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      • KCI등재

        아동문학가 박아지 연구

        류덕제(Ryu, Duck-jee) 국어교육학회 2016 국어교육연구 Vol.60 No.-

        An argument that Park Jaecheong(박재청) is the actual name for Park Ahji(박아지),a writer who is also known as the "Farmer Poet",has been made. If true, the author will be newly credited to nearly 480 pieces of Sijo(時調) and a number of other poetries, thereby significantly affecting recent appraisal of his works and demanding the existing studies a major change. Following research has confirmed that two men,Park Il(박일) and Park Jaecheong have assumed the pen-name Park Ahji(朴芽枝) during their literary career in Japanese colonial era and post-liberation days. A number of materials on children"s literature which prove Park Il to be Park Ahji"s real name and confirm Myeongcheon district of Hamgyeong province as his hometown currently remain not referred to. Using these materials, this paper aims to substantiate the disputed identity of writer Park Ahji. Furthermore, it explores his yet unmentioned children"s literary work. 23 pieces, ranging across children"s poem, juvenile novel,children"s play, and essay, have been identified, five of which only the titles are available. They were published constantly from around 1927, when he started his career, to before his defect to North Korea. The publications were printed on magazines such as ‘Byeolnara(『별나라』)’, ‘Shinsonyeon(『신소년』)’, ‘Saebeot(『새벗』)’, and, after the liberation, Byeolnara’s continuation of publication and ‘Saedongmu(『새동무』)’, most of which were proletariat children’s literature-oriented media. Park Ahji’s children’s literature does not explicitly depict class conflict or hatred that was common in ‘Bulbyeol(『불별』)’, the model proletariat children’s literary collection of the Japanese colonial period. However, a proletariat cognition of the colonial nation’s reality is present. Through poetic figuration, his effort to depict the reality of class and the nation is shown evidently.

      • KCI등재

        『아이생활』 발간 배경 연구

        류덕제(Ryu, Duck-jee) 국어교육학회 2022 국어교육연구 Vol.- No.80

        일제강점기에 발간된 아동문학 잡지 중 『아이생활』은 다른 잡지와 달리 18년간 통권 202호(?)나 발간하였다. 지금까지 『아이생활』은 〈조선주일학교연합회〉와 〈조선야소교서회〉를 중심으로 서양 선교사들이 앞장서고 재정적인 문제까지 감당한 것으로 알려져 왔다. 그러나 이는 사실이 아니거나 과장된 것이다. 발행인에 선교사들의 이름이 들어 있으나, 잡지 발간의 중심적인 역할은 대부분의 기간 동안 조선인 목사 정인과가 떠맡았다. 잡지 경영의 의사결정 기구인 이사회도 대부분 조선인 목사들로 구성되었고, 아이생활사의 직원 역시 조선인들이었다. 〈조선주일학교연합회〉와 〈조선야소교서회〉로부터 재정적인 후원을 받기도 했으나, 그 기간은 1930년 10월경부터 1936년 10월경까지 6년 정도에 그쳤고 후원 규모도 발간 경비의 절반에 미치지 못했다. 창간 당시재정 문제는 조선인 목사들과 신도들의 사우 주금으로 해결했고, 〈조선주일학교연합회〉와 〈조선야소교서회〉의 후원이 끊어진 뒤에도 역시 사우들의 주금과 조선인 독자들로 이루어진 〈아이생활사후원회〉의 회비와 광고 등으로 해결해 나갔다. 사우 주금 모금에 선교사들도 있었으나 그 숫자는 조선인들에 비해 극히 일부분에 불과했고 주금 약정 액수 또한 마찬가지였다. 결론적으로 말해, 『아이생활』의 창간과 이후 발간에 있어 중심적인 역할은 조선인 목사와 신도들이 감당했고, 부분적으로 선교사들의 도움이 있었다고 정리할 수 있다. 〈조선주일학교연합회〉는 잡지 발간의 매개 역할을 하였고, 〈조선야소교서회〉가 후원을 하였으나 이 두 단체가 직접 주도적인 역할을 했다고 보는 것은 사실에 부합하지 않는다. In publishing a magazine, it is crucial to secure the human and financial resources to manage its editing and operation. In the 1920s to 30s’ upsurge of children’s literature magazines, the reason why so many discontinued prematurely as so-called “Issue Three Magazines” is largely because the necessary human resources and financial foundation had not been secured. Unlike other children’s literature magazines during the Japanese colonial period, The Child Life managed to publish a total of 202 issues(?) over the course of 18 years. In the context of Japanese colonial period, in addition to human and financial problems, there was the added difficulty of censorship, which makes the continuance of The Child Life that much more meaningful. Until now, The Child Life has been known to have been led and funded by Western missionaries, mainly the Korea Sunday School Association(KSSA) and the Christian Literature Society of Korea(CLSK). This is a misperception. The Child Life was founded when missionaries and Korean pastors came together after the 2nd Chosun Sunday School Conference in October 1925. The publishers include the names of missionaries, but these people did not play a central role in publishing the magazines. For most of the time, the overall work of publishing was undertaken by the Korean pastor Jeong In-gwa. The board of directors, which was the directing organization in operating the magazine, was also mostly composed of Korean pastors, and the employees of The Child Life were also Koreans. As for the finances, The Child Life did receive sponsorship of the KSSA and CLSK. However, the period during which this happened was only about six years, from October 1930 to October 1936. At the time of its inception, financial problems were resolved through Korean pastors and believers’ colleague stocks. Even once the sponsorship of KSSA and CLSK was cut off, the colleague stocks and membership fees of ‘The Child Life Support Association’ resolved the financial struggles. There were missionaries among the colleague stock members, but the number was very small compared to the Koreans, and the same went for the amount of the money they raised. Thus, it can be concluded that the central role in creating and subsequently publishing The Child Life was handled by Korean pastors and believers, and the help from missionaries was partial. KSSA was the medium in starting the magazine, and CLSK sponsored it, but it does not meet the fact to say that these two organizations played a direct leading role.

      • KCI등재

        연성흠의 동화구연론과 의미

        류덕제(Ryu, Duck-jee) 국어교육학회 2021 국어교육연구 Vol.- No.77

        일제강점기에 연성흠은 소년단체의 동화회와 경성방송국의 ‘아동시간’을 통해 오랫동안 동화구연 활동에 참여하였다. 활동이 많아지자 동화구연 이론에 대한 연구의 필요성이 요구되었을 것이고, 「동화구연방법의 그 이론과 실제」는 여기에 호응한 것이다. 이 글은 우리나라에서 처음으로 동화구연의 이론과 실제를 살핀 글이다. 도합 19회에 걸쳐 연재한 것으로 동화구연에 관한 여러 가지 내용을 담고 있다. 이론과 실제에 걸쳐 12항목을 논한 다음, 동화구연의 실제에 있어서 7개의 참고사항을 담고 있다. 동화구연에는 형용(몸짓)이 중요한데, 비애, 실망, 공포, 경악, 탄원, 사색, 결단, 감사, 분노, 제지, 조소(嘲笑), 희열, 해학, 감탄 등 14가지나 되는 형용에 대해 자세한 설명을 덧붙여 놓았다. 그러나 이 글은 연성흠이 집필한 것처럼 했지만, 실은 기시베 후쿠오의 저서 『お伽噺の仕方の理論と實際』 (東京: 明治の家庭社, 1909)를 발췌⋅번역한 것이다. 그러나 번역임을 밝히지 않고 자신이 집필한 것처럼 하였다. 그래서 일본의 작품명, 인명과 지명 등은 조선의 것으로 대체하였고, 불가피한 것은 번역하지 않았다. 동화구연에 도움을 주고자 하면 구체적인 작품에다 형용(몸짓)을 부기하고 주의사항을 첨부하여야 한다. 기시베 후쿠오는 「新桃太郞」, 「犬少尉」, 「勇ましき姉妹」, 「あはれな金二郞」 등 4편의 작품을 대상으로 하여 구체적인 형용(身振り)과 주의사항을 꼼꼼하게 제시하였으나 연성흠의 글에는 이 부분이 없다. 번역임이 드러나지 않게 하기 위해서였거나, 조선의 작품으로 대체하여 구체적인 형용과 주의사항을 부기하는 일이 여의치 않았던 것으로 보인다. 번역을 집필로 위장한 것은 바람직하지 않지만 연성흠의 노력에 일정한 평가를 할 부분도 있다. 1922년경부터 1930년대에 걸쳐 당시 조선의 동화구연 열풍은 거셌으나 이렇다 할 이론서나 구체적인 구연 방법에 관한 안내서조차 없는 형편이었다. 이러한 사정을 타개하기 위해 비록 기시베 후쿠오의 저서를 저본으로 하였지만, 조선의 사정을 감안하여 동화구연의 이론과 실제를 설명하고자 한 점은 평가할 만한 부분이다. 무릇 새로운 문화의 창출은 “양자의 교섭의 결과로서 제3의 자(者)를 산출하는 방향”이라고 한 임화(林和)의 말처럼 앞선 외국의 문화를 이식하면서도 주체적인 노력을 통해 수용하려고 애쓴 것으로 볼 수 있기 때문이다. During the Japanese colonial era, Yeon Seong-heum participated in storytelling activities for a long time through ‘Children’s Time(아동시간)’ from Gyeongseong Broadcasting Station and Storytelling Meeting(동화회) from Boy Associations. Having been as active as Bang Jeong-hwan or Lee Jeong-ho, he published an article on the theory and practice of children’s stories, 「Theory and Practice of Storytelling Methods」. This article is the first article in Korea to examine this topic. Each of the 19 series contains various contents regarding storytelling in about 160 sheets of a squared manuscript paper for 200-characters. After discussing 12 items across both theory and practice, the article contains 7 references regarding the practice of storytelling. Because expressions(body movements) are important in storytelling, he has expounded upon 14 items of sorrow, disappointment, fear, shock, plea, contemplation, determination, gratitude, anger, restraint, jeer, joy, humor, and admiration. However, it turns out that this article is in fact an excerpt and translation of Fukuo, Kishibe’s 1909 book, 『Theory and Practice of Storytelling Methods』(お伽噺の仕方の理論と實際). He replaced Japanese work titles, names and places with those of Joseon, and omitted the translation of irreplaceable names. Famous Japanese old stories such as 「Momotaro」 and 「Hanasakajijii」 have been changed to 「Sun and Moon(해와 달)」 or 「Tale of Heungbu and Nolbu」(흥부 놀부 이야기). The term ‘otogibanashi’(お伽噺) was translated as ‘donghwa’(동화; children’s story) or ‘yetnaliyagi’(옛날이야기; old tales). The term ‘假作話’ was tactfully translated as ‘changjakdonghwa’(창작동화; children’s fictions), but terms like ‘hitokuchibanashi’(一口噺) or ‘rakugo’(落語) which pertain to unique Japanese genres were not translated. Fukuo, Kishibe picked four titles, 「新桃太郞」, 「犬少尉」, 「勇ましき姉妹」, 「あはれな金二郞」 and added specific body expressions and several notes to provide help to actual storytellers. However, Yeon Seong-heum did not translate these parts at all. Perhaps it was in attempt to avoid the disclosure of his plagiarism, or because it was not easy to add specific body expressions and notes for Joseon titles. Nonetheless, there are some areas to credit the efforts of Yeon Seong-heum. From around 1922 to the 1930s, many people in Joseon narrated children’s stories, and readers responded greatly. However, there were no books of theory or guides on specific methods of storytelling. In order to overcome such circumstances, Yeon Seong-heum took Fukuo, Kishibe’s work as his writing, but tried to offer an explanation based on Joseon’s titles. As Imhwa(임화) has said, the creation of a new culture goes “in the direction of producing a third party as a result of bilateral negotiations”. Yeon Seong-heum’s attempt to transplant the advanced foreign culture while applying independent efforts is therefore noteworthy.

      • KCI등재

        엄필진의 『조선동요집』과 아동문학사적 의미

        류덕제(Ryu, Duck-Jee) 한국어문학회 2020 語文學 Vol.0 No.149

        엄필진의 『조선동요집』을 아동문학사적 관점에서 살펴보고자 하였다. 책의 제목처럼 ‘동요집’인가 여부, 직접 채록 여부 등을 두루 따져봤을 때, ‘최초의 동요집(민요집)’이라고 한 지금까지의 문학사적 평가는 일정 부분 수정되어야 한다. 첫째 수록 작품의 대부분이 ‘동요’라고 할 수 없다는 점, 둘째 직접 채록임을 내세웠지만 수록 ‘동요’의 절반 이상이 『동아일보』의 ‘지방동요란’에 투고된 것을 채록자(투고자)의 이름을 감추고 수록하였다는 점, 셋째 투고자가 밝힌 전승지역을 임의로 바꾸었거나, 창작동요를 전래동요로 둔갑시킨 점 등이 그 이유다. 가장 이른 시기에 간행되었다는 사실에 너무 의미를 부여한 나머지 곧바로 문학사적 가치를 고평하는 것은 옳지 않다. 직접 채록을 기정사실화하고, 채집지를 확인하지도 않은 상태에서 내린 ‘최초의 동요집(민요집)’이라고 한 문학사적 가치 평가는 부당하기 때문이다. 다만 이러한 종류의 책으로서 최초로 발간된 동요집(민요집)인 것은 분명하다. 흩어져 있던 동요(민요)를 모아 책으로 간행함으로써, 이 책이 발간된 후 신문 매체가 동요 보급을 할 수 있도록 한 점, 후대의 동요(민요) 수집에 토대 자료로서의 기능을 한 점 등은 그 공을 인정받아야 할 것이다. The appraisal of Eom Pil-jin’s Joseon Children’s Song Collection as “the first children’s song collection” needs to be partially revised. Not only does it hide the names of original song writers, but it also arbitrarily alters the region in which the songs were transmitted. Scholars had hastily praised the book’s literary and historical values, focusing only on the fact that it was published so long ago. Nevertheless, to consider the book “the first children’s song collection” is undeserving since the process of identifying and double-checking of the songs’ region of transmission and original song writers was omitted. However, the book certainly was the first children"s and folk song collection of its kind to be published. Joseon Children’s Song Collection should be recognized for its contributions to collecting scattered children’s songs (folk songs), enabling newspaper media to spread songs widely, and for the fact that it served as a groundwork for later collections of later folk songs.

      • KCI등재후보

        대구 지역 아동문학 연구

        류덕제(Ryu, Duck-Jee) 한국아동청소년문학학회 2012 아동청소년문학연구 Vol.- No.10

        This paper aims to verify about children’s literature in Daegu Area(including Daegu city and Gyeongsangbukdo province). The formation and development of children’s literature in Daegu area was divided 3 phases historically. First, formation of children’s literature in Japanese colonial period by Yoon bokjin, Kim seongdo, Shin gosong, etc. Especially Yoon bokjin created a lot of children’s poetry comparable to Yoon seokjung who was famous as a children’s literature. Shin gosong was also a famous author of children’s literature and a friend of Yoon bokjin, but the trend of literature between Yoon and Shin was very different. Because Shin’s ideology was based on socialism that was pervaded in colonial period of Korea. Second, emancipation period, that is, from 1945 to 1950. This period of children’s literature in Daegu area was reflected by the achievement of Japanese period and recruited new members, like that Choe haetae, Kim jintae, Kim hongseob, Park mokwol and so on. The authors published works at the magazines of 『Adong』 and 『Saessak』 that was typical children’s magazines during that time. Third, the period of ‘The Society of Daegu Children’s Literature’ after 1957. Lee eungchang was at the helm of the society for about 20 years. He supported a lot of children’s authors materially and provided space for symposium. He also promoted rookie authors by children’s literature award? Changju Literature Award ? that he established. Now, researchers about children’s literature in Daegu area, have to collect research materials and commit a deliberate textual criticism.

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      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        일반논문 : 일제 강점기 계급주의 아동문학의 방향전환론과 작품적 대응양상 연구-<별나라>와 <신소년(新少年)>을 중심으로-

        류덕제 ( Duck Jee Ryu ) 한국문학교육학회 2014 문학교육학 Vol.43 No.-

        The purpose of this thesis is to verify the realization of point and direction of children`s literature movement at the magazine [Byeolnara] & [Sinsonyeon] in Japanese colonial period. Children`s movement was a part of total social movement, and children`s literature movement was the cultural line of children`s movement, and the representative magazine was [Sinsonyeon] & [Byeolnara] of publication media of children`s literature movement. Children`s movement had been changed the direction, along with the establishment of the Choseonsonyeonyeonhaphoe(the Korea Children`s Federation) in 1927. Change of Direction meant the reinforcement of Proletarianism. But there was no evidence at the works of the magazine [Sinsonyeon] & [Byeolnara]. By the way, a lot of works that represented the Proletarianism was published at the magazine [Sinsonyeon] & [Byeolnara] in 1930s. The contents was a life of poverty, night school, family separation, antagonism between the landowner and the tenant farmer, antagonism between the employer and the employee. The Japanese authorities censored these contents but it`s a wide phenomena to expressed the contents at the magazine of children`s literature. In short, there was no coincidence between the theory and work publication at the magazine of children`s literature. The Change of the Direction in theory was around 1927 but the Change of the Direction in works was around 1930.

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