정현(鄭玄)의 금(今),고문(古文) 종합과 그 정치철학적 함의

박동인 ( Dong In Park ) 퇴계학연구원 2014 退溪學報 Vol.136 No.-

The purpose of this study is to examine Zheng Xuan`s synthesis of New-Text and Old-Text Scholarships with its implications for Political philosophy on fucus. Why and how did Zheng Xuan put into a single perspective New-Text and Old-Text Scholarships, the two axes of Han dynasty scholarship? And for what purpose? These questions will be answered by examining systematically the then socio-political situations. I take up these issues for the following two motivations. First, why did Zheng Xuan feel dissatisfied with Old-Text Scholarship, since it solved to some extent the problem of Chan-Wei-Hua(讖緯化), the shortcoming of West Han New-Text Scholarship, and the resultant political anomie and it succeeded in justifying Liu-Han`s regime? Why did he feel obliged to endeavor towards the synthesis of New-Text and Old-Text Scholarships? Second, why did Zheng Xuan make avail of Chan-Wei-Shuo(讖緯說), the shortcoming of West Han New-Text Scholarship? I have ended up with the following three conclusions. About the motivation towards synthesis. Scholarship of Han dynasty as late as East-Han dynasty had been divided into New-Text and Old-Text in a partisan and dogmatic manner, without the invested time and energy being brought to fruition. Because of their faithfulness to Jia-Fa(家法) and Shi-Fa(師法), no honest scholar even dared to make an objection. All this situation struck Zheng Xuan as arteriosclerosis, or hardening of the arteries, to be cured for all costs. About the method and purpose of synthesis. Zheng Xuan followed the precedent of Tong-Ru, or liberal Confucian (including his teacher Ma-Rong) and incorporate New-Text Scholarship at its strength into Old-Text Scholarship, maintaining the latter`s empirical and philological tradition. But Zheng Xuan built flexibility into his synthesis by emphasizing factual objectivity and pragmatism. In so doing, he always intended to bring himself back to Kong-Zi``s original meaning, in which alone he held that the guideline for the synthesis lied. About the reason Zheng Xuan made avail of Chan-Wei-Shuo(讖緯說), the unquestionable shortcoming of West Han New-Text Scholarship. Chan-Wei-Shuo had been widespread in East Han since Wang-Mang(王莽) and Guang-Wu-Di(光武帝) took the throne through the method of Chan-Wei(讖緯). In the same vein, Ming-Di(明帝) proposed to correct different theories of Wu-Jing(五經) through the method of Chan-Wei(讖 緯). In his discussion of the sameness and difference of Wu-Jing atBai-Hu-Guan(白虎館) meeting, Zhang-Di(章帝) also proved the authenticity of Scriptures through the same method. Consequently, Chan-Wei had been promoted into the status of the Text, until it became almost impossible to tell one from the other. All these situations brought Zheng Xuan to admit Chan-Wei. Furthermore, his Text Scholarship in its turn had a room for Chan-Wei. He made avail of Chan-Wei to reconcile Old Text and New Text Scholarships and also Jia-Fa and Shi-Fa. Chan-Wei was also useful as a foundation for Gan-Sheng-Di-Shuo(感生帝說) and Liu-Tian-Shuo(六天說), which served to legitimize Emperor``s power, the most urgent socio-political agenda of East Han in the decline.

한대(漢代) 참위서(讖緯書)의 유가철학과 그 사회·정치적 함의

박동인 ( Park Dong-in ) 한국동서철학회 2019 동서철학연구 Vol.0 No.92

The purpose of this paper is to explore Confucian Philosophy of the Chen-wei books in the Han dynasty, and to find the social and political implications that it reveals. The study is needed because the Chen-wei books contain ideas for solving the problems of the times. And topics that are lacking or not sufficient in scripture are discussed in more depth. As a result of this study, the Confucian Philosophy of the Chen-wei books was discovered to have the following characteristics: The Chen-wei books were a mixture of those who wanted to deny the legitimacy of the Han dynasty and those who wanted to defend it. The forces that tried to deny it went in the direction of denying the legitimacy of the Liu-Han regime and defending the emergence of new forces by pursuing the theory of sensation between heaven and man (天人感應說) since Dong Zhong-Shu and insisting on ‘the theory of Hán-Wen (寒溫說: Han-Wen-Shuo). They also laid the theoretical foundation for a new force to emerge through Qi-monolithic cosmology. But this is a natural consequence of the incompetence, deviation, and the various Zaiyi of the West-Han regime at the time. However, those who wanted to defend the legitimacy of the Han dynasty wanted to meet the political needs of the emperor and the vested interests around the emperor as well as the legitimacy of the Liu-Han regime through Shou-Mìng-Zhi-Fu (受命之符), the Dao and Qi dualistic cosmology, the theory of Gua-Qi (卦氣說: Gua-Qi-Shuo) and other means. Because Shou-Ming-Zhi-Fu defended the legitimacy of the Han dynasty by mystifying Gao-Zu of Han Liu-Bang's teacher, Zhang-Liang (張良). Also because the Dao and Qi dualistic cosmology was strengthening the order of the feudal class as Cosmogony by subdividing its creation process from the substance of a metaphysical’s Tài-Yi (太易) to the matter of a physical’s Tai-Chu (太初), Tai-Shi (太始) and Tai-Su (太素). And it is because the theory of Gua-Qi was more active in meeting the political demands of the then ruling circles by connecting nature and personnel more closely by mystifying it, than that of the existing Meng-Xi and Jing-Fang. In view of this, the Chen-wei books, except for the theory of Han-Wen and the Qi-monolithic cosmology designed to quickly end the harsh environment of the end of the West-Han dynasty, served as a champion of the Liu-Han regime and its vested interests. The Confucian Philosophy of the Chen-wei books can be assessed as having a strong political inclination. Because the theory of Chen-wei was formed due to the need to pursue the characteristic of arbitrary interpretation of New-Text Scholarship in an extreme manner and respond more actively to the socio-political needs of the ruling.

『여씨춘추』의 道氣二元論적 宇宙論과 그 정치철학적 의미

박동인(Dong In Park) 철학연구회 2011 哲學硏究 Vol.0 No.94

The goal of this article is to study the cosmology of the dualism of Dao-Qi(道氣二元論) in Lu-Shi-Chun-Qiu(『呂氏春秋』) from a politico-philosophical perspective. And in this I also will search for reasons why didn`t adopt these the cosmology of the dualism of Dao-Qi to Qin-Shi-Huang(秦始皇). A fact, Lu-Shi-Chun-Qiu recognized faults of the cosmology of Qi-Hua(氣化宇宙論) of Guan-Zi` four- chapters(『管子』4篇) and Jie-Guan-Zi(『?冠子』). For that reason Lu-Shi-Chun-Qiu was changed to the dualism of Dao-Qi(道氣二元論). Nevertheless it didn`t adopt to Qin-Shi-Huang. According to the results of my research in these theme, I knew that Lu-Shi-Chun-Qiu, as divide the difference of being of Dao(道) and Qi(氣), divided the difference of class of the power of an emperor and a subject which correspond to it. It was for secure the power of an emperor`s the discriminative differentiation and specialness and sanctity. This can see plainly to label the one(一) as like Dao(道). Lu-Shi-Chun-Qiu make the one(一) as monarch(君主), and it was called him ``who govern the whole world`` and ``who join the whole world in one``. But as long as the premise of Lao-Zhuang`s the theory of Dao, it don`t be a place which assure an emperor`s absolute authority. Because the peculiarities of Dao is unintentional and purposeless. Then it don`t disclose it`s liking and disliking. Also if the power of a monarch and an emperor was naturally given through the influence of social contradiction, this also can`t be the theory which protect an emperor`s absolute authority. If another social contradiction come up, the power of an emperor who is still in power also will can be disqualified. Even if it is the dualism of Dao-Qi like Lu-Shi-Chun-Qiu, the power of an emperor who is still in power also pass current, but at the same time, the power of a subject and feudal lords also pass current. Also going one step forward, actualities be that as it may, the future`s a class of feudal society is not more and more guarantee which will be like the present. Thus these a logical argument of Lu-Shi-Chun-Qiu still are dangerous for an emperor who is still in power, also it can see to provide a reason which disseise the power of an emperor. Therefore Qin-Shi-Huang flatly refused to accept it. Anyway an emperor who is still in power take a profound interest in that ``how can secure an emperor`s absolute authority in what kind of situation and condition``. Just the thing which meet the these demand is Dong-Zhong-Shu(董仲舒)`s theory of heaven(天論) and the theory on the formation of cosmos from the Original-Qi(元氣宇宙生成論) who the man of the moment of Han-Wudi(漢武帝).

동한(東漢) 고문경학자(古文經學者)들의 참위비판(讖緯批判)과 그 정치철학적 의미 - 양웅·환담·왕충을 중심으로

박동인 ( Park Dong-in ) 퇴계학연구원 2020 退溪學報 Vol.147 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to first look at the whole picture of the scholars of Old-Text Scholarship's criticism of Chèn Wěi in the end of East Han dynasty. It is then to find the social, political, and academic necessity of the emergence of Old-Text Scholarship and the philosophical foundation of Old-Text Scholarship. The results can be summarized in three ways. First, most of a scholars of Old-Text Scholarship in the end of East Han dynasty thought negatively about Chèn-Wěi theory and criticized it, although there was a difference in degree in order to solve problems of various Chèn Yǔ and a manipulation of Shòu Mìng caused by the Chèn-Wěi theory that were prevalent in the end of west-Han dynasty. It was because of the sense of crisis that if the Chèn-Wěi theory was not criticized and eradicated, it would not overcome the social and political turmoil of the time. As can be seen in the case of Wáng Măng, countless signs of Chèn Yǔ and Shòu Mìng have jeopardized the existence of the Liú Hàn regime and confused society. Second, the birth of Old-Text Scholarship was indispensable to overcome social and political needs and the superstition of Confucianism at that time. The Old-Text Scholarship was also needed to reinforce the notion of Jia Tian Xia, which has become dilapidated in the end of West-Han dynasty, to rebuild the legitimacy of the Liú Hàn regime, or as a way to overcome the superstition of Confucianism. This is because the emphasis on ‘Hàn Yáo Hòu Shuō’ and ‘Hàn Huŏ Dé Shuō’ and various Lǐ Yuè Zhì Dī and ‘Jīng Dao’ based on Chūn Qiū Zuǒ Zuǒn could enable the Liú Hàn regime’s re-Shòu Mìng and Zūn Wáng. This is because the tendency of scripture analysis based on historical evidence and Míng Wù Xùn Gǔ as an old-text scholarship's method of scripture interpretation, could replace the voluntary interpretation of the scriptures caused by New-Text Scholarship's search for Wēi Yán Dà Yì. Third, the Old-Text Scholarship is maintaining Qì Yī Yuán Lùn to overcome the mystique and superstition of the New-Text Scholarship. It is because Dong Zhong Shu's theory of sensation between heaven and man came to generalize in the end of East Han dynasty, and everyone made various evidence of Chèn Yǔ and Shòu Mìng under the pretext of heaven. Therefore, in order to stop such phenomena, the logic of heaven and man's response had to be removed. So Yáng Xióng emphasized that after the creation of the universe through ‘Xuán’, all of the universe is operated according to the laws of nature. However, Huán Tán and Wáng Chōng interpreted the entire creation and operation of the universe as a single Qì in order to remove the mysterious elements from nature. So they abandoned the dualism of Tao-Qi, which had been generally accepted since pre-Qín, and maintained the monism of Qí. Since Qì has no intention, the creation of space nature was created by accident, and the operation was in accordance with the natural order, so there is no more possession to involve mysterious and superstitious things. Therefore, it can be said that it was necessary in academics at the time or in society and politics. From these aspects, it can be said that the emergence of the Old-Text Scholarship was desperately requested for both in social and political needs and in academic needs.

『백호통의』의 유가철학과 그 정치적 의미

박동인(Park, Dong-in) 한국양명학회 2016 陽明學 Vol.0 No.44

이 글의 목적은 東漢章帝가 처한 시대상황에 초점을 맞추어 『백호통의』의 유가철학을 재구성하는 것이다. 그리하여 장제에 의해 개최된 백호관회의와 그 결과물인 『백호통의』의 유가철학이 강한 정치적 목적을 지닌 회의요, 텍스트임을 주장하는 것이다. 그 연구결과 다음과 같은 몇 가지 결과를 발견했다. 우선 장제는 광무제가 남긴 문제, 즉 그가 東漢을 건국하는 과정에서 도움을 주었던 지방호족세력들을 중앙의 고관이나 제후 및 열후로 봉하면서 발생한 문제를 해결하기 위해 백호관회의를 개최하고『백호통의』를 출간했다는 것이다. 장제때는 이들은 물론이고 이들과 결탁한 지방호족들이 백성들의 토지를 강제로 겸병함으로 수많은 유민을 양산시켰다. 그리고 이들 유민을 그들의 장원에 下戶(소작인)나 노예로 수용함으로써 국고수입을 줄이고, 또 이들 유민들의 몫을 대신하는 백성들의 고통도 가중시켰다. 그들의 장원은 국가의 견제를 받지 않은 치외법권 지역이었기 때문이다. 따라서 장제는 이 문제를 해결하기 위해 천자와 백성들을 직접 연결시켜 황제를 중심으로 한 일원화된 봉건통치시스템을 구축하고자 했다. 이를 가능케 하기 위해 장제는 왕권신수설과 그 정당화를 시도했고, 또 重民을 강조했다. 그리고 예법관계를 통해 백성들이 죄에 빠지지 않도록 경계하기도 하고, 또 그들을 권면하여 계급상승의 의지도 고취시켰다. 그래야 자작농으로서 천자의 통치하에 있게 될 것이기 때문이다. 그리고 최종적으로는 三綱六紀를 통해 천자로부터 일반백성들에 이르기까지 일원화된 봉건윤리 강상을 구축함으로써 봉건등급질서를 견고하게 하고자 했다. 그래야 천자에 의한 백성의 개별 · 인신적 지배가 가능하게 되어 한나라의 長治久安을 담보할 수 있기 때문이다. The purpose of this study is to reconstitute the Confucian philosophy of Bái Hǔ Tōng Yì as focusing on age conditions which the Zhāng-dì emperor of East Han dynasty lives. So the conference of bái hǔ guān which was opened by the Zhāng-dì emperor and the Confucian philosophy of Bái Hǔ Tōng Yì as the result will claiming to find belong to the meeting and text with a strong political purposes. The study found following some results. First of all, the Zhāng-dì emperor held the conference of Bái Hǔ Guān and published Bái Hǔ Tōng Yì to solve the problem which the Guāng-wǔ-dì emperor left behind. That is, from Guāng-wǔ-dì emperor had appointed a powerful families who helped him during the founding countries as the high government officials and feudal lords and so on, the following problems occurred. That is, at age conditions which the Zhāng-dì emperor lives, they and colluding with them forced annexation of land of the peoples, which is the only means of subsistence of the peoples. As a result, they happens a lot of the drones. And they embrace those drones as a tenant farmers and slave in a manor of powerful families. So they not only caused the loss of tax, but also was further aggravated the suffering of those people as replace those drones’s taxes. Because their manor of powerful families was area of extraterritorial jurisdiction which the country can’t controll. Therefore, to solve this problem, the Zhāng-dì emperor attempted to construct unified governance system focusing on the emperors as the Emperor and people connect directly. To make this possible, the Zhāng-dì emperor had tried to Divine right of kings and its justification, also had emphasized a careful attention to people. And through relationship between rite and law, the Zhāng-dì emperor had taught that people were not committed a crime, and had imbued them with the intention of the rising class as urge them advice. So because peoples would be under the Emperor’s rule as a landed farmer. And finally the Zhāng-dì emperor wants to make firmly the feudal class order as construct unified moral principles of the feudal ethics to cover all from the emperor to ordinary people through the three basic principles in human relations(三綱) and the six small ethical principles in human relations(六紀) governance system focusing on the emperors as the Emperor and people connect directly. So it may be possible Individual human dominance about peoples by the Emperor. As a result, because can govern East Han dynasty for a long time.

기능성 소화불량증 환자에서 자율신경 기능장애에 관한 연구

박동일(Dong Il Park),이풍렬(Poong Lyul Rhee),이용욱(Yong Wook Lee),김지은(Jee Eun Kim),현재근(Jae Geun Hyun),김창섭(Chang Sup Kim),장재권(Jae Kwon Jang),심상군(Sang Goon Shim),성인경(In Kyung Sung),김영호(Young Ho Kim),손희정(Hee Jun 대한소화기기능성질환·운동학회 2000 Journal of Neurogastroenterology and Motility (JNM Vol.6 No.2

N/A Background/Aims : The role of autonomic dysfunction in patients with functional dyspepsia has not been completely understood. The purposes of our study are (1) to prospectively assess the abnormalities of the autonomic function in patients with functional dyspepsia and (2) to assess whether the presence of autonomic dysfunction in patients with functional dyspepsia correlates with the presence of visceral hypersensitivity or with the severity of dyspeptic symptoms. Methods : Twenty eight patients with functional dyspepsia (4 men and 24 women; age range, 29-57) and 14 healthy volunteers without gastrointestinal symptoms (6 men and 8 women; age range, 23-61) were included in this study. All patients and controls were submitted to a battery of five standard cardiovascular autonomic reflex tests and gastric barostat tests. A modified version of the Glasgow Dyspeptic questionnaire was used in this study. Results : (1) Autonomic function tests showed that both sympathetic and parasympathetic scores of dyspeptic patients were significantly higher than those of the control group. (2) Visceral hypersensitivity could be confirmed in some of our dyspeptic patients in response to proximal gastric distension, demonstrating lower pain threshold in this group. (3) We could not find significant association between the presence of autonomic dysfunction and the presence of visceral hypersensitivity or severity of dyspeptic symptoms in patients with functional dyspepsia. Conclusion: Autonomic dysfunction was more prevalent in dyspeptic patients than in the control group. However, it did not correlate with the presence of visceral hypersensitivity or severity of dyspeptic symptoms. It is suggested that a defect in the spinal region or at the CNS level may be a major mechanism of visceral hypersensitivity in functional dyspepsia.

유향(劉向)의 유가철학(儒家哲學)과 그 정치적 함의

박동인 ( Park Dong-in ) (사)율곡연구원 2017 율곡학연구 Vol.35 No.-

The aim of this paper is to search Liu Qin’s the background of the creation of Old-Text scholarship. Because it is impossible to say that any outstanding ideas have become so pronounced that without socio-political background and the backing of the family which is it can do so. That is especially true in situations of the last period of West Han dynasty where the New Text scholarship forms the mainstream. Then, in here I want to look at Liu Qin’s father ‘Liu Xiang's Confucian Philosophy and its Implications for Politics’ that is looked like the most influential influence on that Liu Qin establish of Old-Text scholarship. As a result, Although Liu Xiang is a commentator of the New Text scholarship and a learned recipient Guliang Zhuan which is one of the sacred texts of the New Text scholarship, I found a reason that Liu Xiang was used freely Gongyang Zhuan and Zuo Zhuan which is the elementary canon of other schools, and was free from Jiafa(家法) and 師法(Shifa) which is the characteristics of the New Text scholarship, and Even used freely that all classes of philosophers was regarded as an auxiliary document of six Scriptures of Confucianism. Because, that's not the difference, it is for righting of the declining conditions of the last period of West Han dynasty, and for promote the permanent stability of the Liu regime. The most important thing to him that was the royal family of the Liu regime, is not a school identity as school, Jiafa(家法) and Shifa(師法) but promote the permanent stability of the Liu regime. So In order to erect the rightful emperor that was defeated by eunuch and relatives on the mother's side, he, as reinterpret the existing a natural calamity of yin and yang, set the target of an attack not to the emperor, but to the eunuch and relatives on the mother's side in the grip of the regime. Originally it is that the theory was set up to prevent the dictatorship from Emperor, but he used it block the eunuch and relatives on the mother's side's wriggling. And he, through the people-oriented idea of Weimin(爲民: for the people) and Rengui(人貴: favor a person), set up the structure of both sides of king and people by emphasizing the responsibility of the monarchy than previous anyone else. That is, by way of doing so he made it impossible for the eunuch and relatives on the mother's side to relate to the people. Because that is because he believed that could raise the stature of the monarchy about peoples. And Liu Xiang were utilized in accordance with political needs that did not stick to school, Jiafa and Shifa that was the principal trend of the day, but all classes of philosophers, as well as New and Old Text scholarship. This is something that can not be done for a Confucian scholar who cares about the school or the pulse of the school, but Liu Xiang did not care about it. Most important thing to him that was the royal family of Han dynasty was because that was the stability and preservation of the royal family of Han dynasty rather than school orientation, principles, and beliefs. These things had a profound effect on his son Liu Qin who founded the Old Text scholarship. Therefore, his Confucian philosophy can be regarded as has a strong political character.

추연(鄒衍)의 오행상승설(五行相勝說)과 상생설(相生說)의 구조와 함의

박동인(Dong In Park) 철학연구회 2009 哲學硏究 Vol.0 No.84

The goal of this thesis is to study Wu-Xing-Xiang-Sheng-Shuo(五行相勝說) and Xiang-Sheng-Shuo(相生說) which belongs to the Synthesizer of Yin-Yang-Wu-Xing-Shuo: Zou-Yan(鄒衍). This will entail the study of his original intention and the limitations of his thought. The reason why Zou-Yan is known as the Synthesizer of Yin-Yang-Wu-Xing-Shuo is because Wu-Xing-Xiang-Sheng-Shuo and Xiang-Sheng-Shuo was existent before his time, albeit in a rough form. Wu-Xing-Xiang-Sheng-Shuo was already referred to in Zuo-Zuan(左傳), Mo-Zi(墨子), and Sun-Zi-Bing-Fa(孫子兵法). And Xiang-Sheng-Shuo was already referred to in the four books of Guan-Zi` Ji-Xia-Yin-Yang-Jia(稷下陰陽家). Zou-Yan logically recomposed and refined these existing theories. Also, the reason why not only Wu-Xing-Xiang-Sheng-Shuo which being considered as Zou-Yan`s theory but also Xiang-Sheng-Shuo as his is because if we refer to the extant writings of scholars` records which attribute statements to Zou-Yan, it is clear that there was also Xiang-Sheng-Shuo in Zou-Yan` thoughts. There is intention to Zou-Yan`s formulation of Wu-Xing-Xiang-Sheng-Shuo and Xiang-Sheng-Shuo; that is, Wu-Xing-Xiang-Sheng-Shuo supplies Yi-Xing-Ge-Ming(易姓革命)`s justification(正當性) for Zhu-Hou-Wang(諸侯王) to have such power, ability, and moral character which can unify the whole country(天下). Likewise, Xiang-Sheng-Shuo restricts the emperor`s unilateral actions and constructs a safe rule-system once the whole country(天下) is unified. Nevertheless, Zou-Yan`s Wu-Xing-Xiang-Sheng-Shuo(五行相勝說) has serious limits. That is, according to Zou-Yan`s frame of argument, in heaven(nature) there is a fixed period. Therefore, if the fixed period was filled, movement of heaven moves onto the next De(德, virtue). This problem is produced by applying the movement system of heaven(nature) to history of man in the same way. So, to the emperor who unified the whole country, it would be difficult to call for Wang-Dao-Zheng-Zhi(王道政治), De-Zhi(德治), and Shan-Zheng(善政). Because of these defects which Zou-Yan`s thought has, in the beginning of Han-dynasty, not only Dong-Zhong-Shu(董仲舒) endorsed Yin-Yang-Wu-Xing-Shuo but also made plans to carry out improvements on its limitations.

중증 궤양성 대장염에서 치료 성적의 예측인자와 Cyclooxygenase - 2 발현과의 관계

박동일(Dong Il Park),김영호(Young Ho Kim),성인경(In Kyung Sung),이용육(Yong Wook Lee),이준행(Jun Haeng Lee),김지은(Jee Eun Kim),현재근(Jae Geun Hyun),장재권(Jae Kwon Jang),손희정(Hee Jung Son),이풍렬(Poong Lyul Rhee),김재준(Jae J . K 대한소화기학회 2001 대한소화기학회지 Vol.38 No.1

Background/Aims: Percutaneous endoscopic gastrostomy (PEG) has been widely performed for patients who require prolonged tube feeding support. A retrospective study was conducted to evaluate the complications of PEG and determine the predictors of wound infection. Methods: Medical records of 144 cases of PEG that was per- formed between January 1996 and June 2000 were reviewed to examine the types and frequency of complication, difference in wound infection rates according to age, sex, and underlying diseases. We also analyzed the effects of antibiotics prophylaxis on wound infection and the result of culture from wound infection site. Results: In 28 of 144 PEG cases (19.4%), several complications developed after procedure. Wound infection was the most common complication and occurred in 22 of 144 cases (15.3%) and Pseudomonas aeruginosa was the most common pathogenic microorganism. Other complications included bleeding from gastrostomy site, stomal leaks, and gastroesophageal reflux. There was no statistical difference in wound infection rates according to underlying diseases and antibiotics prophylaxis. However, wound infection developed more frequently in diabetes patients (p<0.05). Old age and underlying diabetes were predictors for developing wound infection after PEG in multiple logistic regression analysis. Conclusions: Old age and DM can be predictors of wound infection associated with PEG. (Korean J Gastroenterol 2001;38:23-28)

정현(鄭玄)의 참위이해(讖緯理解)와 그 사회·정치적 함의 - 감생제설과 우주생성론을 중심으로 -

박동인 ( Park Dong In ) (사)율곡연구원 2021 율곡학연구 Vol.44 No.-

The purpose of this study is to find out the understanding of Chen-Wei of ZhengXuan who lived in the end of East-Han dynasty and its socio-political mplications. My initial problem was that ZhengXuan, a great Confucian scholar who synthesized Han dynasty's New-Text and Old-Text Scholarships, why did he comment on scriptures with Chan-Wei-Shuo and the Chan-Wei-Books?“ This is because ZhengXuan's Chen-Wei comments and the understanding of Chen-Wei use seemed to be a factor in fading the Confucian of ZhengXuan. However, as a result of the study, it was discovered that ZhengXuan had a socio-political reason for annotating the scriptures with Chen-Wei and annotating the Chen-Wei books. First of all, ZhengXuan lived in a Confucian country where scriptures were used to determine national significance since the West-Han dynasty. However, it was because the contents of the scriptures alone could not actively respond to the diversifying social and political demands. And since WangMang, who founded the Xin dynasty as Chen-Wei, and GuangWuDi, who founded the East-Han dynasty, highly respected Chen-Wei, many people in the East-Han dynasty era, from the royal princes to the common people, have turned to Chen-Wei. Because it took precedence over the scriptures. This is because Chen-Wei-Shuo was more useful in persuading the people because the people respected Chen-Wei as Nei-Xue. In addition, as the young emperor repeatedly ascended the East-Handy era, relatives on their maternal side and eunuchs prevailed, and the people's livelihood was devastated by their tyranny. In ZhengXuan's view, Chan-Wei-Shuo was the most useful means to defend the absolute right of the emperor from the tyranny of the relatives on their maternal side and the eunuchs and to guarantee the legitimacy of Liu-Han dynasty's regime in this situation. This is the reason why ZhengXuan was interested in Gan-Sheng-Di-Shuo, Wu-Xing-Xiang-Shuo, and the cosmologies of Dao-Qi-Er-Yuan-Lun, which I dealt with in this text. In the Chen-Wei books, there are many unusual birth stories about the Shou-Ming monarch, the saint, and the teachers of the Shou-Ming monarch, and these are the birth stories of King FuXi, HuangDi, Yao, and Tang. Of course, the Chen-Wei books emphasized the unique birth story of these Shou-Ming monarchs to indirectly guarantee the legitimacy of Han-Gao-Zu Liu Bang's founding of Han dynasty and the legitimacy of the Liu-Han regime's people's rule. The reason the birth of KongZi was mythized is because he saw that he devised the system for the Han dynasty. ZhengXuan used this Gan-Sheng-Di-Shuo from the Chen-Wei books as it was for his commentary on the scriptures. A representative example of this is the section of Mao-Shi「Shang-Song·Xuan-Niao」. While commenting on 「Shang-Song·Xuan-Niao」, ZhengXuan accepted the story of the birth of Xia(契), the progenitor of King Tang, based on Chan-Wei-Shuo, unlike Mao-Shuan. And, like Chan-Wei-Shuo, he recognized King Tang as a Shou-Ming monarch born in response to Hei-Di. This was because it became the logic to defend Wu-Xing-Xiang-Shuo, which was desperately requested by the government at the end of the East Han dynasty. Meanwhile, ZhengXuan also accepted Dao-Qi-Er-Yuan of Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du through Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du Shang and Xia. Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du fuses the cosmology of Taoism and Zhou-Yi to distinguish Tao-Yi from metaphysics and Tai-Chu(Qi), Tai-Shi(Xing), and Tai-Su(Zhi) from metaphysics. At that time, the Dao-Qi-Er-Yuan-Lun’s theory of cosmogenesis was used to mystify ‘Dao’, the first place of cosmic generation, to secure the absolute authority of the emperor corresponding to that position socially and politically. Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du applies this principle as it is, and by separating the seat of 'Tai-Yi' from the rest, it defends the absolute right of the emperor. This is the reason why ZhengXuan accepted Dao-Qi-Er-Yuan-Lun as originally intended in commenting on Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du. However, ZhengXuan did not stop there and reconstructed the logical process of universe creation much more precisely than Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du. Whereas Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du mentions only the numbers one, seven, and nine, which are Yang's numbers, ZhengXuan goes one step further, two(二), six(六) and eight (八) which are Yin’s numbers, are inferred. And by revealing that Qi(氣) is always operating in the undercurrent not only in the Tai-Chu state, but also in the stages of Tai-Shi(Xing) and Tai-Su(Zhi), all beings are created by the two Qi of Yin and Yang. Because it was discovered that they exist. In this way, Zhengxuan's Yi-Wei-Gan-Zao-Du’s commentary can be evaluated as achieving both political and philosophical objectives.