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李炳鎬 ( Lee Byongho ) 공주대학교 백제문화연구소 2019 백제문화 Vol.0 No.60
이 글은 공주 반죽동 197-4번지와 그 주변에서 출토된 기와 및 소조상 등 출토유물을 분석하여, 그러한 유물들이 기존 백제 사원 연구에서 차지하는 의미를 검토하기 위해 작성되었다. Ⅱ장에서는 반죽동 일대에서 출토된 유물을 소개하고 기술적 특징을 검토했다. 반죽동 출토 와당은 문양의 차이에 따라 원형돌기형과 판단융기형으로 구분할 수 있는데 양자는 와당을 성형하는 방식이나 수키와를 접합하는 기술이 약간 다르다. 암막새의 경우 指頭文과 先端 有段式, 일반적인 암키와가 암막새로 轉用된 것 등 3형식이 있다. 공주 지역에서 처음 발견된 소조상은 소형 파편으로 적갈색을 띠며 태토에 모래가 섞이고 뒷면이 평평하다. 심목을 사용한 흔적이 있고 머리와 몸통을 따로 제작하여 접합했다. 이곳에서는 ‘大通’이 날인된 문자기와, 무령왕릉 벽돌과 동일한 문양전, ‘大通之寺’가 찍힌 고려시대 문자기와 등이 함께 발견되었다. Ⅲ장에서는 이러한 출토자료의 제작시기나 계통, 의미를 검토했다. 원형돌기형과 판단융기형 와당은 남조 梁나라 기와 제작기술의 영향을 받았지만 백제적인 변형을 거친 것이다. 부여·익산의 백제 사원이나 경주 흥 륜사지, 일본 飛鳥寺에서는 최소 두 그룹의 창건와가 확인되는데 대통사에서 그 원형이 확인된다. 지두문 암막새의 경우 북조나 고구려 계통으로 이해되어 왔지만 남조의 영향을 받았을 가능성이 있다. 또 선단 유단식 암막새는 백제 내부의 창안으로 신라나 일본에도 영향을 미친 것으로 보인다. 소조상의 경우 태토나 색깔, 제작기술 등이 부여 정림사지, 南京 지역 소조상과 유사하다. 반죽동 소조상은 출토위치나 공반유물에서 볼 때 웅진기에 속하며, 원래 목탑 내부를 장엄하던 塔內塑像이었을 것으로 보인다. 공주 대통사는 백제적 기술이 구사된 기와를 지붕 재료로 사용한 佛殿과 소조상이 장엄된 木塔이 정연하게 배치된 본격적인 가람으로, 중국 남조와 신라, 일본의 불교문화 교류에서 핵심적인 연결고리가 되는 백제적 사원형의 성립이라는 점에서 의의가 크다. 한편 대통사의 위치는 현재의 대통교에서 공주사대 부고 일대를 가로지로는 동서도로의 북쪽, 고려시대 남북 방향 담장이 확인된 반죽동 330번지의 동쪽에 자리했을 가능성이 높다. This paper was drawn up to check the significance of such materials (i.e., roof tiles and clay-molded objects) as were unearthed from 197-4 Banjuk-dong, Gongju. Chapter II of this paper introduces these items, along with their features. The concave roof-end tiles unearthed from the site are divided into those displaying petal patterns with the end raised sharply and those with embossed petal patterns. The two types show slightly different methods of molding and jointing with convex tiles. There are three types of concave roof-end tiles unearthed: those containing patterns similar to the fingertip, those with a tiered front, and ordinary convex roof tiles-turned convex roof-end tiles. Clay-molded objects first found in Gongju are small, broken, red-brown pieces. The clay used to make them was mixed with sand, and the objects show traces of a wooden core. Their bodies and heads are guessed to have been made separately and jointed together later. Other items also found here include roof tiles displaying the stamped Chinese characters “大通(Daetong)”, patterned bricks similar in design to those found in the tomb of King Muyeol, and roof tiles displaying the stamped Chinese characters “大通之寺(Daetongjisa)” dating from the Goryeo Period. Chapter III checks the timing of the production of the objects found, facts related to them, and their significance. The two types of concave roof-end tiles unearthed are those made by people of the Baekje Period under the influence of craftsmen from the Liang Dynasty during China’s Northern Dynasties period. At least two types of roof tiles are found in Baekje temples left in Buyeo or Iksan, Korea and the site of Heungnyunsa Temple in Gyeongju, Korea and Asukadera Temple in Naran-ken, Japan. It is thought that those found at the site of Daetongsa Temple are their prototypes. The fingertip patterns of concave roof-end tiles are believed to be associated with the Northern Dynasties period of China or Goguryeo, Korea, but they might have also been influenced by those of the Southern Dynasties period of China. As for concave roof tiles with the tiered front, it is guessed that they were first made in Baekje and later influenced those made in Silla or Japan. Looking at the clay-molded objects in terms of their source soil, color, and production skills, they are similar to those found at the site of Jeongnimsa Temple in Buyeo or in Nanjing, China. From the location and the other relics unearthed, those found in Banjuk-dong, Gongju date back to the Ungjin Baeje Period. It is guessed that they were originally internal clay figurines. These objects tell us that Daetongsa Temple in Gongju had a hall where the roof was made with Baekje craftsmen’s own skills and was complete with a wooden pagoda containing clay-molded objects. The fact that it served as a core link between the Buddhist culture of the Southern Dynasties of China and those of Silla/Japan is significant. It is guessed that Daetongsa Temple was located to the north of the curent road between Daetonggyo Bridge and Gongju National University High School and east of 330 Banjuk-dong, where a section of longitudinal fence wall of the Goryeo Period was found.
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李炳鎬(Lee, Byongho) 한국고대사학회 2021 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.- No.104
이 글은 공주에서 발견된 벽돌에 관한 연구사 검토를 바탕으로, 宋山里古墳群에서 발견된 벽돌 명문의 기재 의미를 벽돌의 제작과정이나 벽돌무덤의 축조라는 관점에서 파악해 보았다. Ⅱ장에서는 關野貞와 輕部慈恩 등 초기 연구자들이 공주 출토 벽돌을 처음에는 낙랑 계통이라고 했다가 송산리 6호분 발견 이후 남조 양나라 계통으로 견해를 바꾸는 과정을 추적하였다. 그러한 견해 수정에는 송산리 6호분에서 발견된 각서 명문전의 ‘梁’이라는 글자를 중국 양나라로 해석한 것이 결정적인 계기가 되었음을 지적하였다. Ⅲ장에서는 公州와 樂浪, 南京 출토 벽돌을 비교하여 그 문양이나 제작과정, 사용 방법 등의 차이를 비교하였다. 남조의 영향을 받아 만들어진 공주 출토 벽돌은 낙랑 벽돌과 형태적으로 유사하지만 제작 공정상 차이가 있고, 특히 그것이 사용될 위치를 사전에 고려하여 문양과 문자를 세분하여 제작할 만큼 매우 체계적으로 제작했음을 확인하였다. 나아가 공주출토 벽돌은 남조 벽돌과 마찬가지로 무덤을 축조하기 전부터 나중에 쌓게 될 묘실의 형태나 크기, 사용위치를 구별하여 제작하였고, 각 벽돌의 문양이나 문자는 다른 벽돌과 쉽게 구분하기 위한 일종의 ‘부호’와 같은 것이었음을 재확인하였다. Ⅳ장에서는 송산리 6호분과 무령왕릉 출토 각서 명문전을 새롭게 해석해 보았다. 먼저 송산리 6호분의 ‘梁宣以爲師矣’명 벽돌에 보이는 ‘梁宣’을 ‘양나라 사람 선’으로 해석하지 않고, ‘양선’ 자체를 인명으로 보아 ‘梁宣이 師였다’로 해석해 보았다. 이때의 師는 ‘벽사’나 ‘博士’처럼 벽돌을 전문적으로 제작하는 기술계 관료를 가리키는 용어이다. 또 무령왕릉의 ‘⊏⊐士壬辰年作’에 대해서도 ‘士’를 인명의 일부로 보고 ‘아무개[⊏⊐士]가 壬辰年(512)에 만들다’로 해석하였다. 송산리 6호분이나 무령왕릉에서 출토된 각서 명문전은 벽돌을 제작한 공인의 이름을 밝혀 책임 소재를 명확히 하기 위한 일종의 문서와 같은 것으로 생각된다. This paper attempts to ascertain the meaning of the inscriptions on the bricks unearthed from the ancient tombs in Songsan-ri, Gongju based on a secondary review of the research on ancient bricks found in Gongju. Chapter II of this paper sheds light on the process by which early researchers such as Sekino Tadashi and Garube Jion changed their view about the origin of the bricks unearthed in Gongju, i.e. from Lelang to Liang of the Southern Dynasties of China, after the discovery of Tomb No. 6 in Songsan-ri. Their change of view was based on the Chinese character “梁” (Liang) inscribed on the bricks unearthed from the tomb. Chapter III compares the patterns, production processes, and uses of the bricks unearthed in Gongju, Lelang, and Nanjing. The author observes that the bricks unearthed in Gongju, which were produced under the influence of the Southern Dynasties, are similar in appearance to those unearthed in Lelang, but were made with a different production process. However, both types of bricks appear to have been made very systematically, with much consideration given to the places where they would be used in choosing the decorative patterns and the inscribed characters. Furthermore, the bricks unearthed in Gongju were made in consideration of the shape, size, and location of the burial chamber to be built later, as were those dating from the Southern Dynasties of China. It is also evident that the decorative patterns and inscribed characters were something like a “sign” used to distinguish the bricks from each other. Chapter IV attempts to interpret anew the characters inscribed on the bricks unearthed from Tomb No. 6 of Songsan-ri and the Tomb of King Muryeong. With regard to Tomb No. 6, an attempt has been made to interpret the character “梁宣” inscribed on a brick as “Liangxuan”, i.e. “a person named Liangxuan,” instead of the previous interpretation, i.e. “Xuan, a person from Liang”. In fact, the Chinese character “師” refers to an engineering official specializing in the production of bricks. As for the expression “⊏ ⊐士壬辰年作” inscribed on a brick found in the tomb of King Muryeong, it is interpreted to mean “Mr.□□(⊏ ⊐士) made it in the year of 壬辰 (Imjin, 512 year).” As such, it is thought that the Chinese characters inscribed on the bricks were intended to mark the names of the workers who produced them – presumably for an unknown future use, such as identifying the person responsible for poor workmanship in the production of bricks.
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李炳鎬 ( Lee Byongho ) 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2018 한국학논총 Vol.49 No.-
문헌기록을 통해 볼 때 고구려, 백제, 신라의 도성들은 공통적으로 주변에 넓은 평야가 전개되어 있는 분지로써 농업이나 수렵, 어업 등 경제적인 호조건을 갖추고, 군사적인 측면에서도 방어에 유리한 조건을 갖추고 있다. 고구려의 경우 주몽이 처음 도읍을 정한 곳은 오녀산성과 졸본이 공존하는 형태로 산성과 평지거점이 세트를 이루고 있었다. 3세기 중엽 이후에는 압록강변의 국내성지와 산성자산성이 세트를 이루고, 427년 평양으로 천도한 전기 평양성 단계에는 대성산성과 청암리토성이 세트를 이루는 도성 체계였다. 586년 장안성으로 천도한 이후 이러한 도성 체계를 하나로 결합시킨 새로운 형태의 도성이 출현하지만 고구려의 도성들은 공통적으로 강변에 입지하고 있는데 이 는 水路를 활용하는 문제가 중시되었기 때문이다. 백제 한성기의 도성은 풍납토성과 몽촌토성이 평지성과 산성의 관계를 유지 하면서 발달한다. 475년 웅진으로 천도한 이후의 왕궁은 공산성으로 생각되지 만 평지 거점의 존재는 알 수 없다. 538년 사비로의 천도는 부소산성과 나성 등 방어시설의 축조가 먼저 이루어지고, 부소산성의 남쪽에 왕궁과 관아시설이 건설되지만 정연한 가로구획은 확인되지 않는다. 백제의 도성제나 입지는 고구려 와 유사하지만 백제의 경우 정원과 관련된 기록과 유구가 확인되는 차이가 있다. 한편 공주 송산리고분군이나 부여 능산리고분군은 입지적인 측면에서 풍수 지리설의 영향이 언급되고 있다. 신라의 경우 5세기 후반부터 월성이 본격적으로 개발되고, 6세기 전반에는 흥륜사나 황룡사와 같은 사원이 건립되면서 도성 내부의 개발이 본격화된다. 이러한 모습은 사비 도성과 유사한 점으로 사원의 조영이 도성의 개발과 유기적으로 연관되었음을 시사한다. 한국 고대의 도성에서 풍수지리설이 반영된 흔적 이 전혀 없지는 않지만, 산과 물, 방위를 중시하는 풍수지리설은 통일신라 말 고려 초 이후부터 보다 더 직접적인 영향이 미치게 된다. Ancient records tell us that the capital castles of the three ancient kingdoms of the Three Kingdoms Period - Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla - were all built near a wide plain that provided favorable conditions for farming, hunting or fishing, as well as for defense. Regarding Goguryeo, its founder King Jumong chose the area where Onyeosanseong Mountain Fortress and a plain of Jolbon existed side by side to serve as the new dynasty’s capital. Around the mid-third century, the kingdom relocated the capital to an area by the Amnokgang River (also known as the Yalu), where the plain of Gungnaeseong and Jasanseong Mountain Fortress coexisted. In 427, the kingdom relocated the capital to Pyeongyang, where Daeseongsanseong Mountain Fortress and Cheongamri Rampart coexisted. In 586, the kingdom relocated the capital to Janganseong. Thereafter, new capital castles were built by combining the foregoing capital castle systems into one. We can see that all of the capital castles of Goguryeo were located in riverside areas, and that the use of water channels was highly important. Turning to Baekje, during the period when Hanseong (present-day Seoul) was its capital, the capital included Pungnaptoseong and Mongchontoseong, which coexisted as a mountain fortress and a castle on a plain. The kingdom relocated its capital to Ungjin (present-day Gongju) in 475. It is presumed that the royal palace was located within Gongsanseong Mountain Fortress, but it is not known whether a plain coexisted with it. Its relocation of the capital to Sabi (present-day Buyeo) in 538 was preceded by the construction of defense facilities like Busosanseong Mountain Fortress and Naseong Castle; and royal palaces and government offices were built to the south of the fortress. However, it is not yet known whether a systematic road network was established there. The locations and the capital castle system of the kingdom were similar to those of Goguryeo, but records and olden-day sites show that the royal palaces of Baekje had extensive gardens, differentiating them from those of Goguryeo. Meanwhile, researchers have pointed to the influence of Feng Shui philosophy in the locations of the groups of tombs in Songsalli in Gongju and Neungsalli in Buyeo, both of which date back to Baekje. As for Silla, Wolseong Castle was established in the late fifth century. By the early sixth century, the castle was being built in earnest, and a number of temples including Heungryunsa and Hwangryongsa were also built at that time. As such, it is presumed that the construction of temples was an important element of the construction of the capital castles in both Silla and Baekje as shown in the example of Sabi. As for the influence of Feng Shui philosophy, we can find a small number of examples of this in the construction of the capital castles of earlier kingdoms, but this philosophy, which attaches importance to mountains, streams, and defense, came to have a more direct influence from the end of the Unified Silla Period and the early Goryeo Period.
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李炳鎬 ( Lee Byong-ho ) 국립중앙박물관 2011 고고학지 Vol.17 No.-
This paper aims to critically review the contents of the survey of temple sites in Buyeo during the Japanese colonial period based on the results of the re-investigations carried out since 1945. Thus, the paper considers the original configuration of temple buildings built during the Baekje Period, in as far as they can be supposed at present, and any changes made to them, as well as the significance and limitations of the surveys of historic sites carried out in the past. The temple sites that were investigated during the colonial period, including those in Gunsu-ri and Dongnam-ri, Jeongnimsa, Busosan Mountain in Buyeo, and Mireuksa in Iksan, are very important historic sites that reveal the layout of the buildings of temples built in the Baekje Period. Besides Mireuksa in Iksan, these temples have an arrangement consisting of one pagoda and one main hall. In the colonial period, Japanese researchers paid particular attention to similarities between the layout of the Baekje temple sites and that of Shitennoji Temple in Osaka, Japan. Therefore, researchers believed that the arrangement of the buildings at Shitennoji Temple was identical to that of Baekje temples in Korea. However, the results of excavation of Baekje temples, including Jeongnimsa, revealed that this was not so in the case of ancillary buildings. Jeongnimsa in Buyeo was the first temple to have been built during the Sabi Baekje Period. Its original shape could be estimated by comparing it with a temple in Neungsan-ri that was built after Jeongnimsa. Temples built at a later date than these, i.e., those in Gunsu- ri, Wangheung-ri, and Dongnam-ri, Jeseoksa, Mireuksa, and Busosan Mountain, show chronological changes in the building plan of the temples. In this respect, the building arrangement for Baekje temples built during the Sabi Baekje Period can be referred to as the Jeongnimsa-style temple plan. During the colonial period, most of the surveys of historic sites were conducted at tombs in Gyeongju and Pyongyang, where a number of historic remains had been found. The surveys were extended to temples sites in Buyeo in the mid-1930s. The brisk surveys were associated with Japanese scholars' new-found interest in the Asuka culture, amid the controversy over the need to rebuild Horyuji Temple near Nara. These surveys were focused on the finding of similarities between the building plans and artifacts of Baekje temples and those of ancient temples in Japan; hence, it appears that the scholars paid no attention to differences between them. Such a view of Baekje temples on the part of outsiders has been upheld until now. In this context, it is a very important task to study and understand the similarities and dissimilarities between Baekje and Japanese temples.
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