제8차 당대회 이후 북한의 대외노선 및 정책

박형준(Hyong-Joon Park) 국민대학교 한반도미래연구원 2022 한반도미래연구 Vol.7 No.1

본 연구의 목적은 제8차 당대회 이후 북한의 대외노선 및 정책을 고찰하는데 있다. 즉 북한이 주요 정치행사를 통해 결정한 주요 대외노선을 바탕으로 북한의 대외정책이 어떻게 전개되었고, 그 특징과 양상은 무엇인지 살펴보는데 있다. 이를 위해 제8차 당대회 사업총화보고, 제8기 제4차 전원회의 결정문, 그리고 주요 담화 및 성명 등을 분석했다. 북한은 미국 및 한국과의 경색국면이 장기화하는 상황 속에서도 올해 들어 벌써 여러 차례 미사일을 시험 발사하며 ‘강 대 강’ 대치 수위를 높여가고 있다. 이로 인해 한반도 불안정 상황이 계속되고 있다. 북한은 지난 2021년 1월 개최한 제8차 당대회를 통해 수립한 대외정책의 핵심 기조와 노선인 ‘강 대 강, 선 대 선’ 원칙과 ‘대외관계의 확대·발전’을 여전히 유지하는 가운데, 국방력 강화에 집중하고 있다. 그리고 미국에 대해서는 대화 재개의 조건으로 ‘대북 적대시 정책’ 폐기와 ‘이중기준’ 철회를 요구하며, 미국의 근본적인 정책 변화를 촉구하고 있다. 그러면서 한반도 정세 불안정의 원인을 미국의 대북 적대시 정책 때문이라고 주장하며, 모든 책임을 미국에 돌렸다. 한편 ‘대외관계의 전면적 확대·발전’ 노선에 따라 중국 및 러시아와 연대 강화를 통해 미국의 핵 위협에 맞서는 한편 ‘전략적 지위’의 강화를 시도하고 있다. 본 연구는 하노이 북미정상회담 결렬 이후 장기화하고 있는 북·미 간 냉각국면 속에서 북한의 대외노선 및 정책을 살펴본다는 점에 의의가 있다. The purpose of this study is to examine North Korea's external routes and policies after the 8th Party Congress. In other words, the purpose of this study is to examine how North Korea's foreign policy was developed based on the major external routes determined through major political events, and its characteristics and aspects. To this end, analyzed the business summary report of the 8th Party Congress, the decisions of the 4th Plenary Meeting of the 8th Party, and major discourses and statements. North Korea has already test-fired 19 missiles this year, raising the level of the “strong-to-strong” confrontation despite the prolonged hardship with the US and South Korea. As a result, security instability on the Korean Peninsula continues. North Korea is concentrating on strengthening its national defense while still maintaining the principle of ‘strong for river, first for first’ and ‘expansion and development of external relations’, which are the core principles and lines of foreign policy established at the 8th Party Congress. In addition, as a condition for the resumption of dialogue, the United States is demanding the abolition of the “hostile policy toward North Korea” and the withdrawal of the “double standard”, urging the United States to fundamentally change its policy. At the same time, claimed that the cause of political instability on the Korean Peninsula was the US hostile policy toward North Korea, and blamed all the blame on the US. In addition, it is attempting to strengthen its ‘strategic position’ while fighting the US nuclear threat by strengthening solidarity with China and Russia along the line of ‘total expansion and development of external relations’. This study is meaningful in that it examines North Korea‘s external routes and policies amid the prolonged cooling phase between the two countries after the breakdown of the Hanoi_US-North Korea summit.

로동신문을 통해 본 김일성 시기 북한의 대미 인식 연구

박형준 ( Hyong Joon Park ) 한국세계지역학회 2020 세계지역연구논총 Vol.38 No.4

본 연구의 목적은 김일성 시기 북한의 대미 인식을 살펴보는데 있다. 로동신문을 중심으로 김일성 시기 북한의 대미 적대 인식이 어떻게 생성되어, 북한 체제 속에서 재생산 및 강화의 과정을 거쳤는지 그 변화를 조명한다. 이를 통해 김일성 시기 북한이 미국을 바라보는 관점과 그 특징을 살펴보고자 한다. 이 시기가 갖는 의미는 북한의 대미 적대 인식이 발현되는 시기라는 점, 현재 북미 관계 전체를 관통하는 적대와 불신의 시발점이 되었다는 점에서 매우 중요하다. ‘원인’이 없는 ‘결과’는 없다. 모든 일에는 원인이 있게 마련이며, 그에 따라 문제 해결의 방법과 결과도 달라진다. 이는 북미 관계, 특히 비핵화 협상 과정에서도 보여지는 보편적인 특징으로 문제의 본질은 적대적 관점에서 서로를 믿지 못하는데 있다. 이로 인해 북핵 문제가 본격적으로 제기된 1994년 1차 북핵 위기 이후 제네바회담에서 2019년 하노이 북미정상회담에 이르기까지 문제 해결의 접점을 찾지 못하고 있으며, 한반도 평화 체제 구축을 가로막는 결정적인 요인으로 작용하고 있다. 그렇다면, 북한의 대미 적대감은 어떤 이유로 생겨났고, 어떤 과정을 거쳐 북미 관계에 영향을 미쳤는가? 이에 대한 해답은 김일성 시기 생성되고 내면화 과정을 거치면서 공고화된 대미 적대 인식에서 찾을 수 있다. 본 연구는 현재의 정체된 북미 관계에 많은 시사점을 제공할 뿐만 아니라, 더 나아가 북미 적대관계와 불신의 본질적 원인 규명을 통해 북미 관계의 실질적 관계 개선에 기여할 수 있다. The purpose of this study is to examine North Korea’s perception of the United States in the Kim Il-sung period. Focusing on the Rodong Shinmun, this study highlights the changes in how North Korea’s perception of hostility against the United States during the Kim Il-sung period was created and mass-produced, and went through the process of reproduction and reinforcement in the North Korean regime. Through this, I would like to examine the viewpoint and characteristics of North Korea’s view of the United States during the Kim Il-Sung period. The significance of this period is very important in that it is the time when North Korea’s perception of hostility toward the United States emerges, and that it has become a starting point for hostility and distrust that penetrates the entire current relationship with the United States. There is no’result’ without’cause’. Everything has a cause, and accordingly, the method and outcome of problem solving will be different. This is a common feature seen in US-North Korea relations, especially in the process of denuclearization negotiations. The essence of the problem lies in not trusting each other from an hostile perspective. If so, for what reason did North Korea’s hostility to the United States arise, and through what process did it affect US-North Korea relations? The answer to this can be found in the perception of hostility against the United States that was created during the Kim Il-sung period and solidified through the process of internalization. This study not only provides many implications for the current stagnant relationship between the United States and the United States, but can further contribute to the improvement of the relationship between the United States and the United States through the identification of the essential causes of hostility and distrust.

북한의 외국인투자 관련법 연구

박형준 ( Hyong Joon Park ) 동국대학교 북한학연구소 2013 북한학연구 Vol.9 No.2

North Korea has been inviting foreign investment and introducing technologies through open-door and foreign reforms as their countermeasures of overcoming economic crisis which have been aggravated since 1980’s and home and abroad environment changes. In order to procure the legal basis to support these activities, North Korea has been revising, amending and compensating various laws which include enactment of ‘Equity Joint Venture’ which first started in 1984 and to following ‘Foreign Investment Law’, ‘Contractual Joint Venture’ and ‘Foreign Investment Enterprise Law’ in 1992. This shows North Korea’s active intention and improvement efforts of their open-door and foreign reforms, revision of relevant laws could be considered as the materialization of their intentions. But in spite of these efforts, invitation of foreign investment in North Korea has been immaterial until now because of practical limitations and various problems that include problems of legal systems in foreign investment relevant laws, lack of concreteness due to abstract concepts of socialist country`s general phenomena, problems of effectiveness guarantee and incompleteness of open-door and foreign reform conditions. In order that North Korea can overcome these problems, achieve successful invitation of foreign investment and resolve economic crisis, more practical and realistic amendments should be required in various aspects which include securing the concreteness of relevant laws, providing stable investment conditions to secure their investment and improving overall transparency. Additionally, active intentions regarding open-door and foreign reforms and executing attitudes of policy makers are very important as well.

조선노동당 제8차 대회를 통해 본 북한의 대외정책 - 대외관계 사업총화보고를 중심으로 -

박형준 ( Park Hyong Joon ) 동국대학교 북한학연구소 2021 북한학연구 Vol.17 No.1

This thesis analyzed and evaluated the field of external relations at the 8th Party Congress and predicted the future foreign policy of North Korea. In other words, the purpose of this study is to derive implications through the analysis of the 8th Party Congress’s business summary report, and to forecast the policy toward the U.S. including denuclearization negotiations, and the overall foreign policy centered on China and Russia. The core stance and line of foreign policy that North Korea put forward through the 8th Party Congress is the principle of ‘strong vs strong, good vs good’ and ‘expansion and development of external relations’. It declared that the United States would be regarded as ‘the main enemy’ and approached with the principle of ‘strong vs strong, good vs good’. In addition, It insisted on the ‘withdrawal of policy against North Korea’, as a prerequisite for establishing new North Korea-U.S. relations, and implied that it would continue to augment nuclear armed forces until the U.S. withdrew it. At the same time, it established ‘full expansion and development of foreign relations’ as the basic route for foreign policy, which can be seen as an intention to confront the U.S. nuclear threat by strengthening solidarity with China and Russia. In other words, in a situation where the uncertainty of the internal and external situation has increased, the U.S. overcomes this with ‘self-rehabilitation’, and based on ‘strengthening of strategic position’ through close contact with China and Russia, ‘high-tech weapon development’ and ‘reinforcement of nuclear armed forces’, etc. According to the ‘toughness and moderateness strategy’, a customized response was foreshadowed. This study is meaningful in that it provides clues for improving inter-Korean and North Korea-U.S. relations through the analysis of the foreign policy of North Korea’s 8th Party Congress in the situation of the Korean Peninsula where the deadlock is prolonged.

북한의 대일(對日) 정책 결정 요인 연구 : 김정은 시기를 중심으로

박형준(Park, Hyong-Joon) 한국동북아학회 2023 한국동북아논총 Vol.28 No.1

본 연구의 목적은 북‧일 관계 주요 현안별 북한의 대일정책 결정 요인을 고찰하는데 있다. 북한의 대일 적대 외교의 지속, 납치 문제, 북핵 및 미사일 문제 등과 관련해 어떠한 요인들이 북한의 정책 결정에 주요 변수로 작동하며 영향을 미쳤는지 살펴보고자 했다. 연구 결과, 북한의 대일 적대 외교는 혁명 전통이 내재된 국가정체성이 주요 변수로 작용했고, 납치 문제의 ‘완전 해결’ 결정에는 ‘수령의 무오류성’이 반영된 것으로 보인다. 그리고 북핵 및 미사일 문제는 북한과 중국의 전략적 연대 강화와 일본의 영향력 저하, 미국의 확장 억제 강화와 일본의 ‘국가안보 전략’ 개정 등이 정책 결정 전반에 영향을 미쳤다. 본 연구는 북한의 대일정책 결정 요인에 대한 분석을 통해 북‧일 관계 진전의 가능성을 모색하는데 의의가 있다. The purpose of this study is to examine the determinants of North Koreas policy toward Japan for each major issue in North Korea-Japan relations. In relation to North Koreas continuation of hostile diplomacy toward Japan, the abduction issue, and the North Korean nuclear and missile issue, it was intended to examine which factors acted as major variables and had an impact on North Koreas policy decisions. As a result of the study, it seems that North Koreas hostile diplomacy toward Japan was driven by the national identity inherent in the revolutionary tradition, and the leaders infallibility was reflected in the decision to ‘completely resolve’ the abduction issue. And regarding the North Korean nuclear and missile issues, the strengthening of strategic solidarity between North Korea and China, the weakening of Japans influence, the strengthening of US expansionary deterrence, and the revision of Japans national security strategy influenced overall policy decisions. This study is meaningful in exploring the possibility of progress in North Korea-Japan relations through an analysis of the determinants of North Koreas policy toward Japan.

북한과 미국의 DMZ 군사충돌 연구: 로동신문 1960~1969년을 중심으로(대내 정치적 선전선동과 상징 조작화)

박형준 ( Hyong Joon Park ) 한국세계지역학회 2019 세계지역연구논총 Vol.37 No.3

본 논문은 1960년대 DMZ에서 발생한 북한과 미국의 ‘군사충돌’ 사건을 로동신문을 통해 실증적으로 분석하고 그런 신문보도가 갖는 의미를 북한의 대내 정치적 강화 차원에서 분석하는데 목적이 있다. 즉 북미 간 군사충돌 기사를 통해 북한의 반미주의와 적대감이 어떻게 공고화되었으며, 이는 다시 어떻게 국내 정치적으로 활용했는지 살펴보는 것이다. 북한과 미국은 지난 70여년이 넘는 기간 동안 6·25전쟁, 비무장지대내의 군사충돌, 다양한 상징 조작과 악마화를 통한 적대 의식 양산, 핵협상, 평화협정 등을 둘러싼 갈등으로 적대적 관계와 상호 불신을 심화시켜왔다. 이로 인해 남북정상회담, 역사적인 북미 정상 간의 만남에도 불구하고 한반도 평화프로세스는 중대 변곡점에 봉착해 있다. 북한에서 미국이라는 대상은 ‘미제’라는 용어에서 알 수 있듯이 제국주의론에 기초한 이데올로기적 성격을 갖고 있으며, 정권 차원의 통치기반 확립을 위한 도구였다. 북한은 1960년대 발생한 미국의 DMZ 군사도발과 푸에블로호 침입 사건을 로동신문을 통해 상징 조작화하여 당시 직면한 대내외적 위기 상황에서 벗어나고자 했다. 즉 주민들에게 대미 적대감을 고취시켜 체제 결집을 유도하고자 했으며, 흔들리던 김일성 자신의 위치를 확고히 함으로써 유일지배체제를 확립해나갔다. The purpose of this paper is to analyze North Korea and the United States “military conflict” in the DMZ area in the 1960s through Rodong-Sinmun and to analyze the meaning of such news reports in terms of North Korea’s political reinforcement. For more than 70 years, North Korea and the United States have faced hostile relations and mutual distrust through conflicts over the June 25 war, military conflicts in the DMZ, mass production of hostility consciousness through various symbol manipulations and demonizations, nuclear negotiations, and peace agreements. It has deepened. The object of the United States in North Korea is ideologically based on imperialism, as can be seen in the term “the US-imperialism” and it has been actively using US-hostile perceptions to establish a ruling base at the regime level. North Korea symbolized and manipulated the DMZ military provocations and the invasion of Pueblo in the 1960s through Rodong-Sinmun to create a domestic crisis and to escape the internal and external crisis faced at the time.

북한의 대외정세 인식과 국방력 강화에 관한 연구

박형준 ( Hyong Joon Park ),박성용 ( Seong Yong Park ) 조선대학교 동북아연구소 2022 동북아연구 Vol.37 No.2

As North Korea's recent offensive missile provocations have developed into military exercises of tactical nuclear units to show off the diversity of missile launch capabilities, rather than simple development, they pose a serious threat to peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. The current situation perceived by the North Korean leadership is that despite the preemptive measures for denuclearization, nothing has been gained from the United States over the past three years, and it has only been used. In particular, in a situation where there is no fundamental change in hostile policy, it is rather perceived as a crisis situation in which the threat to the regime against them is further heightened. Considering these points, how does the situational variable of North Korea's crisis affect the strengthening of national defense, represented by the strengthening of nuclear force? What are the characteristics of reinforcement? etc., need to be considered. The purpose of this study is to examine the characteristics of North Korea's military strengthening through consideration of North Korea's perception of the foreign situation. In other words, how North Korea perceives the situation and how it views the United States after the collapse of the North Korea-US summit in Hanoi? And, as a result, it examines the characteristics and changes in strengthening North Korea's defense capability represented by nuclear force. The significance of this study is to provide military and security countermeasures and implications for alleviating the crisis situation in a situation where the stalemate is prolonged.

북한의 수용성과 남북교류협력 방향: 김정은 시기 관광정책을 중심으로

박형준(Park, Hyong-joon) 한국동북아학회 2021 한국동북아논총 Vol.26 No.1

하노이 북미정상회담 결렬 여파로 남북관계의 경색 분위기가 장기화되고 있지만, 오히려 이를 기회로 북한의 정책 전반과 관심 사항을 제고하는 한편, 남북교류협력의 우선순위에 대한 재검토가 필요한 시점이다. 본 연구의 목적은 북한 관광정책의 수용성 분석을 통해 향후 남북이 추진해야 할 관광교류협력의 방향을 모색하는데 있다. 관광 분야 남북교류협력의 기본방향은 변화한 북측의 상황과 수요를 반영해야 하며, 지속성 확보를 위해 기존 남북한 합의 사업들의 재검토 및 사업의 다각화가 필요하다. 또한 전담 조직 및 법제 정비 등 추진체계의 역량을 강화해 나가야 한다. 이를 통해 북한 경제의 자생력을 키우는 한편 한반도 신경제구상의 ‘평화경제’ 실현을 기대해 본다. The atmosphere of inter-Korean relations is prolonged in the aftermath of the breakdown of the Hanoi, North Korea-U.S. summit, but rather, it is time to take this opportunity to improve the overall policy and interests of North Korea, and to review the priorities of inter-Korean exchange and cooperation. The purpose of this study is to explore the direction of tourism exchange and cooperation that the two Koreas should pursue in the future through the analysis of the acceptance of North Korean tourism policy. The basic direction of inter-Korean exchange and cooperation in the tourism sector should reflect the changed situation and demand of the North, and to ensure sustainability, it is necessary to review existing inter-Korean agreements and diversify projects. In addition, it is necessary to strengthen the capacity of the promotion system, such as a dedicated organization and legal system reorganization. Through this, we expect to increase North Korea"s economic self-sustainability and realize a “peaceful economy” in the new Korean peninsula.

국제사회와 민간차원의 대북 인도적 지원 확대 방안

박형준(Park, Hyong-Joon),박은주(Park, Eun Joo) 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 공공정책연구소 2021 Journal of North Korea Studies Vol.7 No.1

This study focuses on strengthening the role of NGOs and the international community in restoring inter-Korean relations. The central government s aid to North Korea is directly affected by changes in inter-Korean relations. On the other hand, the international community and NGOs are relatively less politically influenced. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate the roles of these actors and lay the groundwork for the resumption of inter-Korean exchanges and cooperation. Of course, it is difficult to expect a breakthrough in the situation on the Korean Peninsula. It is believed that North Korea-US Relations will be a major factor in improving inter-Korean relations. Nevertheless, it is difficult to blindly wait for the US to change its North Korean policy. South Korea should devise a new strategy to promote inter-Korean exchanges and cooperation, taking into account inter-Korean relations that repeat the pause and resume of dialogue. First, humanitarian aid projects for North Korea should be promoted in order to realize the universal value of humanity. Second, it is necessary to closely examine the effect of North Korea s support policy by dividing it into support and development. Third, new projects are discovered in a way that actively promotes convergence between projects by thoroughly examining established support projects for North Korea. The international community and NGOs should promote inter-Korean exchanges and cooperation in order to overcome the reality of division, understand each other, and coexist.

지속가능한 새로운 동북아 다자평화안보체제 추진 방안: 동북아플러스 책임공동체를 중심으로

박형준(Park, Hyong-Joon) 한국동북아학회 2019 한국동북아논총 Vol.24 No.4

동북아 역내 국가들의 전략적 이해관계, 대립적 양자관계로 인한 갈등과 대립은 ‘동북아 혼돈 시대’로의 도래와 함께 중대한 변화의 갈림길로 들어서게 만들었다. 이러한 상황 하에서 국제사회는 불신과 핵심 이익의 추구로 국가간 협력을 더욱 어렵게 하고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 강대국에 둘러싸여 있는 지리적 조건에서 우리 정부의 외교역량 강화는 필수불가결하며, 지속가능한 협력 틀을 구축하기 위한 역내 국가들의 참여와 협력은 거스를 수 없는 추세이다. 이러한 관점에서 본 연구의 목적은 동북아지역의 불확실한 안보환경을 개선하고 평화와 협력을 도출하기 위해 지속가능한 다자안보평화체제 방안을 모색하는데 있다. 즉 다자주의에 기반을 둔 동북아 평화안보체제의 수립을 ‘동북아플러스 책임공동체’ 차원에서 살펴보고, 지속가능한 다자평화안보체제의 추진 방안을 추진전략과 실천과제 차원에서 고찰하는데 있다. Conflicts and opposing bilateral relations between Northeast Asian strategic nations in Northeast Asia are faced with a major divergence of change with the concern that the era of Northeast Asian chaos is coming. And countries make cross-country cooperation even more difficult. Nevertheless, strengthening the diplomatic capacity of the Korean government is indispensable in the geographic environment surrounded by the great powers, and the participation and cooperation of the nations in the region to build a sustainable cooperation framework is inevitable. In this regard, the purpose of this study is to find a sustainable multilateral security system to improve the uncertain security environment in Northeast Asia and to derive peace and cooperation. In other words, the establishment of a multilateralism-based peace and security system in Northeast Asia will be examined in terms of the “Northeast Asia Plus Community of Responsibility”, and a plan for promoting a sustainable multilateral peace and security system in terms of implementation strategies and tasks.