The second type of dissimilation is about non-structure preserving case where either of the two retroflex liquids is deleted in the output. The concept of positional faithfulness is adopted in the account of [r] dissimilation. It is revealed in this study that positional faithfulness needs to be specified more to reflect various combinations of category proposed in positional faithfulness.