銀行監督院 歸屬問題에 關한 考察

趙熙榮,金桂仁 동국대학교 경영관리연구소 1995 經營經濟論叢 Vol.19 No.-

It is desirable that the Office of Bank Supervision remains in the Bank of Korea. Since it is providing commercial banks with loans as a part of its monetary policy, the Central Bank, as lender of the last resort, has a right to audit and supervise the banks', the debtors', financial conditions. When the financial market is in crisis caused by insolvency of commercial bank, it is the Central Bank that can settle the crisis by supplying money. In order to prevent such crisis and effectively cope with it when it actually occurs, the Central Bank always needs to supervise the soundness and financial management of each commercial bank. In this sense, if and when the Office of Bank Supervision separates from the Bank of Korea, the efficiency of both monetary policy and bank supervision will greatly be undermined. In order to effectively perform its monetary policy, the B.O.K requires prompt and accurate information, and it can get access to such information through proper bank supervision. Furthermore, bank supervision is a technological and specialized work that requires understanding and sense about general banking activities. Therefore, it is efficient the Central Bank is in charge of bank supervision which has accumulated experience and expertise through the process of performing monetary policy. Even though the Office of Bank Supervision separates from the B.O.K, the B.O.K will have to continue to supervise commercial banks by all means. If this happens, therefore, there'll be two separate institutions that are in charge of bank supervision, resulting in increase of social cost. Establishing the Finance Supervisory Board incorporating the Office of Bank Supervision, the the the Security Supervisory Board and the Insurance Supervisory Board may bring on cost reduction by streamlining the organizations and by cutting down manpower. But the merger, however, will bring more loss than gain by causing inefficiency in terms of the function of supervision. When the F.S.B supervises all the three bank, security and insurance businesses whose works are essentially different, its financial criteria may fail to reflect each institution's characteristics and changes in management and environment. Then, it is hard to expect the F.S.B to properly supervise each of the three financial institutions in accordance with its own nature. Despite the recent trend of universal banking system in Korea, the basic divisions of the three financial institutions is highly likely to continue. In this sense, it is strongly suggested that the basic frame of divided and specialized supervising system by maintained. Additionally, there is very few country in the world where one finance supervising institution is in charge of supervising all the bank, security and insurance businesses.

韓國金融制度改編의 基本方向

趙熙榮,金桂仁 동국대학교 경영관리연구소 1991 經營經濟論叢 Vol.15 No.-

During the economic development period in the 1960s and 1970s, the commercial bank system was diversified including the local banks and foreign bank branches. Various specialized banks were established for the purpose of supplying funds to special sectors. Different kinds of non-monetary financial institutions were institutionalized in order to absord curb market funds and to provide diversified financial instruments to the public. As a result, the speciaization or segmentation became to dominate the financial system. The current system however, is but a product of government initiative. The diversification and specialization has proceeded not according to carefully thoughtout plans based on premeditated principles, but according to stop-gap measures of a fire-fighting style. Hence, soume problems are inherent in the current system., The specialized banks established by special laws were supposed to raise their necessary lending resources mainly through borrowing government funds or from overseas, but they are now raising 50-80 percent of their resources through the taking of deposits or the issuing of debentures to the public competing with commercial banks. Therefore, in order to promote the managerial efficiency of the specialized banks and to enhance fair competition between them and the commercial banks. the specialized banks should be denationalized and transformed into commercial banks. With the introduction of some new financial instruments in the first half of the 1980s, each group of financial institutions attempted to expand its business domain: causing some overlapping of business activities, imbalanced competition and blurred compartmentalized boundaries, and as a result the market share of the banks' is lowered. For instance, commercial banks are dealing with some non-intrinsic banking business such as the sale of commercial bills and government and public bonds on repurchase agreements, while some NMFIs, such as the Investment and Finance Companies and the Mutual Savings and Finance Companies, are raising resources through deposit taking or borrowing from other institutions. there is also some overlapping business between the NMFIs and securities companies, and between different types of institutions within the NMFIs. Hence, it is necessary to make a fundamental review or the overall financial system and to restructure it according to the principle of enhancing competition, promoting efficiency, maximizing productivity, providing maximum convenience to the public and securing the sound management of each institution. The general consensus concerning the long-run direction of the restructuring seems to be going toward a universal banking system. In general, a universal banking system has some advantages over a specialized system such as promoting competition, renewaling greater managerial flexibility under the everchanging business environemnt and enabling comprehensive financial service to clients. A universal banking system would be superior to a specialized one, if the economies of scale or the economies of diversification is valid. On the other hand, a universal banking system contains some disadvantages such as the lack of specialization, the possibility of overconcentration leading to monopolistic practices and difficulties of control and supervision. However, although the universal banking style is considered to be the ideal form in the long-run, the cost of transition from the current system has to be taken into account. A radical reform would cause many undesirable side effects in an environment in which banks managerial autonomy is not fully achieved, most interest rates are strictly controlled and NMFIs are still vulnerable to unprotected competition. Therefore, most people support the approach of gradual transformation toward a universal banking system suggesting that the current compartmentalized system should be maintained for some time and subsidiary system should be permitter inherent. Of course the supervision and inspection must be strengthen and adapted too. For the enlarged effect of reform, the gradual deregulation of interest rate is necessary. The desirable order should be; deregulation of the securities market should precede that of the intermediary financial sector; within the intermediary financial institutions, lending rates and long-term rates should be freed earlier than deposit rates and short-term rates.

TS와 GPS에 의한 基準罔의 正確道에 關한 比較硏究

申桂鍾,柳寧杰 충주대학교 산업과학기술연구소 2002 産業科學論文集 Vol.10 No.-

Recently, surveying technology is developing as great. In surveying field, Practical use of GPS measurement technology is increasing. Research about present GPS's practical use is embossed to very important subject in national interests dimension. In this study, Compared with GPS's observed value using existent traverse survey and 3 dimension coordinate measuring instrument for comparison about accuracy of standard net by GPS. Also, execute leveling and a height for each measuring point analyzed comparison.

FDM에서 경사면의 표면과 면적오차법의 관계에 대한 연구

전재억,정진서,황영모,김수광,김준안,계중읍,하만경 한국공작기계학회 2002 한국공작기계학회 추계학술대회논문집 Vol.2002 No.-

In any rapid prototyping process, the layer by layer building process introduces an area error between the staircase and the surface line specified by the computer-aided design model. This affects the dimensional accuracy as well as the surface finish for different part build orientations. This paper describes a methodology for computing the area error for any orientation of the part built by the fused deposition modelling system. This technique can be applied to determine the best build orientation of the part, based on the minimum area error. This technique is verified by comparing the results with the experimental measurements of the area error of the parts built at different orientations.

장서인(藏書印)을 통해 본 동춘당(同春堂) 후손가(後孫家)의 장서 형성 배경

손계영 ( Ke Young Son ) 한국고문서학회 2009 古文書硏究 Vol.34 No.-

빙초산을 탄소원으로한 글루탐산 생성에 관한 연구

유영진(Young Jin Yoo),김택영(Taik Young Kim),박계인(Ke In Park),김기주(Ki Joo Kim),한덕봉(Deok Bong Han),송석훈(Seok Hoon Song) 한국식품과학회 1973 한국식품과학회지 Vol.5 No.4

고문서 용어풀이 : 注紙(奏紙)

손계영 ( Ke Young Son ) 한국고문서학회 2005 古文書硏究 Vol.26 No.-

1516년 金綏 分財記 및 許與斜給立案의 문서 생산 절차와 배경

손계영 ( Ke Young Son ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2012 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.22

본 논문은 16세기 초반 예안 지역에서 작성된 일괄문서 5종이 생산된 배경에 대한 연구이다. 그동안 알려지지 않았던 金綏(1491~1555) 관련 자료라는 측면에서도 중요하지만, 조선전기 異姓繼後의 상황과 재산상속을 면밀히 살필 수 있다는 점에서 주목되는 문서이다. 또한 1516년 노비 상속과 상속의 등록을 위해 작성된 일괄문서라는 점에서도 중요한 자료가 아닐 수 없다. 김유는 1491년 태어난 지 8개월 만에 5촌 고모 김씨(金萬鈞의 부인)에게 收養되어 길러졌으며, 5촌 고모부 김만균이 별세한 이후 김씨 부인의 중풍으로 인해 상속이 추진되었던 1516년에 104구의 노비를 상속받았다. 이때 작성된 분재기에는 이러한 내역이 기록되어 있으며, 상속된 노비의 所從來와 이름이 모두 열거되어 있다. 당시 직계존비속 간의 상속이 아닐 경우에는 관에 신고하여 許與斜給立案을 발급받아야 했는데, 김유 일괄문서 5종은 관의 상속 입증 문서인 허여사 급입안의 발급 과정에서 생산·첨부된 문서들이었다. 즉 김유는 김씨 부인에게 재산을 상속받은 날로부터 2개월 후에 관에 허여사급입안 신청을 하였고, 관에서는 신청서를 접수받은 후 피상속인의 사실관계 확인과 함께, 상속시 증인의 사실관계도 확인받아 진술서를 작성하였다. 확인과 진술이 끝나면 상속받은 노비들이 차후 문제가 없는 노비들인지 노비장부[賤籍]에서 일일이 대조하는 작업을 거쳤고, 所志(입안신청서), 分財記(상속문서), 答通(피상속인 확인서), 招辭(증인·필집 진술서) 등을 허여사급입안과 함께 첨부하여 상속인 김유에게 발급하였다. 이를 통해 지방에서의 효율적인 문서행정과 체계적인 기록방식을 엿볼 수 있었으며, 문서의 발급절차와 법적 효력에 대해 살필 수 있었다. 추후로 이와 같은 재산상속 및 법률적 절차를 설명해 줄 수 있는 조선전기의 중요 자료들이 다양하게 발굴됨으로써 각 사례별 연구가 활성화되기를 기대한다. This article examined how the five-document package, which were made in Yean (禮安) in the early 16th Century, was prepared. The document package is important in that it is an unknown document related to Kim Yu (金綏, 1491~1555) and also is worthy of notice in that it can show in detail the aspects of adopting a wife`s nephew and related property succession. Besides, being a package prepared to register the succession of slaves in 1516, it is an important material. Kim Yu, born in 1491, was adopted to his father`s female cousin, Mrs. Kim, who is the wife of Kim Man-gyun (金萬鈞) when he was 8 months old. Kim Man-gyun died and his wife, Mrs. Kim, had a stroke. So Mrs. Kim carried out succession and Kim Yu inherited 104 slaves in 1516. In the document of property succession written at that time, such details are recorded together with the origins and names of inherited slaves. At that time, the succession between non-lineal ascendant and descendant should be declared to government office and receive a succession approval document, Heo·yeo·sa·geup·ip·an (許與斜給立案). The five-document package of Kim Yu was those prepared and attached to receive Heo·yeo·sa·geup·ip·an. Kim Yu applied for Heo·yeo·sa·geup·ip·an after 2 months from the day he inherited property from Mrs. Kim. And the government office checked the fact relevance of inheritee and collected statements from the witnesses of succession. After the check and statement collecting, the office compared the inherited slaves with Cheon·jeok (賤籍, slaves register) one by one to find out any potential cause of problems. Then, the office issued Heo·yeo·sa· geup·ip·an with Soji (所志, application), Bunjaegi (分財記, property succession document), Daptong (答通, Affirmation of inheritee) and Chosa (招辭, statement of witness) to inheritor Kim Yu. The package showed the effective document administration and recording system of local government, and document issuing procedure and their legal effects at that time. If other materials were found and could explain the property succession and legal procedure of the early Joseon period, it would boost additional researches on many cases.

19세기 관아의 주방과 수령의 음식

손계영 ( Ke Young Son ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2010 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.17

이 논문은 조선시대 지방 관아에 거주하는 수령 및 관아를 찾아오는 公私賓客들이 먹었던 음식은 어디에서 관리·제공되었는지에 대한 의문에서 비롯되었다. 지방에 부임한 수령에게는 매일 관아의 주방[官廚]에서 식사를 제공하였고, 빈번하게 관아를 찾아오는 손님들에게도 예외 없이 관주에서 식사가 제공되었다. 또한 고을의 백성들과 관아의 官屬들도 관주의 음식을 제공받기도 하였다. 관주는 어떤 곳이고 어떤 기구에 소속되어 있었는지, 관주의 위치와 그 규모는 어떠하였는지를 19세기 영남지역 수령이었던 吳宖默(1834~1906)의 사례를 통해 살펴보았다. 또한 관주의 담당자는 누구이며 관주에서 관리하였던 물품의 범위 등에 대해서도 다루었다. 무엇보다도 수령의 사적 영역으로 인식되었던 관주의 공적 기능에 대해 언급함으로써 관주가 수령의 통치에 중요한 도구였음을 살펴보고자 하였다. 조선시대 수령의 음식을 만들었던 관아 주방인 관주의 모습을 추적해 보면, 관아의 음식을 담당하였던 독립 기구는 `官廳`이었다. 관청은 실질적으로 요리를 하였던 장소였고 음식과 관련된 주방물품 및 식재료를 관리하였던 기구였다. 즉 지방 관아에는 관청이라는 별도의 건물이 있어 관아 내부의 식생활과 관련된 업무를 담당하였고, 관주는 관청 건물의 부엌 공간을 구체적으로 표현한 용어였던 것이다. 관주의 음식은 수령의 식생활과 밀접하게 관련되어 겉으로는 지극히 사적인 성격이 강하지만, 중앙에 있었던 왕의 시혜를 지방 백성의 말단 조직에까지 베풀었던 매개체였으며, 수령이 고을민과 관속들을 다스리기 위한 통치 수단으로 사용되었던 공적 기능도 동시에 갖고 있었다. 수령은 관주의 음식을 이용해 勸農ㆍ勸學등 수령의 업무를 수행하였고 忠孝烈을 장려하는 등 고을민들에게 적절한 보상과 격려를 함으로써 수령의 또 다른 통치방식의 일면을 보여주었다. 또한 지나친 공사 빈객의 접대는 감사의 대상이었고 수령의 私賓인 경우에도 야박한 접대는 수령의 역할을 다하지 못한 것으로 보았다. 결론적으로 말하자면 公과 私의 경계에 있었던 관주의 영역은 관주의 음식을 대하는 主賓의 의식 속에 公明한 윤리의식이 내재되어 있음으로 인해 그 균형을 이룰 수 있었던 것이다. This thesis began as an attempt to answer the question: Where the food offered to the governors who resided at the local government office and to public and private guests who visited the government office has been managed? A newly-appointed local governor was served food at Gwanju (官廚, the government office`s kitchen) everyday, and the guests who frequently visited the government office was also served at Gwanju. Besides, the district people and the office`s functionaries and clerks were provided with food from Gwanju. What kind of place was the Gwanju, which organization Gwanju was attached to, and other details such as location and scale were examined by considering the case of Hoeng-Muk Oh (1834-1906) who was a governor of Yeongnam region (Gyeongsang-do) in 19th century. The matters such as who was in charge of the Gwanju and the range of the goods managed at the Gwanju were also covered. First of all, by mentioning the public functions of the Gwanju which had been recognized as the private domain of the local governor, I attempted to see that the Gwanju was a critical tool for the governor`s administration. Tracing the figure of the Gwanju that prepared the food for local governors of the Joseon Government, the independent organization in charge of preparing the food for the office was `Gwancheong (官 廳)`. The Gwancheong was an organization that did the actual cooking and managed kitchen utensils and food. That is, the local government office had a separate building called Gwancheong in charge of operations relating to the dietary life of the office, and the Gwanju was a term describing the cooking space in the Gwancheong building concretely. Although the food at the Gwanju, closely connected to the dietary life of the governors, was more of a private nature outwardly, it was the medium that delivered the central dispensation of King down to the low-level organizations of local people while having a public function which the local governors used as a governing means to control the county people, functionaries and clerks. The governors conducted his operations such as the encouragement of agriculture and education by using the food at Gwanju and showed another side of his government while encouraging loyalty, filial piety and chastity and giving the proper reward to the county people. Besides, excessive entertaining of public and private guests was subject to inspection and even for a private guest for the governor, poor entertaining was regarded as the neglect of his duties. In conclusion, the domain of Gwanju lying on the boundary between public and private could be balanced by fair ethics permeating the consciousness of the host and honored guests who received the food of Gwanju.

『성재선생문집간소용하기(性齋先生文集刊所用下記)』를 통해 본 19세기 후반 문집 간행과정과 간행비용 분석

손계영 ( Ke Young Son ) 한국고문서학회 2015 古文書硏究 Vol.46 No.-

조선시대 서책 출판에 있어 대표적인 인쇄방식에는 활자 인쇄와 목판 인쇄를 들 수 있는데, 목판인쇄는 나무판에 책의 내용을 새기는 책판 제작 과정이 핵심이라고 할 수 있다. 책판 제작의 과정과 배경을 살펴볼 수 있는 자료로 ‘刊役日記’, ‘刊役用下記’, ‘通文’, ‘執事記’ 등의 고문서를 꼽을 수 있는데, 본 논문에서는 책판 간행에 소요되었던 지출내역을 기록한 ‘간역용하기’에 주목하였다. 조선시대책판 제작시 작성된 ‘간역용하기’는 여러 사례가 남아 있지만 이에 대한 연구가 전무하다고 해도 과언이 아니다. 본 연구에서는 여러 사례 가운데 1889년 경남 단성에서 性齋許傳(1797~1886)의 문집 17책을 간행할 당시 작성되었던 性齋先生文集刊所用下記 를 분석하여 문집 간행과정과 간행비용을 살펴보았다. 본 논문에서는 이 경남 단성 법물리 김씨 性齋集 문중에서 간행하게 된 배경에 대해 다루었으며, 목판본 문집 간행 과정에서 작성되었던 장부인 ‘간역용하기’의 성격, 문집 간행 과정에서 소비되었던 막대한 비용, 지출 내역을 통해 본 당시의 상황, 간행작업에 필요한 물품과 資材, 작업에 투입된 인력들의 월급과 휴가 양태, 간행을 위한 당시 수입금과 지출금의 규모 등을 살펴보았다. 이를 통해 19세기후반 경남지역에서 17책의 문집 간행을 위해 약 170마리의 소값이 소요되었던 대규모 작업이 이루어졌음을 알 수 있었다. Movable type printing and wood block printing are representative printing methods used to publish books during the Joseon Dynasty, and the core process of wood block printing was making printing blocks, namely, engraving wood blocks with the contents of the book. Old historical manuscripts showing the process and background of printing block making include Gan·yeok·yil·gi (刊役日記), Gan·yeok·yong·ha·gi (刊役用下記), Tong·mun (通文), and Jip·sa·gi (執事記), and this study focused on Gan·yeok·yong·ha·gi, which recorded expenditures spent on the publishing of wooden printing blocks. There are several cases extant that Gan·yeok·yong·ha·gi was written for the publishing of wooden printing blocks in the Joseon Dynasty, but few studies have been made on the literature. This study examined the process and expenditure of anthology publishing by analyzing Gan·so·yong·ha·gi for Seongjae`s Anthology (性齋先生文集刊所用下記), which was written when Heo Jeon`s (許傳, 1797~1886) anthology was published in Danseong(丹城), Gyeongsangnam-do(慶尙南道) in 1889. This study discussed the background of the publishing of Seongjaejip (性齋集) by Kim`s family at Beopmul-ri(法勿里) in Danseong, Gyeongsangnam-do, and examined the characteristics of Gan·yeok·yong·ha·gi, which was the account book kept on the process of publishing the wood block print anthology, the huge amount of money spent on anthology publishing, the situation in those days conjectured from the details of the expenditure, goods and materials required in the publishing work, wages and leaves provided to the involved workers, incomes and expenses related to the publishing, etc. We conclude that publishing a 17 volume anthology in the Gyeongsangnam do area during the 19th century - - was a large-scale project with an amount equivalent to 170 heads of cattle required.