韓國語 引上 構文 分析의 問題點과 그 解決策

엄홍준 한국어문교육연구회 2013 어문연구(語文硏究) Vol.41 No.2

The purpose of this paper is to look into the characteristics of the Raising Constrictions in Korean, point out the theoretical problems of the constructions, and suggest a solution to the problems. The Raising Con- structions in Korean, unlike English Raising Constructions, even though the subject NP is in the finite embedded clauses, allows the subject NP to be raised into the main clauses. When the NP is moved it leaves the trace called NP trace. If the trace is in the case-marked position, because the trace cannot be an NP trace, we consider the trace pro which can appear in the case-marked position. It is verified that our analysis is on the right trace from a comparative linguistic study. However, there are some pro- blems with this analysis: one is about violation of the Chain Condition and the other is of the Inclusiveness Condition. Adopting the Clitic Doubling Approach Kayne (2002) suggests, we attempt to resolve the problems above. Under the Approach, since the subject NP and pro merge into each other from numeration, the Chain Condition and the Inclusiveness Condition can be observed. 이 論文은 韓國語에서의 引上 構文의 特徵을 알아보고, 이 構文에서 발생하는 理論的인 問題點을 살펴본 후 그 解決策을 제시하는 것이 그 目的이다. 韓國語의 引上 構文은 英語의 引上 構文과는 달리 內包節(下位節)이 定形節일 때 그 안에 있는 主語가 上位節의 主語 位置로 移動한다. 이런 現象을 보이는 韓國語 引上 構文에서는 이동 후에 남겨진 要素를 名詞句 痕迹이라고 볼 수 없기 때문에 pro라는 엄홍준․김용하(2009)와 엄홍준(2010a.b)의 主張을 確認한다. 名詞句 痕迹은 格을 지닐 수 있는 位置에 나타날 수 없는 반면에 pro는 그러한 出現이 가능하기 때문이다. 이러한 사실을 우리는 比較言語學的인 考察을 통해서 확인한다. 하지만 이것이 pro라면 連鎖 條件과 包含條件을 위배하게 되는데, 이 論文에서는 이러한 문제를 Kayne(2002)의 ‘接語 重疊’의 接近法을 통하여 해결한다. 이 接近法에서는 배번집합에서부터 內包節의 주어와 pro가 倂合되기 때문에 連鎖 條件과 包含條件을 준수하게 된다.

韓國語에서의 目的語 形式資質 점검

엄홍준 한국어문교육연구회 2004 어문연구(語文硏究) Vol.32 No.3

The purpose of this paper is to show that the formal features of the object in Korean are checked off not through MOVE, but through AGREE. According to Yang(1995, 1996), in order to generate sentences including an adverb like ‘ecey(어제)’ in right word-order, the object in Korean must be moved into the outer specifier of vP, and its formal features must be checked off in that position. However, there are many problems with his analysis: those are of the position of an adverb like ‘ecey’, of semantic contents of the objects, and of focus. Such problems lead us to argue that the formal features of the object in Korean are checked off not through MOVE, but through AGREE: under our checking system, the formal features of the object are checked off by the formal features of the verb just when the verb and the object merge together. And we suggest empirical evidence to support our argumentation. 韓國語에서 目的語가 動詞句의 外廓指定語 위치로 移動하여 그 形式資質을 點檢받는다고 Yang(1995, 1996)이 주장한 이후로 대다수의 학자가 그의 見解를 받아들이고 있다. 하지만 이 論文에서는 그러한 그의 주장에는 많은 문제점이 있다는 것을 지적하고, 한국어의 目的語는 그 形式資質을 移動에 의해서가 아니라 倂合過程 중에 一致作用에 의하여 點檢받는다는 것을 제시하였다.이러한 論議를 위해서 Ⅱ장에서는 Yang이 提示한 目的語의 形式資質 點檢方法에 대하여 살펴보고 그에 따른 문제점에 대해서 알아보았으며, Ⅲ장에서는 Yang의 點檢方法의 代案으로 엄홍준(1998, 2000)과 Chomsky(1999)가 제시한 目的語의 形式資質 點檢方法에 대해 고찰해 보았다. 그리고 IV장에서는 Yang의 주장을 받아들이고 있는 기존의 학자들의 주장에 대한 문제점을 제시한 후, 논의에 대한 결론을 提示하였다.

경북 방언의 의문사 작용역과 운율

엄홍준,김용하 현대문법학회 2020 현대문법연구 Vol.107 No.-

This study tries to provide an experimental explanation of a type of wh-question in North Gyeongsang Korean in which the so-called weak wh-island condition is violated. More specifically, this study concerns itself with the scope and prosody of wh-phrases in constructions with weak wh-island condition violation. The experiment carried out in this study is about the interaction between wh-scope and prosody at the syntax-phonology interface. It is shown in the paper that for wh-questions with weak wh-island violation to be produced and perceived grammatically, three conditions should be met: which include interpretation- matched prosody, D-linking, and forms of functional categories.

흔적의 본질

엄홍준 한국강원영어영문학회 1999 영어영문학 Vol.18 No.1

The purpose of this paper is to examine Chomsky's proposal(1995), 'traces are immobile' and to point out its problem. Also, this paper attempts to show that the proposal is applied not only to argument-traces but also to wh-traces, adopting a new checking process. Under Chomsky's checking process, argument-traces cannot enter into the operation Attract/Move, while wh-traces can enter into the operation Attract/Move. However, Chomsky's analysis on these traces has a fatal weakness, in the sense that these traces carry a dual property. To eliminate the duality of these traces, Kwon(1997) and Yang(1996) suggest an 'Independent Feature Checking' process and a checking process in which an 'extra Spec' in vP is established respectively. However, Kwon and Yang, too, fail to remove the duality of these traces due to some other problems. This paper, in order to solve the problem of Chomsky's analysis, adopts a New Checking Hypothesis (NCH) suggested by Um(1998). Under the NCH, feature checking may happen in the Merger operation unlike Chomsky's checking process. By using this checking process, I intend to show that wh-traces as well as argument-traces cannot enter into the operation Attract/Move.

`자기, 자신, 자기 자신`의 통사적인 분포와 기능에 대한 양적연구

엄홍준 국제어문학회 ( 구 국제어문학연구회 ) 2017 국제어문학회 학술대회 자료집 Vol.2017 No.1

한국어 재귀사 ‘자기’의 속성

엄홍준 한국언어학회 2014 언어 Vol.39 No.4

Um, Hong Joon. 2014. A Study of the Properties of Korean Reflexive 'Caki'. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 39-4, 899-919. The purpose of this paper is to identify the properties of Korean reflexive 'caki', adopting Chomsky's (1981, 1986) Binding Theory and Reinhart & Reuland's (1993) Binding Condition. Korean reflexive 'caki', unlike reflexives of other languages, e.g., English himself, can be used variously: it functions as a long distance bound anaphor, a locally bound anaphor and a variable (bound by quantifiers). Since the pronoun can be long distance bound and bound by quantifiers, Choi (2014) argues that Korean reflexive 'caki' is a bound variable pronoun. However, if it is the pronoun, it violates Principle B of Chomsky's (1981, 1986) Binding Theory and Reinhart & Reuland's (1993) Binding Condition. Futhermore, in VP ellipsis constructions, 'caki' requires only sloppy readings which means that 'caki' is a bound anaphor, according to Cole, Herman & Huang (2006). Therefore, this paper claims that it cannot be a bound variable pronoun, but a bound variable anaphor. Lastly, it is proven, again, that the null argument in Korean cannot be properly explained by Pro analysis using the theories. (Keimyung University)

근문에서의 재귀사 `자기`의 속성

엄홍준 국제어문학회 2016 국제어문학회 학술대회 자료집 Vol.2016 No.1

That-절의 격 인허

엄홍준 현대문법학회 2009 현대문법연구 Vol.57 No.-

수량사 구문에서의 격: 이형태 ‘-이서, -이, -서’를 중심으로

엄홍준 현대문법학회 2020 현대문법연구 Vol.106 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to show that if ‘-ise’, ‘-se’ and ‘-i’ are treated as allomorphs. Since ‘-i’ attached to numerals and classifiers in the numeral quantifier constructions can be supposed to have adverbiality, the numerals and classifiers associated with such an element can be introduced in vP. Furthermore, we attempt to prove that nominative case marking can be deleted in the constructions. For the purpose of this paper, we investigate the analyses by several scholars on the allomorphy, finding out that ‘-i’ can be an abbreviation of ‘-ise’, a nominative case marker and affix. Within the vP, as ‘honca(se)’ functions as an adverbial phrase, if ‘seys-i(se)’ and ‘seymyeng-i(se)’ also do so, we can explain why phrases like ‘seymyeng-i’ can be in the vP. In addition, we examine nominative case ellipsis phenomenon in the light of Hong's generalization that case markers are optional to arguments in the complement position but obligatory to arguments in the spec positions, rethinking the possibility of the ellipsis of nominative case makers.

한국어의 영논항의 본질에 대한 재고찰

엄홍준 현대문법학회 2013 현대문법연구 Vol.72 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the nature of null arguments in Korean. Even though many studies have been done to identify the null arguments, there seem to be some problems yet to be resolved in identifying them. The pro analysis of Ahn & Cho (2010, 2011a, 2011b, 2012) is likely to have wider explanative power than the DP ellipsis analysis because of the extensive uses of pro in Korean. Nevertheless, it is argued in this paper that the DP ellipsis analysis may be still applicable to constructions in which null arguments related to reflexives are missing.