백제 복성(複姓)의 출현과 그 정치적 배경

오택현(Oh, Taek?hyun) 한국역사연구회 2013 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.88

Two?lettered family names only appear in the history of the Baekje Dynasty, and not in Goguryeo and Shilla. Baekje"s acceptance of family names seems to have been during the Hanseong period, and it is highly possibile that they came through the Nakrang and Daebang troops in 313. Accepting Chinese culture, the Baekje royal families used "Buyeo" family names. Such fact contains several meanings. First, it indicates the direct connection between the practice of using a family name and the embracement of Chinese culture. Second, it shows the Baekje people"s consciousness of a Bu"yeo heritage. Family name was first used by the Baekje royal family but the practice spreaded to the nobility class. Various one and two?lettered family names can be found in diplomatic letters, like the one?lettered names in the letter King Gae"ro?wang sent to China as shown in Nihon Shogi, as well as two?lettered family names recorded in Samguk Sagi. It should be noted that most of the family names in Baekje were two?lettered ones. The reason behind such fashion is unclear. The first letter might have been the result of taking the "King"s name" as family name, and the second letter might have been a regional name. Such phenomenon seemed to have had a relation with the situation in which Baekje"s national power was weakened or in disorder. Actually, since Baekje established a structure of coexistence between the central and the districts, since the end of the Hanseong period, the appearance of two?lettered family names increased. The political interests and privileges of the community led to a system of coexistence with the central line. The "King?Jwa"pyeong?Dal"sol" system, the system of mutual political balance sustained by triangular antipodes, was formed. However, in the late Sabi period this structure of coexistence was destroyed during the reigns of King Mu"wang and Eui"ja?wang. In that time, new families with one?lettered last names appeared, in conflicts within the Jwa"pyeong groups, in the Crown?prince investiture, foreign relationships with China, and during wartime. King Eui"ja?wang designed a new reform policy, in response to this emergence of new factions. He tried to reorganize the power structure and centralize the governing power. As a result, the Jwa"pyeong?Dal"sol system was seriously changed, and so was the structure of coexistence between the central and the districts. This directly contributed to the fall of Baekje.

신명기 역사에 나타난 요아스 -왕하 11:21-12:21-

오택현(Taek-Hyun Oh) 영남신학대학교 2021 신학과 목회 Vol.55 No.-

The purpose of this study is to clarify the evaluation of King Joash’s achievements in the deuteronomistic history. Joash’s achievements are recorded in various traditions(pre-dtr, dtr1, dtr²) of the deuteronomistic history, and their evaluations are different in each traditions. First, King Joash who appeared in the previous stage of the deuteronomistic history(pre-dtr), was evaluated very positively as a king who, like Josiah, tried to complete the theology of the central sanctuary, an important theology of Deuteronomy, with many negative elements recorded in the Chronicler’s Hostory->History deleted. In other words, Joash shows the proactive efforts to purify the Jerusalem temple polluted by Athaliah, and he is evaluated as a king who acted honestly in the eyes of Yahweh. Second, it is pointed out that King Joash, who appeared in the tradition of the first editorial stage of the deuteronomistic history(dtr¹), failed to remove the high place even though he was in a position to protect the central sanctuary. However, since the achievement of cleansing Jerusalem Temple reported in previous traditions was also a very important achievement from the standpoint of the central sanctuary, historians report on Joash’s actions as a principle of praising his achievements and reporting his mistakes without evaluation, as in the previous evaluation of King Solomon. So, although it is reported that Joash did not thoroughly follow the principle of centralization of the ritual and his end was not good as a result, he is evaluated with a warm gaze towards Joash. Third, The deeds of King Joash appearing in the final editing stage of the deuteronomistic history(dtr²) during the exile is the situation at the time of the invasion of King Hazael of Syria to reveal the causal relationship between Joash’s failure to remove the high place of Joash, which was evaluated in the transmission of the first editing stage(dtr¹), and his death by his servants. Reporting that he is not as good as Josiah, the best king, but he is evaluated as a king who did his best in the midst of his shortcomings. In conclusion, it can be seen that the evaluation of King Joash shown in the entire deuteronomistic history shows that his efforts to protect the central sanctuary are greatly viewed, and he refrains from negative evaluations and evaluates his actions from a passive but positive perspective.

이사야 1-12장에 나타난 정의(jpvm)

오택현(Taek-Hyun Oh) 영남신학대학교 2011 신학과 목회 Vol.35 No.-

The purpose of this study is to investigate the current discussion of justice(jpvm) in Isaiah 1-12. Scholarship is fairly well agreed that within these first 39 chapters there are clearly defined and agreed upon subjection, namely, chap. 1-12, 13-23, 24-27, 28-35, 36-39. And scholars also agree the situation of Isaiah 1-12 is the early works of First Isaiah, period of Syro-Ephraimite conspiracy(735 B.C.). Many verses in Isaiah 1-12 are clearly and primarily derived from a military milieu; land devastated and devoured, cities burned with fire and besieged, the taking of plunder, the presence of foreigners. In Isaiah 1-12, justice(jpvm) is expressed in prophetic messenger formula as follow.: ① Prophetic Judgment Speech ⓐ Accusation(1:1-31(6 times); 5:1-7(2); 9:8-10:4(1)) ⓑ Announcement of Judgement(3:1-4:1(2); 5:8-30(1); 10:5-34) ② Message of Hope(4:2-6(1); 9:1-7(1); 11:1-16(2)) In Isaiah 1-12, justice(jpvm) in the social realm is associated with the widely dispersed cultural pattern of concern for the orphan, the widow and the poor. On their behalf, First Isaiah upbraids the negligence of the rich, the arrogance of the powerful, the greed of merchants and the propertied class. In this respect, the material content of justice(jpvm) in Isaiah 1-12 is similar to that found throughout the deuteronomic theology. Similar concerns are reflected in Amos, Hosea, and Micah and criteria for just conduct is spelled out in the covenant stipulations of the Deuteronomy(Deut. 10:18; 24:17-21; 27:19). In Isaiah 1-12, justice(jpvm) is associated with the judgment of the ruling classes and obligations of wealthy to care for the plight of the poor and vulnerable. The task of 'doing justice(jpvm)' is to set aright the social order by responsible governance on the part of the king and ruling class, and by just social intercourse on the part of the citizenry. The context is expressly political, economic and legal. Isaiah 1-12’s understanding of justice embraces social justice(as expressed in the variety form including the hendiadys(hqdc)), right judicial conduct, proper governance, and upright social intercourse. In Isaiah 1-12, justice(jpvm) is associated with hope of YHWH’s promise. YHWH is the Judge who will bring right judgment(jpvm), i.e. salvation to the righteous and punishment to the wicked. The failure of the kingdom of Israel and Judah to effect justice(jpvm) in the social realm, the prophet looks forward to an ideal king who will rule in justice(jpvm) and righteousness(hqdc). Through the above investigation, this study concludes that First Isaiah utilized justice(jpvm) in Isaiah 1-12 to validate Israel's crisis and to help his people have hope.

신명기 역사에 나타난 솔로몬

오택현(Taek Hyun Oh) 영남신학대학교 2008 신학과 목회 Vol.29 No.-

The purpose of this study is to describe the deuteronomist's view of king Solomon as reflected by the whole history. For the deuteronomist, Solomon was a very significant king. The account of Solomon's birth had earlier already indicated that Yahweh love Solomon(II Sam. 12:24). The narrative of Solomon's vision and request for wisdom is certainly meant to reflect positively on him. Solomon's wise decision in the case of the two harlots makes him a model as a judge. Sheba's statement quoted above basically agrees with the deuteronomist's evaluation. Thus it is said in I Kings 3:3 “Solomon loved the Lord, walking in the statues of David his father." Solomon's important contribution was that he built the temple, allowing for the centralization of worship which according to the deuteronomist was so important in following his theology. At the center of the account of Solomon is the detailed account of this building project, climaxing with Solomon's lengthy speech and prayer given at the dedication of the temple. Despite the fact that David had not been allowed to build the temple, he is commended for having had the idea in his heart (I Kings 8:18). Solomon had built the Temple fulfilling the prophecy of II Sam 7:13. For the deuteronomistic view of the temple was central importance. Jerusalem was the city which Yahweh had chosen, and the temple was the place Yahweh would put his name. By building the temple, Solomon had made possible obedience to the law of Deuteronomy 12. In building the temple, Solomon is depicted as faithfully fulfilling his responsibility as protector of centralization of worship and continuing in the model provided by David. The Deuteronomistic picture of Solomon changes quite strikingly in I Kings 11. In this passage, the deuteronomist expresses a strong indictment of Solomon. Solomon has married foreign women who have succeeded in turning his heart after other gods. It is even stated that Solomon built high place for these other deities. Solomon had clearly violated the deuteronomic command for the exclusive worship of Yahweh and centralization of worship. According to the deuteronomist, Solomon failed as leader of Israel, as the one who was responsible for ensuring obedience to the law, and by virtue of this protector of the cult. Both the high and the low in the deuteronomist's description of the reign of solomon are explainable within the deuteronomist's view of kingship. The charge of the king to obey the law implied that the king was to lead Israel in such obedience. In building the temple, Solomon fulfilled this responsibility, and further covenant faithfulness in Israel. But in turning to other gods, Solomon failed to lead as a king should, and is appropriately indicated by the deuteronomist.

구약성서에 나타난 이집트의 모습

오택현(Taek-Hyun Oh) 영남신학대학교 2014 신학과 목회 Vol.42 No.-

The purpose of this study is to investigate the Old Testament writers’ image of Egypt as reflected by the whole history. In ancient times, very unique natural geographical borders effectively isolated Egypt from the rest of the Near East, thereby favoring the uninterrupted development of the civilization distinctive to the Egyptians, generally undisturbed by foreign invasions. Blessed with a stable climate and extremely fertile lands, regularly watered by the river Nile, the Egyptians developed a rich agricultural economy, producing many kinds of wheats and fruits. For this reasons, Egypt became the granary of the ancient near east, especially in times of famine. The people of the Old Testament times often presents Egypt as a place of fertile land, but the picture is not monolithic. Upon closer examination, we find many figures fleeing to Egypt as a place of refuge for a number of prominent biblical individuals. But the Old Testament writers’ image of Egypt conflict with the dominant people’s image of Egypt as a “fertile land” or as a “place of refuge.” They reported as follow. First, the Old Testament writers are clearly recognized that Egypt is a land of abundance. But they always reported the Egypt as the fertile land of negative meaning that lead to destruction. Second, the Old Testament writers are also recognized that Egypt is a land of refuge. But they see adversaries of Israel successfully use Egypt as a place of refuge as they move from criminality to centrality again. However the prophet of God(ex. Uriah, Jer 26:20) also attempts to make Egypt a refuge, finally his efforts fail. So the Old Testament writers did not portray the Egypt as the place of refuge, but portrayed negative place to the people of YHWH. Third, the Old Testament writers, especially the prophets of YHWH, portrayed the image of Egypt as an enemy, and as a defeated one. So they said to all the people of Isarel “Do not rely on Egypt, only God you serve.” Through the above investigation, this study concludes that the Old Testament writers are overwhelming its negative image to Egypt, and constantly denying the folly of relying on Egypt.

말라기에 나타난 엘리야 전승

오택현(Taek-Hyun Oh) 영남신학대학교 2013 신학과 목회 Vol.39 No.-

The purpose of this study is to describe the final editor"s view of prophet Elijah tradition as reflected by the original book of Malachi. Nowhere else in the Hebrew Bible is it stated or implied that a human figure of Israel"s past would return and play a decisive role in Israel"s future as well. For the final verses of Malachi(4:4-6) do not refer to the coming of an Elijah-like figure, but rather to the arrival of Elijah himself. The story in 2Kings 2 about Elijah"s escape from death through heavenly ascension meant that he alone among the heroes of old was capable of returning to earth again someday. Yet many factor other than simply this belief in the prophet"s eternal existence contributed to the creation of an entirely new role for the figure of Elijah. Since the announcement of Elijah"s imminent return to earth serves as the source for all the later traditions about him as an eschatological prophet, it is necessary to be as clear as possible about what sort of figure Elijah represents in the Book of Malachi and what are his duties for the end-time. The appendix in Mal 4:4-6, which was added to the text sometime in the later Persian period, specially identifies YHWH"s messenger(3:1a) as the prophet Elijah using the deuteronmic languages. Clearly, Mal 4:5-6 is a reinterpretation of Malachi"s original oracle. The concern for covenant obedience and the language of covenant, which are only implicit in the original oracle, are made explicit in the appendix. The Torah of Moses and the prophet Elijah are mentioned in tandem. Law and Prophecy have conjoined. The final editor who penned these final verses obviously understood the messenger"s task of clearing way in the metaphorical manner. Elijah, then, is to make the people repent and to bring them back to the Torah of Moses and to the covenant relationship of their forefathers, else on the Day of Judgment those whose heart have not turned will feel the awesome and terrible wrath of God. Elijah is the last hope for God"s people. He was the first in the line of the prophets who resembled Moses and it is only fitting that he should also be the last. For the editor of the appendix, Elijah is the final and decisive figure before the end time. Through the above investigation, this study concludes that the later editor of Book of Malachi utilized Elijah"s tradition to validate Judah"s Persian Period and to help his people have hope.

백제(百濟) 대성팔족(大姓八族)과 예(禰)씨

오택현 ( Oh Taek-hyun ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소(구 한양대학교 한국학연구소) 2021 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.84 No.-

백제(百濟) 대성팔족(大姓八族)은 중국(中國) 사서(史書)에서 확인되었으며, 총 6곳에 기록되었다. 기존에는 『통전(通典)』의 기록을 바탕으로 백제(百濟)의 대성팔족(大姓八族)을 파악했고, 그 결과 목(木)과 협(劦)을 합쳐서 하나의 성씨(姓氏)로 이해했다. 그러나 목협(木劦)만 복성(複姓)으로 기록되었다는 점과 대성팔족(大姓八族)이 기록된 순서가 이상하다는 점에서 검토해볼 필요가 있다. 대성팔족(大姓八族)에 관한 정보는 중국(中國) 사서(史書)의 「동이전(東夷傳)」에 기록되어 있다. 「동이전(東夷傳)」을 살펴보면 그 내용이 대부분 이전에 작성된 기록을 차용하는 경우가 많다. 새로운 내용이 추가되기도 하는데 이는 백제(百濟)에서 파견된 사신이 중국(中國) 관련 정보를 전달했을 것이며, 그 과정에서 『隋書(수서)』에 처음으로 대성팔족(大姓八族)이 기록되었다. 『隋書(수서)』에 기록된 대성팔족(大姓八族)은 『통전(通典)』에 기록된 협(劦)씨가 리(刕)씨로 기록되어 있다. 그리고 『隋書(수서)』와 비슷한 시기에 작성된 『북사(北史)』와 『한원(翰苑)』에도 협(劦)씨가 아닌 리(刕)씨로 기록되어 있다. 『隋書(수서)』 『북사(北史)』 『한원(翰苑)』이 7세기 초에 작성된 사서(史書)라는 점에서 8세기에 작성된 『통전(通典)』보다는 정확할 것으로 보이며, 백제(百濟)가 멸망하기 전에 전달된 내용이 당시 백제(百濟)의 상황을 잘 반영했을 것으로 여겨진다. 그래서 협(劦)씨가 아닌 리(刕)씨를 검토한 결과 발음상 유사한 예(禰)씨가 주목되었다. 예(禰)씨는 ‘ni’로 발음된다. 리(刕)씨가 ‘li’로 발음된다는 점에서 예(禰)와 리(刕)의 발음은 ‘n’과 ‘l’의 차이가 있다. 이것은 현대에 있어서 「ㄴ(n)」과 「ㄹ(l)」의 차이다. ‘ㄴ(n)’과 ‘ㄹ(l)’이 서로 통용되기에 예(禰)와 리(刕)는 같은 소리를 가진 글자라 할 수 있다. 그렇다면 왜 리(刕)가 아닌 예(禰)를 쓴 것일까. 시간이 흐르면서 거의 사용되지 않는 리(刕)보다는 비슷한 발음에 의미가 좋은 예(禰)를 사용한 것이 아닐까 추측했다. 게다가 백제(百濟)에서는 예(禰)씨가 중국에서 발견된 묘지명을 통해 확인되었다. 이들 중에는 백제(百濟)에서 가장 놓은 좌평(佐平)을 역임하였고, 대대로 좌평(佐平)이었다는 점에서 예(禰)씨가 백제(百濟) 사회에서 큰 영향을 끼치고 있었음은 분명하다. 특히 백제(百濟)가 멸망할 당시 그들의 위상을 살펴보면 禰씨가 대성팔족(大姓八族)의 하나였다고 보는 것은 무리가 없을 것이다. Great Eight Families(大姓八族) of Baekje(百濟) was confirmed in Chinese history books and recorded in six places in total. In previous research, family name(姓氏) of Baekje(百濟) was grasped based on the record of 『Tongdian(通典)』. Furthermore, I understood by connecting Mok-Hyeop’s family name(木劦氏). However, there is a problem in that the order of Great Eight Families(大姓八族) recorded in the librarian is strange, with the Mok-Hyeop’s family name(木劦氏) becoming 7 instead of 8 in Baekje, and the family names are not distinguished. Information about Great Eight Families(大姓八族) appears for the first time in 『Suishu(隋書)』. Most 「Dongyizhuan(東夷傳)」's follow the contents of previous history books. However, regarding the addition of the new content, it was judged that the envoy dispatched from Baekje(百濟) must have conveyed the information about Baekje(百濟) to China, and as a result, Great Eight Families(大姓八族) was recorded. In Great Eight Families(大姓八族) of Baekje(百濟) recorded in 『Suishu(隋書)』, family name(姓氏), which is said to be the Hyeop’s family name(劦氏) in 『Tongdian(通典)』, is written as Li’s family name(刕氏). Li’s family name(刕氏) is the letter pronounced ‘li’. Therefore, after examining the pronunciation of a surname similar to ‘li’ and a surname that has served as japyong(佐平) at least once, Ni’s family name(禰氏) is attracting attention. Ni’s family name(禰氏) is pronounced ‘ňi’ or ‘ni’. Compared to Li’s family name (刕氏), there is a difference between ‘n’ and ‘l’. This can be said to be the difference between “ㄴ(n)” and “ㄹ(l)” in modern times. It is thought that ‘ㄴ(n)’ and ‘ㄹ(l)’ are mutually accepted, and ‘li(Li’s family name(刕氏))’ and ‘ni(Ni’s family name(禰氏))’ are the same sounds. Finally, we considered why Li’s family name(刕氏) changed to Ni’s family name(禰氏). It was not used very often because there were no government officials. I used the simple letter “Li’s family name(刕氏)” because I borrowed the pronunciation of “A.” However, he speculated that over time he abandoned Li’s family name(刕氏), which was rarely used, and used Ni’s family name(禰氏), which had similar sounds but meaningful sounds, by family name(姓氏). The Ni’s family name(禰氏) of Baekje can be confirmed by ‘Yegun’s epitaph(禰軍墓誌銘)’ and ‘Yesikjin’s epitaph(禰寔進墓誌銘).’ According to the epitaph, they all held the post of japyong(佐平), and their grandfather and father were also japyong(佐平). This shows that the Ni’s family name(禰氏) had established a strong influence in the Baekje society. Especially, looking at their success at the time of the fall of Baekje, it can be said that the Ni’s family name(禰氏) was a comparable group as one of the Great Eight Families(大姓八族).

신명기 역사에 나타난 지역주의 극복과 대구,경북교회

오택현(Taek Hyun Oh) 한국기독교학회 2004 한국기독교신학논총 Vol.31 No.-

This article aims to exposure the localism of churches in DaeguㆍGyeongbuk Province and to give biblical insights for dealing with that localism problem. For these purpose, this study adopt two methods: a field investigation and an exegetical - hemeneutical approach of the Old Testament. The Deuteronomistic History (From Deuteronony to 2 Kings) reveals that a kind of localism existed in the ancient Israel comparable with today`s one. The Deuteronomistic History does not want to be a bystander but to respond to and cope with that problem on the basis of his/her theology. Three stages are taken to advance this study. First, sermons preached by 20 well-known Churches in DaeguㆍGyeongbuk Province are analyzed for one year, especially before a presidential election. Outwardly they do not expose any kind of political tendency. Ironically, this means that the localism of this Province is supported in silence without being criticized: those sermons contribute to sustain the present state of localism. In second stage, various traditions, from Deuteronomy to 2 Kings, that show sort of localism and evils of localism are analyzed. Telling David story, King Josiah story, and Deuteronomy 33, the Deutremomistic History criticizes the localism and want readers to cope with that problem. Third stage is dedicated to a hermeneutic application of biblical insights on churches in DaeguㆍGyeongbuk Province. Linking the reality of churches in that region with biblical stories, some ideas overcoming the localism are deduced. In conclusion, the Deuteronomistic History make us acknowledge that if we encourage the localism or remain an unconcerned spectator on that problem, division, a sign of disaster, inevitably comes to bring about. This is a sharp warning to the churches in DaeguㆍGyeongbuk Province that want to assume the attitude of onlookers and not to be aggressive in pursuing their gospel of unity in God.

신명기 역사에 나타난 아사왕 - 왕상 15:9-24 -

오택현(Taek-Hyun, Oh) 영남신학대학교 2023 신학과 목회 Vol.59 No.-

論語 木簡을 통해 본 東아시아 論語 傳播

오택현(Oh, Taek-hyun) 한국고전번역원 2022 民族文化 Vol.60 No.-

우리나라는 동아시아에 위치한 국가로, 중국에서 문화를 받아들여 일본으로 전달하는 역할을 하였다. 고대 중국의 선진문화가 일본으로 전파되는 데 있어 한반도가 중간 역할을 하였음을 의심하는 사람은 없다. 그러나 어떤 문화가 어떻게 전달되었는지에 대해 구체적으로 확인한 사례는 드물다. 본고에서는 論語가 기록된 木簡을 통해 중국-한반도-일본으로의 論語 및 유교 사상 전파과정을 살펴보고자 한다. 論語는 儒學 사상의 요체를 담고 있어 儒敎的 소양을 쌓기 위해 반드시 익혀야 하는 것이다. 따라서 論語의 수용은 곧 儒敎 수용의 첫걸음이라고 할 수 있다. 古代 三國(高句麗 · 百濟 · 新羅)은 모두 儒敎를 일정 부분 통치의 기반으로 삼았으며, 이를 바탕으로 律令을 반포하고 국가체제를 정비했다. 이처럼 儒敎 사상은 古代 三國(高句麗 · 百濟 · 新羅)이 고대국가로 나아가고, 국가 통치의 핵심이 되는 文書 行政 시스템을 안착시키는 데 큰 영향을 주었다. 또한 日本에서도 律令국가가 성립할 수 있도록 하였다. 古代의 論語 木簡 및 竹簡은 中國뿐만이 아니라 한반도, 日本에서도 발견된다. 韓 · 中 · 日에서 발견된 수십만 건의 古代 木簡 중 論語가 공통적으로 확인되는 것이다. 따라서 이를 통해 ‘동아시아 유교 문화권’의 실체를 살펴볼 수 있을 것이다. 다만 論語 木簡을 제작하는 방법은 각국에 따라 달랐던 것으로 보인다. 中國은 編綴簡 형식으로 論語 木簡을 제작하여 사용했다. 한반도는 樂浪郡이 존속했을 당시 그러한 양식의 論語 編綴簡을 받아들였고 나아가 儒敎 수용의 발판이 되었을 것이다. 하지만 이후 한반도에서 論語 木簡은 보이지 않다가 6∼7세기에 들어 다시 발견되는데, 이때 그 모양에 있어 변화가 나타난다. 바로 編綴簡 형식이 아닌 130㎝ 정도의 크기의 多面 木簡으로 제작된 것이다. 이러한 형태의 論語 木簡은 시각적인 효과를 주고자 만들어졌을 것으로 추측된다. 일본에서도 큰 크기로 多面에 걸쳐 論語를 기록한 論語 木簡이 확인된다. 그 형태는 6∼7세기 한반도에서 제작된 論語 木簡과 같으며, 그 발견 지점이 관청 등의 관공서라는 점에서 그 역시 시각용 木簡으로 제작되었다고 할 수 있다. 즉 중국에서 등장한 論語 編綴簡이 한반도로 유입된 후 변용되었고 변용된 모습으로 다시 일본에 전파되었다고 볼 수 있다. The Korean peninsula is a country located in East Asia, and played an important role in spreading the Chinese culture to Japan after accepting it from China. No one doubts that Korea acted as messenger that spread the advanced Chinese culture to Japan. But they don’t understand what culture Koreans have spread and how they passed to Japan. Therefore, we would like to examine the process of the propagation from China, to Korean and Japan through Mokkan(木簡), or wooden tablets on which The Analects of Confucius(『論語』) was recorded. First, we looked at why The Analects of Confucius(『論語』) Mokkan(木簡) was spread from China to Korea and then to Jaapan. The meaning of The Analects of Confucius Mokkan(論語木簡) is special. The Analects of Confucius(『論語』) is a book written about the words and actions of Confucius(孔子) during his lifetime, and it contains the essence of his thoughts. In other words, learning about The Analects of Confucius(『論語』) was essential to acquiring Confucianism(儒敎) skills, so to accept The Analects of Confucius(『論語』) is the first stage in accepting Confucianism. The Analects of Confucius(『論語』) in ancient form is found not only in China, but also in the Korean peninsula in the form of ancient Mokkan(木簡), which allows us to examine the true nature of the Confucian culture of East Asia. Although simple, The Analects of Confucius(論語) Mokkan(木簡), is very significant in that it can help us to understand the flow of the culture and look at the process of spreading the culture as it is modified and transformed. The culture of The Analects of Confucius Mokkan(論語木簡) can be changed by social shape, but its essentials have not changed.