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조선 후기 호적대장 호구차정 원리 ― 언양현 가좌책을 중심으로
金建泰 ( Kim Kuen-tae ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2020 大東文化硏究 Vol.110 No.-
1875년 경상도 언양현 천소동 가좌책에서 원호의 경제력[노비보유, 가옥규모, 농우보유, 경작면적] 수준이 협호보다 낮은 사례를 다수 확인할 수 있다. 이러한 현상은 정부에서 배정한 직역자 수를 채우려면 元戶를 차정할 때 主戶의 신분을 먼저 따져야 했기 때문에 발생했다. 이렇게 호적대장 원호를 차정할 때 주호의 경제력은 부차적 요소로 작용했다. 조선 후기 호구정책은 경제력이 넉넉한 자연가뿐만 아니라 경제력이 열악한 자연가도 원호가 되고, 빈한한 자연가뿐만 아니라 부유한 자연가도 협호나 적외호가 되는 것을 용인하였다. 수령과 色吏들의 탐욕, 즉 조선 후기 지방관아의 부정부패 때문에 빈한한 원호가 호적에 등재된 것이 아니었다. 이 같은 호구정책은 호총이 갑자기 증가한 세조대 이후 정착되었다. 세조대 이후 군역자 폭증으로 군인의 사회적 위상이 추락하게 되자 양인 상층은 군역을 회피하게 되었다. 한편 양인 하층은 군역부담을 견디지 못해 몰락했고, 이는 15세기 후반 이후 노비증가의 주된 요인이 되었다. 이렇듯 세조대 이후 부유한 양인 상층이 적외호로 남고, 빈한한 양인이 원호[군역자]가 되는 현상이 구조화되었다고 할 수 있다. The Gajwachaek (an official document on the household and economic status of each region) of Cheonso-dong, Eonyang-hyeon in the Gyeongsang Province in 1875 displayed many cases in which the economic status of the registered household (wonho), such as their ownership of nobi or farming cattle and the sizes of their houses and farmland, was lower than the economic status of their subordinate household (hyeopho). This was because the social class of the actual household (juho) had to be considered before registering the wonho to meet the number of compulsory laborers set by the government. The records thus showed how the economic status of the actual household was secondary to registering the wonho for household registers. The census policy in the late Chosŏn dynasty made not only relatively wealthy families but also families lacking in economic power become registered households. The policy further allowed wealthy families, other than impoverished families, to be registered as hyeopho or jeokoeho. Impoverished wonho were not registered to the family register because of the greedy local governors and functionaries (saekri), that is, the corruption of the local governments in the late Chosŏn dynasty. Such census policy was set in during the reign of King Sejo when there was a dramatic increase in the number of households. As the number of people who had to serve in the military increased sharply and the social status of the army plummeted after the reign of King Sejo, the higher peasant class began to avoid their military service. The lower peasant class, on the other hand, who were unable to overcome the burden of their military service collapsed, thereby resulting in a sharp rise in the nobi class in the late fifteenth century. Since the reign of King Sejo, the phenomenon of wealthy and higher ranking peasants being registered as jeokoeho and poor peasants becoming the wonho, thereby providing military service, became structuralized.
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김건태(Kim Kuen-Tae) 한국사연구회 2006 한국사연구 Vol.132 No.-
This study has reviewed the compiling process of the hojeok (household registers) through examining the appointing of duty persons and the principles for listing households. The study emphasizes a difference between social realities and their representations in the hojeok in the late Joseon Korea. In looking into social realities of the late Joseon, the hojeok should be used as a prism. In order to access to social realities of the late Joseon, we have to know how such a prism as the hojeok represents them. Just like a prism, the compiling principles for the hojeok functioned to deflect social realities of the time, the knowledge of which is critical to get real picture of the late Joseon society. There was certainly more than one way how natural households (yeonho) were registered as hojeok households(wonho). While the same members from natural household might be divided into different hojeok households, the same hojeok household included different members from natural households. Moreover, the exclusion of natural household members from the hojeok was contingent upon the needs of the time. And, it is incorrect to conclude that all infants were excluded from the hojeok, and that all males were included into the hojeok. Therefore, it is highly skeptical that family forms based on hojeok households correctly represent those of the late Joseon. In addition, the hojeok is misleading in providing real demographic data of the late Joseon Korea. The population size gained through a multiple of number of total hojeok households, or a multiple of average number of household members is not reliable, because the rate of registered population into the hojeok was never constant throughout the late Joseon periods. In fact, the age distribution in the Danseong hojeok varied considerably between the seventeenth, the eighteenth, and the nineteenth centuries.
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이황(李滉)의 가산경영(家産經營)과 치산이재(治産理財)
김건태 ( Kuen Tae Kim ) 퇴계학연구원 2011 退溪學報 Vol.130 No.-
The aim of this article revolves around economic activities of the literati which provide the clue to explore the socio-economic backgrounds on expansion of Chu Hsi`s Neo-Confucianism in the sixteenth century. To obtain this purpose, I analyzed the letters from Yi Hwang family enumerating the passions of Yi Hwang for aggregation fields and paddies, proliferation of Nobi, and Nongjang (agricultural estates). In addition, the letters gave opportunity to search for his recognition for the property based on socio-economic activities and a sense of economy as well. Yi Hwang was not simply satisfied with ownership of lots of the Nobi and fields and paddies, but he also tried to manage the Nongjang effective as well as to enthusiastically acquire Nobi`s fee paid to him (奴婢身貢). By the way, there were not so many literati in the fifteenth century paying much more attention to the management of the Nongjang as Yi Hwang did, because they mainly lived in Hanyang or in provincial Eupchi and received lots of the grains from the Rank Land Law. In other words, it was in the sixteenth century when the literati paid much more attention to the management of the Nongjang by themselves. The reason why the literati in the sixteenth century were inclined to live in rural area as a scholastic landlord was correlated with the expansion of Chu Hsi`s Neo-Confucianism in the whole area. It was likely that Chu Hsi`s Neo-Confucianism was the systematic thought to support the interest of the landlord who wanted to establish the villages in new order. Therefore, my finding in this article is that the existence of the scholastic landlords in rural area triggered the expansion of Chu Hsi`s Neo-Confucianism in all across the country.
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19세기 회계자료에 담긴 실상(實像)과 허상(虛像) -1818∼1945년 전라도 장흥군 용산면 상금리 수원백씨 문계(門契)자료-
김건태 ( Kuen Tae Kim ) 한국고문서학회 2013 고문서연구 Vol.43 No.-
The Suwon Paek Clan at Samgum-ni, Yongsan-myon, Changhung-gun, Cholla Province have kept the linage association (mungye) documents recording its revenues and expenditures since 1816. This study examines the documents from 1818 to 1945. The association clerks in their bookkeeping converted rice into coin value, the converted price of rice not necessarily being equal to the market price. When deciding on the converted price, the clerks referred to the market price of given time. But the converted price did not always correspond to the market price. The Suwon Paek association documents record the transfer of interest income to the next month and the sufficient spending for ancestral worship, thus depicting an idealized clan community where all lineage members live harmoniously, performing ancestral worship in affordable way. The two versions of documents are extant for the period of 1910 to 1914. The compiling of two versions was due to the rumor related to the Japanese colonial project to investigate the conventional Korean economic customs. At the occasion of the project, the rumor was widespread that the colonial authorizes took over the properties possessed by the associations. As a way of preemption, the Suwon Paek lineage association falsified the old documents as if large part of the association land had been sold in 1911, and as if there was no sale of timber from the association mountain.
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18세기 중엽 사노비(私奴婢)의 사회,경제적 성격 -경상도(慶尙道) 안동(安東) 김계리(金溪里) 의성금씨가(義城金氏家) 사례
김건태 ( Kuen Tae Kim ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2011 大東文化硏究 Vol.75 No.-
이 글의 목적은 비교사적 관점에서 조선후기 노비의 사회·경제적 성격을 규명해보려는 데 있다. 이를 위해 18세기 중엽 안동 금계리 의성김씨 노비들의 가족구성 형태, 식량조달 방법, 상전가에 대한 각종 의무, 부세납부 등에 대해 살펴보았다. 의성김씨가 노비들의 성격은 크게 2유형으로 분류된다고 볼 수 있다. 상전과 같은 마을에 거주하는 노비들은 성격이 거의 비슷하다. 생계유지 방법과 상전가에 대한 의무 사항이 다른 경우가 있지만 그 차이는 본질적인 것은 아니었다. 생계를 상전가에 의존하고 있었다고 하는 점에서는 동일하다. 그리고 상전의 의지에 따라 수시로 仰役과 使喚을 오갔기 때문에 이 또한 본질적 차이로 보기 어렵다. 이들은 국가에 부세도 납부하지 않았다. 한편, 상전 마을과 다른 行政里에 거주하는 노비들은 식량을 상전가로부터 보조받는 경우가 없었다. 그들은 자기가 농사지어서 확보한 곡물로 생계문제를 해결해야했다. 상전에게 신공을 납부할 의무가 있었는데, 奴의 신공은 양인남자의 군포와 그 성격이 흡사했다. 다만 婢도 상전가에 신공을 납부했기 때문에 노비들은 양인에 비해 좀더 많은 부담을 졌다고 할 수 있다. 그리고 이들은 국가에서 요구하면 언제든지 호적에 독립호를 구성하여 還穀, 요役, 雜役稅등을 상납해야만 했다. The purpose of this study is to illuminate socio-economic nature of the late-Choson private nobi by adopting comparative perspectives. The late-Choson private nobi, living separated from the master`s household, was a private person subordinated to the master, and at the same time a public person assigned tax duties by the state. Because the state imposed the public duty on the private nobi unilaterally, the master could not remove it on his own. Thus, the public duty practiced by the nobi outside the master`s residence differentiates Choson Korean nobi from Western slave or serf. Defining Choson Korean nobi either slave or serf will lead to obscure the nature of that class. Even though Choson nobi, Western slave, and serf, all existed at bottom of society, differing historical circumstances like the ancient Greek and Roman societies, the European feudal societies, and the southern U.S. before the Civil War resulted in the differentiation of their socio-economic nature. Therefore, by identifying Choson nobi as either Western slave or serf, one may take risk of oversimplifying the diverse historical experiences in the East and West.
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